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Yezidi communities throughout the world are struggling with their collective identity; each at a varying and somewhat differing stage of self-discovery. While the present paper does seek to elaborate upon this journey for the Yezidis in Transcaucasia, Germany, Canada, and the USA, its main focus remains the analysis of the political developments in the Yezidi heartland of Northern Iraq. This is so that the reader may have a fuller picture of the catalysts spurring this Yezidi reimagining. On the one hand, you have the traditional Yezidi leadership caught within a complex series of client-patron relationships with Kurdish leaders: ethnic identification is leveraged for promises of influence and power. While, on the other hand, newly minted Yezidi military commanders, as well as grassroot figures and Yezidi NGOs, are trying to establish themselves as heads of a Yezidi community that is undeniably distinct from their Kurdish neighbours. This paper will further show that the withdrawal of the Kurdish Peshmerga in the face of the ISIS attack in 2014, the half-hearted responses of the regional Kurdish and Federal Iraqi governments, all coupled with the stalled return of Yezidi refugees contributed to a growing Yezidi movement to cement their identity, as well as satiate a growing urgency to define themselves as a distinct ethnoreligious entity.

The Prophet Noah is not a predominant figure within the Yezidi mythology, and so it should come as no particular surprise that he is often absent from the Yezidi sacred hymns. This peculiarity seems easily explained by the Yezidi cosmogonic myth, which places the emergence of Yezidis as a separate and wholly distinct occurrence from the genesis of the rest of humanity. Hence, a mythical catastrophe reducing mankind to merely one family would certainly contradict said cosmogony. And yet, the tale of “Noah and the Serpent” somehow finds itself recounted within every Yezidi community. The present paper will demonstrate that this veneration of Noah is a remnant of an essential Gnostic myth and has the makings of a Wandersage—containing elements of Central Asian beliefs and Mesopotamian mythology,—which is not only widely attested among the Muslim and Christian neighbours of the Yezidis in Northern Iraq but narrated throughout Asia Minor, Central Asia, as well as South-eastern and Eastern Europe.

Even though almost three years have passed since the black banners of the terror organisation, calling themselves the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” (ISIS) were first hoisted throughout the Yezidi heartland of Sinjar, the Yezidi community continues to be targeted by ISIS, militias. 300,000 vegetate in camps as Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) in Iraqi Kurdistan; thousands of others have been killed, are missing, or remain in captivity where they are subjected to unspeakable sexual and physical abuse. With deference for these victims of violence, and without detracting from the collective suffering and trauma of the entire Yezidi community of Sinjar (families, women, men, and children alike), the authors have chosen to focus the present article on the plight and misery of the females; who were, and still are, facing despicable sexual abuses, unfathomable atrocities, and unfettered human rights violations. In doing so, they highlight the views of the fundamentalist Islam practiced by ISIS that encourages sex-slavery, while elaborating on the complacent acceptance of ISIS terror tactics by the local Sunni population of the territories they control. The work goes on to describe how survivors escaped, as well as how they are received and treated by the Yezidi community and state authorities. This discussion includes an overview of the national and international mechanisms available for prosecuting ISIS members for their crimes of genocide against the Yezidi people. The authors further stress that the genocide has contributed to, and even accelerated the process of the Yezidi selfidentification as a unique ethno-religious entity; which, in turn, has produced changes to their religious traditions. These changes will be briefly covered by examining a new approach to the institution of the Kerāfat.

Amongst Kurds and Yezidis the circumcision of male children and the subsequent bloodbond (kerāfat), formed between the circumcised and the one chosen to hold the boy on his knees during the procedure, has been until the recent past a major rite of passage, as well as a functioning protection mechanism. However, within the last few decades significant changes have occurred in Northern Iraq; and only the Yezidis and a few Kurdish tribes in remote areas still uphold the traditions of the kerāfat. The Yezidis in Armenia and Georgia have completely abandoned this institution and have also altered their practice of circumcision.The present article sheds light on the Yezidi kerāfat, the mutual social obligations of the two blood-brothers, as well as the marriage barriers established between their respective families. Furthermore, it tracks the modifications circumcision has undergone in Northern Iraq, Turkey, and among Yezidis in the diaspora. In this context, it elaborates on the circumcision practices of the Yezidis in Northern Iraq, Germany, and Transcaucasia especially highlighting the changes introduced through contact with, and the social pressures of, the respective majority population—in particular, focusing on Armenia and Georgia where these changes have resulted in the circumcision of the dead.

The Gilgit-Division (northern Pakistan) and the Dah-Hanu area (the westernmost part of Ladakh, India) have always been difficult to access. This is due in part to the mountainous terrain, which is made even more treacherous by the prevailing security instability (certain areas are still off limits for foreigners due to the Kashmir conflict). Hence, there has been very little anthropological research undertaken in this area over the last 50 years. The present paper attempts to revive the interest in these neglected regions by examining ancient traits of shamanism, as well as the worship of pre-Islamic and pre-Buddhist deities, still prevailing around Gilgit and in the Dah-Hanu area. Furthermore, this study sheds light on the history, culture and religion of the Shin people. It does so by elaborating on the changes the old Dardic belief system underwent in order to adapt to the missionary efforts of “world-religions” conquering the region. Finally, this work attempts to explain and date the different Shin-migrations, which took these people from their homesteads in Kohistan to the Gilgit region and from there to the Dah-Hanu area. The research is based on interviews carried out by the author in Gilgit, Bagrot, Hunza and Nagar, as well as in the Dah-Hanu area (15 male and 15 female shamans; 6 male priests, and numerous villagers) between 2011 and 2013. In addition, the author witnessed the very rare initiation of a male shaman in Lower Hunza. He further observed two shamanic séances in the Dah-Hanu area.

The article presents a detailed discussion of several key issues concerning the essentials of the Yezidi identity―the Yezidi religion, particularly the folk pantheon and the conceptions of divinity, based upon the analysts of the recent monograph by Garnik S. Asatrian and Victoria Arakelova.

The serpent, its veneration and related symbolism, constitute one of the enigmas and mysteries of Yezidism. Many present-day Yezidi myths concerning the serpent are most probably of a secondary nature, which when attempting to explain this ancient symbol, actually place it in a much more recent mythological setting. The first part of this paper tries to reconstruct the myth and the symbolism of the (black) snake in light of its ancient cultural heritage and Gnostic doctrine. However, since this approach would entail far more in-depth and substantial research, the author has, within the context of the present paper, only pinpointed a few elements, which could be of Gnostic, or even older, origin.The second part of the article focuses on the brass image of a serpent and a branch of a wish-tree, which were discovered in Yerevan by the author. It describes theses artefacts (a sacred serpent, which resembles a dragon more than a snake, and a bamboo stick), as well as the cult, which has formed around these objects. Despite several interviews with the owner of the relics and other Yezidi dignitaries, the origin of the objects could not be fully ascertained.

The seven sanjaqs, or sacred images of Malak Tawus, are the most concrete expression of Yezidism and considered the holiest of the holy ritual objects of that religion. Only a handful of non-Yezidis have ever seen one, and very little is known about them. The latter holds, in particular, true with regard to the so-called Moskovi-sanjaq. Before World War I it was sent to the Russian Empire (East Anatolia and the Transcaucasus) every year, but was reported lost in 1914.Based on numerous interviews with Yezidis in Armenia, as well as on official correspondence between British, Iraqi, and Soviet authorities, the first part of the article reconstructs the odyssey of the Moskovi-sanjaq and the seven priests (qewwals) carrying it. It confirms that after 16 years of wandering through the Transcaucasus, five of the seven qewwals were eventually able to return via Odessa and London to the Yezidi heartland in Northern Iraq, but concludes that the Moskovi-sanjaq was ultimately lost in Georgia—confiscated by the Soviet authorities.The second part of the paper describes the history of a second sanjaq, which the author discovered in a village near Yerevan, secretly kept and protected from the prying eyes of non-Yezidis by a sheikhly family. Although all tales and myths, explaining how this second sanjaq arrived in Armenia, are examined and analysed, the origin of that sacred image remains mysterious. The article further paints a detailed picture of the cult, which evolved around the sacred image in Armenia as well as of the—sometimes savage—fights over its possession and the struggle of the keepers of the sanjaq with the Soviet authorities. In addition to interviews with eyewitnesses, the author bases his findings on court decisions and minutes of the councils of Yezidi elders, as well as information found at Yezidi graveyards.

The first part of this contribution provides an account of a rare initiation ceremony of a Hunza shaman (daiyal). The initiation commences with the daiyal inhaling the smoke of burning juniper branches putting him into a trance. This is followed by an enduring dance of the shaman, interrupted only by his conversations with fairies (periye) and violent fits of rage against witches (ruiye). The dance culminates with the daiyal sucking the blood from the severed head of a sacrificed goat. Just before he slips into unconsciousness, his guiding shaman rewards him with an iron bangle (kau). This symbolizes and confirms the bond between him and his periye, established through this initiation. As long as the shaman wears the kau, the artifact will ward off the fairies, and allow the shaman to draw on their magical powers.The second part, based on interviews with 28 shamans (14 female), illustrates the danger that periye present for potential shamans and the society, and examines how fairies are tamed. It further analyzes the balance of power established between the ruler of Hunza (tham) and the shamans representing his subjects. Even after the Islamisation of the Hunza-society, the tham had to perform ancient religious rituals. Hence, he needed to have close relations with the spiritual world. However, since he was unable to communicate with the fairies, he had to rely on the shamans, who acquired a considerable degree of freedom to endorse or criticize decisions of the tham. This shamanic clout certainly presented a challenge to the ruler and evidenced the need to establish a social mechanism to hold the shamans at bay. Consequently, the tham assigned the Dom—an underprivileged and ethnically different segment of the population completely dependent on him—to perform as musicians in all shamanistic performances. In other words, by monopolizing the sacred music, he could successfully counterbalance the shamans.

quam ... pro summis in utroque iure licentiae privilegiis & honoribus consequendis publicae censurae subiicit Petrus Nicolaus Lasson, Randrusio-Danus ad diem 8. Iunii MDCXXXVI horis locoque consuetis, Enthält 120 Thesen, Lic. iur. Basel, 1636