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Telling a story to a disengaged recipient induces stress and threatens positive self-image. In this study, we investigated whether storytellers with overly positive and fragile self-images (e.g., individuals with grandiose and vulnerable narcissism) would show heightened behavioral, emotional, and psychophysiological reactivity to recipient disengagement.Building on Bavelas, Coates, and Johnson [1] we conducted a conversational experiment instructing the participants to tell about a "close call" experience to a previously unknown co-participant. We modified the co-participant's level of interactional engagement by asking them either to listen to the story carefully or to simultaneously carry out a counting task that distracted them from the content of the story. We found that the distraction condition was unrelated to the storytellers' narration performance, but a significant positive association was found between the story-recipients' observed lack of affiliation and the tellers' narration performance. The distraction of recipients was also associated with increased self-reported arousal in the tellers, indicating disengagement-induced stress in the tellers. Moreover, tellers higher in grandiose narcissism reacted with higher skin conductance response to disengagement, and vulnerable narcissism was associated with higher heart rate during narration in general. Our experiment thus showed that grandiose narcissists are emotionally sensitive to their co-participants' disengagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an editorial focuses on examining the complex relationships between Conversation Analysis (CA), sociology, and social theory, exploring how CA's connections to sociology have evolved since its inception, including its role in understanding the micro-macro linkage in social dynamics. Topics include the historical and intellectual roots of CA within sociology and the incorporation of social theory to address power dynamics and inequalities in conversational interactions.

In her influential paper on stance, alignment, and affiliation in conversational storytelling, Tanya Stivers argued that two basic conversational means of receiving a story, nods and vocal continuers, differ in their function: whereas vocal continuers display "alignment" with the telling activity, nods, during the mid-telling, convey "affiliation" with the storytellers' affective stance. In this paper, we elaborate these insights on the basis of a quantitative study informed by conversation analysis. Using a database of 317 stories told in Finnish, we analyzed how story recipients' nods and continuers in different phases of storytelling (before and after the story climax) predict naïve raters' judgments of the story recipients' "empathy" toward the storyteller. We found that vocal continuers accounted for the perception of empathy during mid-telling, whereas the effect of nods remained weak. The study offers further support to the notion of structural organization of storytelling, and suggests that the significance of vocal continuers as a vehicle of empathy may be greater than has been generally thought of.

During psychiatric diagnostic interviews, the clinician's question usually targets specific symptom descriptions based on diagnostic categories for ICD-10/DSM- 5 (2, 3). While some patients merely answer questions, others go beyond to describe their subjective experiences in a manner that highlights the intensity and urgency of those experiences. By adopting conversation analysis as a method, this study examines diagnostic interviews conducted in an outpatient clinic in South Finland and identifies sequences that divulge patients' subjective experiences. From 10 audio-recorded diagnostic interviews, 40 segments were selected where patients replied to medically or factually oriented questions with their self-disclosures. The research focus was on the clinicians' responses to these disclosures. We present five sequential trajectories that the clinicians offered third-position utterances in response to their patients' self-disclosure of subjective experiences. These trajectories include the following: 1) the clinician transfers the topic to a new agenda question concerning a medical or factual theme; 2) the clinician presents a follow-up question that selects a topic from the patient's self-disclosure of a subjective experience that may orient either towards the medical/factual side or the experiential side of the patient's telling; 3) the clinician provides an expert interpretation of the patient's selfdisclosure of his or her subjective experience from the clinician's expert perspective; 4) the clinician gives advice that orients mainly to a treatment recommendation or to another activity; and 5) the clinician presents a formulation that focusses on the core of their patient's self-disclosure of his or her subjective experience from the patient's perspective. In addition, we present what these responsive practices invoke from the patient in the next turn. We argue that an awareness of these strategies facilitates both the diagnosis and an appropriate therapeutic relationship during the psychiatric assessment interview. Finally, we discuss the clinical significance of our results regarding the patient's agency and the clinician's more conscious patient-centred orientation in the psychiatric assessment procedure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we investigate how personal experiences about shameful events are described in face‐to‐face social interaction, and how these stories differ between participants who have either high or low levels of narcissistic personality traits. The dataset consists of 22 dyadic conversations where the participants describe events where they felt ashamed of themselves. We found the narratives to vary in terms of five dimensions. With narcissistic individuals, the default narrative tended to exhibit a cluster of characteristics that gather at one end of these dimensions: (1) weak expressions of shame; (2) located in the story‐world; (3) low level of reflexivity as well as; (4) responsibility of the described event; and (5) a general level of description. We discuss the findings in relation to sociological and psychological theories of shame and suggest that individuals with narcissistic personality traits are more inclined to use suppressive conversational practices in their treatment of shame, thus providing a "window" to these interactional practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does it mean to claim that somebody's personality is disordered? The aim in this paper is to examine how the process of diagnosing personality disorders (PD) unfolds on a practical level. We take an in-depth look at PD interviews, paying close attention to the occasional discrepancies in the clinicians' and the patients' approaches to generalising the behaviour of patients to describe their personality. Clinicians are guided by the medical model and structured interviews in their approach. We regard the interview situation as interplay between the institution, the clinician and the patient – and the final diagnosis as an interactional construction between them. Our data consists of video-recorded interviews in Finland with 10 adult patients and three psychiatric nurses. The collection was compiled from 22 excerpts in which the participants orient differently to the generalisability of personality traits. Our observations show that, in these interviews, patients frequently make sense of their behaviour differently from what is expected – not as a reflection of their personality traits, but as an outcome of many situational factors. Our understanding leads us to emphasise the importance of making visible the practices that shape the diagnostic process in psychiatry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]