Search

Pro-Israeli politicians in Washington have long supported the relocation of the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Nevertheless, contrary to the widespread belief, not all American Jews offer unconditional support to U.S. decisions taken in order to promote Israel's national interests. In this article, interviews were conducted with representatives from various Jewish diaspora groups in United States shortly before and after the official declaration of the U.S. Embassy move in December 2017. This article documents that opinions of American Jews diverge significantly regarding Trump's Jerusalem Embassy decision. This article argues that this divergence stems from Israel's actions and policies toward the Palestinians since the late 1970s and political and religious divisions within the American Jewish community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does ongoing animosity between South Korea and Japan over the disputed Dokdo Islands and other issues that originated from historical disputes generate rally effects in Korean domestic politics? This article argues that the Dokdo Islands dispute—and related disputed issues rooted in the colonial experience of Korea under Japan's rule historically—strongly influence Korean presidents’ abilities to effectively mobilize domestic support for not only the issues, but particularly the public opinion of presidents. Using data on Korean presidents’ approval ratings between 1993 and 2016, this article shows that Korea's bilateral disputes with Japan tend to promote Korean presidential popularity. The findings suggest that external crises with Japan related to historical disputes have positive political effects on leadership ratings in Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles within the issue on topics including Turkey's initiative following the declaration of Jerusalem as capital of Israel, the Gulf States's actions to protect Palestinian rights, and the U.S. foreign policy on Arab-Israeli conflict.

While international law has typically waxed and waned in feminist favours, contemporary feminist engagements reveal a strongly critical, reflective thrust about the costs of engaging international law and the quality of ostensible gains. To inform this reflection, this article draws on feminist scholarship in international law - and a specific feminist campaign for the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security in Northern Ireland - to distil three distinct feminist understandings of international law that underpin both theory and advocacy. International law is understood, first, as a system of rules to which states are bound; second, as an avenue for the articulation of shared feminist values; and, third, as a political tool to advance feminist demands. The study finds that feminist doctrinalists, and those working within the institutions of international law, share concerns about the resolution's legal deficiencies and the broader place of the Security Council within international law-making. These concerns, however, are largely remote for local feminist activists, who recognize in the resolution important political resources to support their mobilization, their alliances with others and, ultimately, it is hoped, their engagement with state actors. The article concludes that critical reflection on feminist strategy in international law is usefully informed by more deliberate consideration of its legal, political and normative dimensions as well as by an awareness that these dimensions will be differently weighted by differently situated feminist actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Japan and South Korea has been particularly tumultuous in recent years. One of the major sources of unrest is the unresolved Dokdo (a.k.a. Takeshima) issue. This study examines the framing of the issue by four international news agencies. It explores whether international news agencies from different countries would frame the issue differently. Results suggest that the news agencies frame the issue differently depending on the agencies' country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For several decades South Koreans have rallied around the Dokdo/Takeshima islets, small rocky outcroppings in the East Sea/Sea of Japan. There have been significant mobilization efforts by the Korean government, opposition parties, media, and civic groups that stir up a strong level of nationalism in South Korea. Why is public opinion about Dokdo, as the islets are named by Koreans, so fierce in South Korea despite the fact that South Korea has maintained effective control of the islets for over 50 years? How can public opinion and territorial nationalism affect dispute resolution? In this research project, we argue that domestic mobilization, stalwart public opinion, and strong territorial nationalism exist primarily because the islets symbolize other salient issues disputed with Japan and such issue linkage makes the territorial dispute difficult to resolve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does international recognition of statehood affect support for territorial compromise among groups engaged in struggles for self-determination? We show that, contrary to skepticism about the impact of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), international recognition of statehood by the UNGA shapes mass attitudes toward territorial compromise. The impact of international recognition, however, is two-pronged. International recognition simultaneously increases support for partition as a strategy of conflict resolution and decreases support for compromise on the territorial terms of partition. We also suggest a logic to explain these impacts of international recognition based on the intuition that international recognition should improve the bargaining position of the newly recognized group. We demonstrate that international recognition has an impact on mass attitudes of groups in conflict using a combination of a panel survey and survey experiment assessing the impact of the 2012 UNGA recognition of Palestine. This study is the first to show that international recognition can shape mass attitudes toward conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia's three small off-shore island territories - Norfolk Island in the Pacific Ocean and Christmas Island and the Cocos (Keeling) Islands Group in the Indian Ocean - can be seen as monuments to 19th century British-style colonization, though their early paths to development took very different courses. Their transition to the status of external territories of the Australian Commonwealth in the 20th century - early in the case of Norfolk and later in the cases of Christmas and Cocos - put them on a common path in which serious tensions emerged between local populations which sought autonomous governance and the Commonwealth government which wanted to impose governmental systems similar to those applying to mainstream Australians. This article explores the issues involved, and seeks to relate the governmental history of the three island territories to the exploration of island jurisdictions developed in island studies research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to its notorious legal differentiation of communities into civilized, barbarous and savage, there is no systematic treatment of individuals in James Lorimer's The Institutes of the Law of Nations (1883). This article pieces together Lorimer's account of the legal status of individuals in international law and suggests why this account should be of contemporary interest. It identifies three figures of the individual in the Institutes and uses them - Lorimer's 'private citizens of the world' in particular - to dislodge the textbook stories of the individual as an emerging subject of international law. Employed as a lens, private citizens of the world can focus us on the extent to which a variety of otherwise unrelated theories, critiques, proposals and developments restore or refract such attributes, and on the exclusion of certain features and impacts of the individual from today's public international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) and Ukraine have cooperated on asylum policy for many years with the aim of introducing EU and international standards in Ukraine. Reforms, however, were developing slowly and have accelerated only after 2010. This timing represents a puzzle because the reforms advanced most significantly in a situation when Ukraine’s orientation toward the EU became more reluctant again while it increased toward the Russian Federation. The latter in turn became increasingly hostile toward EU activities in Ukraine and eager to pull Ukraine toward the Eurasian Customs Union as an alternative integration project. The timing of reforms can be explained by paying more attention to domestic forces. On the one hand, these forces operate with some degree of independence from the country’s geo-strategic orientation, responding to sector-specific costs and benefits, and in particular, sector-specific conditionality. On the other hand, the more autocratic rule under former President Yanukovych ended a period of unproductive political muddle and facilitated the adoption of EU rules. Russian influence did not play a role in this particular policy sector, which was thus de-coupled from the broader macro-level developments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The seas of South East Asia present a succinct backdrop against which several current disputes are being played out. At stake are the maritime boundaries of China, Japan, Korea, Malaysia and Singapore. In seeking to delimit such international maritime boundaries, vital questions are being asked concerning sovereignty over islands, reefs and islets, and the value that can be ascribed to these following the determination of sovereignty. This paper seeks to examine one such dispute, between South Korea and Japan, concerning contested sovereignty over two traditionally uninhabited islets that lie in the sea between the two countries, namely the islets of Dokdo (Korean name)/Takeshima (Japanese), also known as Liancourt Rocks (English terminology). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the relations between Turkey and Russia and their implications for the problem encountered in Cyprus. Topics discussed include the struggle of Turkey in redefining its its foreign policy measures, the conduct of High Level Cooperation Council (HLCC), the gas pipeline project, and the test of Turkey-Russia ties with the Russian annexation of Crimea.

The revelation of a series of child abuse incidents committed by Catholic priests and other members of religious orders has given rise to the question of establishing the responsibility of the Holy See for these acts under international human rights law. This article focuses on the report issued in 2014 by the Committee on the Rights of the Child, the monitoring body of the Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC). It is argued that in order to fulfil this task we need to take three steps: first, to establish the relationship between the Vatican City state and the Hole See, a distinct and peculiar international legal subject. To do so, a historical account of the Holy See and its position within the fabric of international law is considered necessary. Secondly, this article argues that the CRC was ratified by the Holy See both in its capacity as the government of the Vatican City and as a non-territorial legal subject. Hence, the application of the CRC is not confined within the limited territory of the Vatican City, but ‘follows’ the authority of the Holy See irrespective of state borders. Thirdly, it is argued that the vertical, hierarchical structure of the Holy See is homologous to that of the modern state and, therefore, attribution rules can be applied by analogy in this case. The final conclusion is that it is possible to hold the Holy See responsible under the CRC for acts of child abuse that occurred under its authority around the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper essentially focuses on the Cyprus issue as a matter in Turkish - Russian relations both in Cold War and Post-Cold War periods. I will try to analyze Russian policy towards Cyprus issue from 1945 until today and Turkish perspective on Russia connected to the issue. Did this issue effected Turkish-Russian relations or were infl uenced by their relations? So, what kind of context can we fi nd between Turkish-Russian relations and Cyprus issue? Besides, have the Russian approach to Cyprus issue been differentiated in the process? If so, what are the reasons and factors behind it? I attempt to answer these questions as they can be enlightening for the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the development of the international body Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) in relation to the notion of international legal personality. Topics include the history of theories on the state as a legal person, the proposal of a High Court of International Justice, and the international conventions Convention Relative to the Creation of an International Prize Court in 1907 and the Geneva Convention Relating to Upper Silesia in 1922.

The outbreak of the First World War brought about an important change in the status of Cyprus which was officially annexed by Great Britain. In the years that followed, successive Greek governments preferred not to pose openly the prospect of the island's cession to Greece. Athens understood that, given London's strategic interest in Cyprus, a favourable solution of the issue was inevitably related with the satisfaction of British strategic interests in the wider Eastern Mediterranean region. In other words, the prospect of the creation of British military bases on Cyprus in the event that London actually consented to the island's union with Greece was not rejected on the part of Athens; on the contrary, it was seen as a necessary sacrifice in order to serve the final goal of Enosis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of effective control is a crucial element for the acquisition as well as maintenance of territorial title. The general meaning of the concept has been described as 'an intentional display of power and authority over the territory, by the exercise of jurisdiction and State functions, on a continuous and peaceful basis'. The concept has been developed through some significant international cases such as the Island of Palmas case (1928), Legal Status of Eastern Greenland (1933), Minquiers and Ecrehos case (1953), Burkina Faso/Mali case (1986) and Nicaragua/Colombia case (2012). In relation to Dokdo, the concept has an important bearing in regard to Korea's claims of territorial sovereignty over the island. This paper reviews the definition, components and ramifications of the effective control with regard to the acquisition and maintenance of territorial title through analyzing the relevant judgements of international courts and tribunals. Furthermore, it exams the legal ramifications of the current effective control on Dokdo and makes some suggestions for the strengthening of Korea's position on the island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the first instances of establishing the notion of artificial legal personhood, the corporate form has been developing to the extent that it can claim rights that are closer in nature to individuals. In the past few decades, the simple national corporate form has grown in complexity and capital to unprecedented levels, where major TNEs are becoming more politically and economically influential, to the extent that a few large TNEs control assets and human resources more than the GDP and population of some large developing countries. Ironically, the largerTNE becomes the chances for holding it liable for the legal obligations of its members diminishes, regardless of whether these obligations are based on national or international laws. Applying the 'economic entity' theory provides the chance for addressing the TNE as one entity that can assume responsibility within its economic boundaries; a personhood that goes beyond the legal separation of its national members to a different transnational level that corresponds to its special nature, but does not reach the international personhood level.This opens the door for the national and international liability of the TNE, and provides a suitable infrastructure for an equitable tax treatment thereof. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jerusalem's status has remained indeterminate since the approval of the UN General Assembly Resolution 181 in November 1947. Following the 1948 war, the US acknowledged de facto Israeli and Jordanian control in their respective sectors of Jerusalem, but refused to recognize Western Jerusalem as Israel's capital. After Israel captured the Old City during the 1967 Six Day War, the question of the city's status became a focus of US and British concern. The two states formulated a variety of proposals regarding the future of the city and the holy places. In the end, however, they realized that no agreed formula could be found, and therefore they refrained from taking a clear stand on the issue and did not offer the UN and the belligerents a comprehensive plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In parallel with its efforts to become a full member of the United Nations (UN) and its specialized agencies, Palestine needs to take the implications of joining such organizations in earnest. Admission to the UN, in addition to encompassing rights for states, simultaneously entails duties on the part of the state. One duty is to respect, protect, and fulfil human rights for those living under Palestine's jurisdiction. This paper assesses the ability of the applicable legislation in Palestine to secure adequate standards of living by focusing on three rights: food, housing, and health. Many of the laws relating to these rights date back to the Turkish, British, Jordanian, and Egyptian eras. With a few exceptions, Palestine has so far enacted executive orders to activate these rights based on older laws. Nothing prevents Palestine from modernizing its nutrition, habitation, and medical care systems and joining the community of welfare states. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although very much an international novice, Canada secured election to the League Council in September 1927. It did not, on the whole, have a notable impact on its proceedings. Its people, too, were little moved by its presence at Geneva. And while its Prime minister enjoyed his one visit to the League, his scepticism about it remained undimmed. Nonetheless, its three-year Council term had a number of important consequences. It engineered what was on the face of it a significant amendment to League procedures regarding minorities. The experience and horizons of its Department of External affairs were widened. It became accepted that a Dominion—or India—should always sit on the Council. Its status—and that of the other Dominions—as states equal with Britain was underlined. And by demonstrating that it was not in Britain's pocket, Canada's political standing was greatly enhanced. Internationally, it had arrived. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since 1996, the European Commission's "origin foods" program has awarded protective labels to typical regional products. This ostensibly serves the purpose of maintaining traditional artifacts and local practices against the homogenizing effects of the globalized economy. Because the program emphasizes the link of an artifact to a group's history and territory, conflicts over market shares often refer to truth claims that engage authenticity and cultural identity. Two products from the Republic of Cyprus serve as cases-in-point. Loukoumi, a candy also known as Cyprus delight, was the first product to be awarded an European Union quality label in Cyprus, while the application for halloumi, a cheese traditionally made from goats and sheep milk was hotly contested and is still pending. Research shows that in Cyprus, the European Union program is deployed to the advantage of large-scale industrial producers and facilitates the homogenization of regional diversity in favor of an ethnicized national heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyprus has been divided for far longer than it has been united. There have been many attempts to reconcile conflicting parties but without remarkable success. The two communities – Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots – see the solution to the “Cyprus problem” in opposite terms. Although recent public opinion surveys have concluded that the most preferred option for the Turkish Cypriots would be “independence of the TRNC” and “reunification of the country”, for the Greek Cypriots, there is much less information about the legitimacy of these competing regimes and their respective claims. This paper seeks to fill this gap by identifying different legitimacy sources and their effect on the course of conflict settlement. Somewhat paradoxically it appears that those most strongly identifying themselves with the Republic of Cyprus, and approving the regime legitimacy of the Greek Cypriot government, are actually forstatus quoand not for the reunification of the country which makes the return to the partnership state mission impossible. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The European Commission is an important actor in and of itself, with a distinct role in conflict transformation. There is much academic work on the EU’s role in the Cyprus conflict, and more broadly, on the EU as an actor in conflict prevention and resolution. There is much less work examining the specific role of the European Commission through an exploration of the discourse it constructs, produces and sustains. It is the intention of this article to add to the literature in this area through a critical analysis of the European Commission’s role in the Cyprus conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Oslo Accords failed to end Israeli-Palestinian violence and led to a final settlement of the conflict. This article examines Israeli attitudes toward conflict resolution and argues that the peace process, despite its setbacks, has increased Israeli support for certain concessions. While support for the “Oslo Process” may have declined, Jewish Israeli acceptance of the creation of a Palestinian state has risen dramatically. Israelis remain committed to continuing the peace process, they just remain highly skeptical that the process will succeed. The article examines the sources of this skepticism. Both lack of trust in Arab aspirations and religiosity are the primary determinants of Israeli unwillingness to make concessions for peace. Trust is tied to present conditions rather than past conditions of conflict. Thus, if trust could be rebuilt, Israeli Jews would be considerably better poised to make political and territorial concessions for peace than they were at the start of the “Oslo Process.” Although the relative fertility rates of Orthodox Jews, compared to secular Jews, might undermine long-term support for peace, this might be counterbalanced by the growing dovishness of young secular Russians socialized in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper seeks to investigate the European Union (EU) impact on the Turkish–Cypriot (TC) political parties via (a) the TC prospects for EU integration as part of a united Cyprus and (b) the recently commenced Brussels–northern Nicosia interaction. In doing so, the paper engages with the discussion on “Europeanization” and argues that the EU integration has affected TC party competition and its outcome. This process of “Europeanization” is importantly mediated by three specificities of the TC community as a case of contested state: (a) the centrality of the Cyprus problem in the public debate, (b) the limited diplomatic recognition of the self-proclaimed TC administration and (c) the TC international isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]