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BackgroundEmerging research and theorizing suggest that emotion controllability beliefs (ECBs: beliefs about the extent to which emotions can be controlled) play a major role in youth depression and anxiety, via their influence on emotion regulation. This model has critical implications for basic science and practice. Yet, no systematic review of this emergent body of research has been undertaken. We provide such a review, focusing on the extent to which ECBs are associated with youth anxiety and depression, and the underlying mechanisms accounting for these links. MethodsA systematic search of the affective and clinical sciences literature identified 19 peer-reviewed publications that met our inclusion criteria. In addition, two panels were established to provide expert input on the different stages of the review: a panel of young people with lived experience of anxiety or depression and a clinician panel. FindingsThe reviewed studies indicated that greater ECBs were associated with fewer symptoms of anxiety and depression, in part because these beliefs were associated with a greater likelihood of engaging in adaptive emotion regulation strategies (e.g., reappraisal). ConclusionThe findings of this systematic review support current theoretical models linking ECBs with anxiety and depression via emotion regulation strategies that target emotional experience, such as reappraisal. In contrast, and also consistent with theory, there was little support for strategies that target emotion expression (e.g., suppression) as a mediator. Although there is evidence consistent with the view that ECBs exert a causal influence on anxiety and depression in young people, experimental and intervention studies are needed to more robustly test causal hypotheses. Future work is also needed to fully understand the influence of age, gender, and culture.

Initiation of anticoagulation therapy in ischemic stroke patients is contingent on a clinical diagnosis of atrial fibrillation (AF). Results from previous studies suggest thromboembolic risk may predate clinical manifestations of AF. Early identification of this cohort of patients may allow early initiation of anticoagulation and reduce the risk of secondary stroke.This study aims to produce a substrate-based predictive model using cardiac magnetic resonance imaging (CMR) and baseline noninvasive electrocardiographic investigations to improve the identification of patients at risk of future thromboembolism.CARM-AF is a prospective, multicenter, observational cohort study. Ninety-two patients will be recruited following an embolic stroke of unknown source (ESUS) and undergo atrial CMR followed by insertion of an implantable loop recorder (ILR) as per routine clinical care within 3 months of index stroke. Remote ILR follow-up will be used to allocate patients to a study or control group determined by the presence or absence of AF as defined by ILR monitoring.Baseline data collection, noninvasive electrocardiographic data analysis, and imaging postprocessing will be performed at the time of enrollment. Primary analysis will be performed following 12 months of continuous ILR monitoring, with interim and delayed analyses performed at 6 months and 2 and 3 years, respectively.The CARM-AF Study will use atrial structural and electrocardiographic metrics to identify patients with AF, or at high risk of developing AF, who may benefit from early initiation of anticoagulation.

Following on from an earlier paper that emphasized the importance of the concept of labour for understanding the relationship between capital and nature, in this paper I attempt to apply this understanding to the issue of climate change. I criticize approaches that regard climate change as a purely technical issue or economic issue or ecological issue, and distinguish four more broadly political positions, namely: green-growth capitalism, steady-state capitalism, eco-socialism, and open steady-statism. I evaluate each of these positions and show how the labour theory set out in the first paper can be used to arrive at a clearer position.

Purpose Atrial fibrillation is associated with an increased risk of cognitive impairment. It is unclear whether the restoration of sinus rhythm with catheter ablation may modify this risk. We conducted a systematic review of studies comparing cognitive outcomes following catheter ablation with medical therapy (rate and/or rhythm control) in atrial fibrillation. Methods Searches were performed on the following databases from their inception to 17 October 2021: PubMed, OVID Medline, Embase and Cochrane Library. The inclusion criteria comprised studies comparing catheter ablation against medical therapy (rate and/or rhythm control in conjunction with anticoagulation where appropriate) which included cognitive assessment and/or a diagnosis of dementia as an outcome. Results A total of 599 records were screened. Ten studies including 15,886 patients treated with catheter ablation and 42,684 patients treated with medical therapy were included. Studies which compared the impact of catheter ablation versus medical therapy on quantitative assessments of cognitive function yielded conflicting results. In studies, examining new onset dementia during follow-up, catheter ablation was associated with a lower risk of subsequent dementia diagnosis compared to medical therapy (hazard ratio: 0.60 (95% confidence interval 0.42–0.88, p Conclusion The accumulating evidence linking atrial fibrillation with cognitive impairment warrants the design of atrial fibrillation treatment strategies aimed at minimising cognitive decline. However, the impact of catheter ablation and atrial fibrillation medical therapy on cognitive decline is currently uncertain. Future studies investigating atrial fibrillation treatment strategies should include cognitive outcomes as important clinical endpoints.

Global institutions and national governments have failed to provide effective policy guidance or leadership on tackling climate change. The extraction and combustion of fossil fuels continues apace, resulting in continual rising of greenhouse gas emissions, which pose a threat to all life on earth. However, the global climate regime continues to underestimate the need for immediate, radical and powerful action. Dominant framings of the problem continue to emphasise behaviour change rather than system change, and fail to challenge the power of fossil-fuel capital. This failure makes it difficult to be optimistic about the future but there may be hope in a new kind of politics based on non-violent direct action and mass civil disobedience. This form of action is directed at delegitimising fossil fuels and stopping their extraction, and acting as a ‘radical flank’ in positively influencing political decision-making towards a democratically agreed just transition.

Failure to take climate change seriously enough has resulted in the world now facing a climate emergency, with rising global temperatures, melting polar ice caps, increasingly frequent and severe storms, floods and droughts, and rising sea levels. Despite being the first country in the world to set statutory carbon emissions reduction targets (in the Climate Change Act 2008), the UK government since 2012 has fallen increasingly behind, even by its own standards. This paper details what this has meant in terms of specific policies and identifies some of the reasons for this policy failure: in particular, a negative attitude towards regulation and a return to a reliance on market forces, plus an overriding concern to continue with ‘business as usual’, in terms of support for fossil-fuel industries and ever-increasing energy demand and supply. Ironically, this has resulted in a situation where radical solutions seem even more necessary and more urgent.

I am grateful for being given this opportunity to comment on the Focus articles by David Clapham (This issue) and Hannu Ruonavaara (This issue). Since the two papers are very different, I will comm...

Illegal diversification strategies in farming contexts are neglected in research terms. There are endogenous and exogenous factors that influence the potential strategic capability and activity of illegal entrepreneurs and criminal farmers. Internal factors include the personal characteristics of the farmer–qualities and skills. External factors, outside the control of the individual illegal entrepreneur, include the activities and processes undertaken by them, the characteristics of the illegal enterprise, government policies, markets and environmental factors. Using a documentary research methodology of 210 case studies, located on the internet, from across the UK (where farmers had been charged with criminal offences relating to their occupation), the article contributes to the literature on farm diversification and rural crime.

In rural sociology and rural studies, rurality in many countries is commonly constructed as an idyllic space in which crime is perceived as an urban problem. In other countries, however, rurality is constructed as a place where the individual is vulnerable and the population is socially beyond the urban. This article questions the construction of rurality as idyllic by reporting on research in rural areas which demonstrates that crime, in particular illicit and illegal enterprise based crime, is becoming more prevalent in the UK countryside. In urban areas, illicit and illegal forms of entrepreneurship are distinctive in terms of how they are construed and enacted – so why would it not be similar in rural areas? The paper presents a theoretical framework based on the work of Ferdinand Tonnies which demonstrates that contemporary examples of roguery exist in the UK countryside. We make more visible what previously was invisible, or ignored in the literature. Five stories of illegal rural enterprise are presented which provide a counterargument to Mingay's rural idyll. Since illicit and/or illegal rural enterprise is under-researched this constitutes an original attempt to frame an emerging phenomenon of interest.

This paper introduces and discusses the concept of animatorship in relation to rural enterprise and development. At its simplest level, animatorship is the art of animating others to achieve their objectives. We develop and apply this concept to understanding community development and community enterprise, with a specific emphasis on rural communities. We present a descriptive, conceptual study of a new concept i.e. animation in the context of entrepreneurship. The fieldwork for this paper took the form of structured face-to-face interviews with community development workers in November-January 2015/2016. These workers actively stimulate, motivate and inspire others and orchestrate situations and people to bring about change through others, not merely doing things for them. They build environments and relationships in which people grow, directing and focusing energies to develop and empower people’s emotional and social lives and relationships through patient, open listening and group conversation.

Britain is ageing. By 2035 the number of people aged 65 and over will account for 23% of the total population. This increase will have an impact on the economy, the provision of goods and services, and the resources needed to ensure a high quality of life into old age and active participation in society. The importance of transport in addressing social exclusion in rural communities has been acknowledged for some time and in this article we describe and report on the challenges faced by older people in rural Lincolnshire when trying to maintain active lifestyles. Drawing on a series of focus groups with older people (8–10 per group) who seldom accessed public or community transport, we examine the challenges faced by older people when trying to make journeys for social, leisure and health purposes. What becomes apparent is that, while community transport services play a vital role in rural communities, many older people are confused or unclear about what these services do, how they can be used, and how to access them. This article suggests that these services are often poorly publicised and underused in some areas of the county and therefore those most likely to benefit from them may be the ones least likely to use them.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to analyse and reflect on the changing relations of class and power in rural England, with a particular focus on housing.Design/methodology/approachThe paper reviews the evidence concerning the changing ownership of housing and land in English rural areas, and the problems relating to this.FindingsThe paper finds that, in spite of huge social changes over the course of the 20th century, relations of class and power in rural England have retained the same basic form, based on landownership. The countryside continues to be dominated by landowners, who now include large numbers of nouveaux riches, while the landless (and carless) find it increasingly difficult to access housing, employment and basic services and amenities in rural areas. Landowner dominance is maintained not only by the rule of private property and property markets, but also by a state planning system that is heavily biased towards landowning classes and against the poor.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper recognises that the situation varies from one rural area to another, so that solutions to the rural housing problem need, so far as possible, to be locally negotiated. However, for reasons of space, the paper does not go into detail on this issue, apart from a few references to the situation in Lincolnshire.Originality/valueThe paper is original in the way it shows how “old” and “new” gentry, in spite of their differences in terms of “productivism” and “post‐productivism”, have shared class interests and values based on landownership rights. It is also the first to argue that rural gentrification is a form of revanchism – a thesis that has previously been applied only to urban areas. Data that have been previously argued to show the superiority of rural areas, e.g. fewer homeless, higher incomes, etc. can now be explained as effects of revanchism.

Illegal entrepreneurship in the rural is under researched and scrutinised, yet it occupies a distinctive space in entrepreneurship practice in terms of how it is construed and how it is enacted. This is a theoretical paper which provides a conceptual framework for defining ‘ideal types’ of illegal rural enterprise activity in order to better frame the phenomenon. Four types of enterprise activity are provided which suggest how the activities of illegal entrepreneurship in the rural can be categorised. This article is valuable to researchers and policy makers in that the framework suggests diversity in illegal rural enterprises which can manifest differing motives and modes of operation.

Many of New Labour's welfare initiatives were underpinned by a stated desire to combat social exclusion among disadvantaged sections of the population. Allied to this, a commitment to end street homelessness/rough sleeping was an enduring feature of their term in office (for example SEU, 1998; DCLG, 2008). Of course, concerns about social exclusion predate New Labour, and a lack of meaningful involvement in many key areas of wider social life (for example, democratic and legal systems, the labour market, the welfare state, familial and (local) community networks) have long been identified as symptomatic of social exclusion (Commins, 1993). Previous research has also noted that homelessness rarely occurs in isolation and that many homeless people often carry with them a variety of other problems and experiences. It is clear that many homeless people experience ‘exclusion across more than one domain or dimension of disadvantage, resulting in severe negative consequences for [their] quality of life, well-being and future life chances’ (Levitas et al., 2007: 9), and, as such, can be viewed as experiencing multiple and/or deep social exclusion. This situation has been recognised by Carter (2007) who, noting a lack of resources, rights and opportunities, adopts the phrase ‘multiple exclusion homelessness’ (MEH) as a shorthand term to characterise the reality of many homeless peoples’ lives.

This article presents interim findings and reflections from a case study of multiply excluded homeless people in Stoke-on-Trent. The article focuses on the experiences reported by a group of twelve such people living in the YMCA hostel. From the interviews, a large number of thematic structures were identified, of which only a few are outlined here, due to restrictions on the article length. The article concludes that the YMCA has had an important impact on their lives, mostly for the better, but the nature of this impact is complex and far from being fully understood.

The meaning of democracy is complex and contested (Gaventa, 2006: 21), and yet at its heart lies a simple and commonly understood idea. Similarly, participation is a deceptively simple notion in principle but in practice seems to be understood in many different ways. This paper interrogates these two concepts and attempts to clarify the relationship between them. As a Thematic Review paper, it focuses on debates relevant to interpreting and enacting democracy and participation, such as that on alleged ‘democratic deficits’. For reasons of brevity, the paper examines political decision making without reference to the different scales (local, national, etc) on which such decision making occurs.

This paper argues that enterprises can be understood primarily in terms of their social bases and that the social base of community enterprise lies in community of some kind. It reviews current conceptualizations in this area such as ‘community-based enterprise’ (CBE) and ‘social enterprise’, and argues that CBE is only one form of community enterprise. Community entrepreneurs are understood in terms of their position on a continuum of community participation, as economic/social/political activists, and community enterprise is explained largely in terms of the balance of social capital functions served by its overall activity. The relationship between membership of a community enterprise and membership of a community is explored, and represented in terms of two criteria: the pool from which enterprise members are drawn and the rule by which such members are selected from the pool. This paper illustrates its arguments in relation to two English community enterprises, Coin Street Community Builders based in...

This book looks at the project of “workfare” or labour market activation primarily in the US but also in The Netherlands, Denmark, Germany, Australia and the UK, and its emphasis is on the role of ...

This article deploys a concept of multiscalarity to criticise current theoretical approaches to governance and to make sense of neighbourhood governance. Drawing on Kooiman’s distinction between hierarchical, self- and co-governance, it is argued, first, that state strategies need to be re-examined in the light of the multiscalarity of governance. Using the example of the neighbourhood and evidence from the author’s own research, the article then provides a detailed illustration of governance multiscalarity. The article has two notably original findings: empirically, only community and residents’ associations have sufficient independence to resist governmental forces on the neighbourhood scale (and these associations have to scale up their activities in order to have any chance of success); and theoretically, the societal predominance of hierarchical governance can be explained largely in terms of asymmetry in the conditions for trans-scalar organisation, with coordination from top downwards being typically easier to achieve than from bottom upwards.

Estimates of catchment salt balances throughout the Murray-Darling Basin (MDB) suggest mobilization of salt stores and generally increasing stream salinities. It is widely assumed these salts are rainfall-deposited cyclic salts of marine-aerosol origin, concentrated by evapotranspiration, stored in groundwaters and mobilized by clearing of native vegetation. In this paper, the assumptions about the sources of salts, in upland catchments in the south-eastern region of the MDB are re-evaluated. The estimation of dissolved salts is re-examined using electrical conductivity (EC), the assessment of stream salt loads from sporadic EC measurements and the sources of salts in upland catchments. It is concluded that, although evapotranspiration plays a significant role in the concentrations of salts in the lower MDB, mineral weathering is a major contributor to stream salt loads in upland rivers of the MDB that supply over 80% of surface runoff to the Murray River. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

PurposeThe purpose of the paper is to explore, in broad terms, how policing needs to be developed in communities today.Design/methodology/approachThe approach is normative and analytical, considering the meaning of policing in general, and community policing in particular, and specifying the criteria that such policing has to satisfy in order to be fair and effective in contemporary society.FindingsA concept of public self‐policing is developed and community policing is then evaluated in the light of this concept. Police officers are understood as street‐level bureaucrats, with multiple accountabilities. The ideal relationship between police and public is characterised as a structural coupling between two types of self‐organising system.Practical implicationsThe paper has implications for how policing organisations and governments might develop improved policing strategies in the future.Originality/valueThe paper provides a clear, logical summary of thinking about the role of policing, particularly community policing, in today's society. It offers a novel concept of public self‐policing, leading to a new approach to the evaluation of the work of policing organisations.

There is a substantial literature on the explanation of neighbourhood change. Most of this literature concentrates on identifying factors and developments behind processes of decline. This paper reviews the literature, focusing on the identification of patterns of neighbourhood change, and argues that the concept of neighbourhood governance is a missing link in attempts to explain these patterns. Including neighbourhood governance in the explanations of neighbourhood change and decline will produce better explanatory models and, finally, a better view about what is actually steering neighbourhood change.

This paper argues that the increasing international salience of homelessness can be partially explained by reference to the revanchist thesis (involving processes of coerced exclusion and abjection), but the situation on the ground is more complex. It reports on interviews with 18\ud representatives of 11 homelessness service providers in one city in England. As Cloke et al. found, these providers tended to be either larger, more ‘professional’, ‘insider’ services or smaller, more ‘amateur’, ‘outsider’ services. However, this does not mean that the former were necessarily more revanchist and the latter less so. Rather, the actions of both types of organisation could, in some cases, be construed as both advancing and counteracting a revanchist project.

This article reviews key issues of governance and democracy and asks what current theory and evidence have to teach us about how local governance should be changed in order to make it more conducive to human emancipation. A distinction is drawn between governance and metagovernance, and the potential is assessed for the democratisation of both at community level. Particular attention is paid to the 'persistence of oligarchy' and its manifestations at local level. The article concludes with suggestions on how to build countervailing power in order to achieve the democratisation that is deemed to be desirable.

This article is concerned with the rescaling of the state and with the impact of this rescaling on processes of democratisation and empowerment and, in particular, on the growth potential of movements for local urban and rural social justice. State rescaling is defined, and then explained, using a distinction between state functions and state strategy and, correspondingly, between political governance and metagovernance. An initial attempt is made to make sense of rescaling processes by reference to historical changes in political regime, characterised in terms of shifts in the mix of governance modes. The movement of perspective to metagovernance, however, suggests an alternative approach to understanding state rescaling, in terms of the strategies of regime cores and the resistance offered to those strategies. The New Labour regime in the UK is analysed as an illustration of the general argument of the article, which concludes, in more normative mode, with an assessment of the prospects for the developm...