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The People's Republic of China (PRC) lacks the macroeconomic conditions to internationalise its currency, the renminbi (RMB). Despite tight controls on capital markets in China, the international use of the RMB has increased significantly with the RMB becoming the fifth most used currency in global trade and financial markets. We argue that the internationalisation of the RMB has followed an unusual process, differing from the more typical features depicted in the literature on currency internationalisation. The RMB has internationalised despite the reluctance of the Chinese government to liberalise the country's current and capital accounts and its financial market. We argue that the investment role of money—overlooked or downplayed in this literature—is the main driver of RMB internationalisation. The Chinese government has created specific investment channels for non‐Chinese investors that allow a controlled flow of capital to enter China's securities markets. The major players promoting the international use of the RMB are Western banks, the investment fund industry and financial services firms that have included Chinese securities in their indices. In the absence of structural conditions to expand the RMB's international use, we suggest that agents matter the most in this phase of limited RMB internationalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines the Silicon Shield argument, which suggests that Taiwan's semiconductor industry deters Chinese aggression due to global reliance. The main argument is that this narrative lacks rigorous academic grounding and serves more as a hopeful story than a credible deterrent. By analyzing the concept under the backdrop of grand theories in international relations, the paper addresses a gap in understanding the security implications of Taiwan's semiconductor industry. It concludes that the Silicon Shield is largely a hopeful narrative. This research provides a foundation for further empirical studies and encourages academic discourse on Taiwan’s security dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1972, Radio Televisione Italiana, Italy's state broadcaster, commissioned famed director Michelangelo Antonioni to film a documentary in the People's Republic of China, following the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two nations. Socialist China, in the throes of the Cultural Revolution, was a subject of intense Western fascination at the time. Radical activists worldwide were drawn to Maoism, and references to the Cultural Revolution abounded in European popular culture. Against this backdrop, Antonioni's Chung kuo/Cina found a receptive audience in Europe and North America. Yet by early 1974 the director's 'anti-China film,' which had not yet had a public screening in the nation, became the subject of strident condemnation in China's state media, caught up in struggles between competing political factions. This article presents a close reading of Chung kuo/Cina, and examines how the campaign condemning the film spilled over into stricter management of foreign tourists and the production of new forms of tourist literature by state publishers. Examining how notions of China's 'backwardness' implicated photographic practice, this article explores how Chinese officials regulated tourist photography, how foreign tourists understood those regulations, and how guides and ordinary Chinese citizens entered into the visual discourse of tourism on their own terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theoretical research indicates that foreign interference, and even allegations thereof, cause long-term negative effects: they erode trust, damaging the bilateral relationship, and lead to a greater polarization of the political system and society due to the securitization of the relationship with the presumed interferer. The article examines the case of how the Australian government and society have reacted to the perceived attempts of interference by the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It tests theoretical hypotheses by answering the question of what are the implications of the above-mentioned issue for Australia - China relations and Australia’s politics. The study has identified that the rhetoric about foreign interference by the PRC into Australia’s internal affairs has been publicly attributed to a complex of attempts at unwanted influence not only in politics but also in other domains such as society, economics, education and mass media. This issue served as a critical juncture in initiating a downward trend in bilateral relations by significantly eroding Australia’s trust in China and public opinion about it as well as by prompting the Australian government to reassess its policy vis-à-vis the PRC against the background of challenging geopolitical landscape of the Asia-Pacific. The securitization of cross-border links with China has become a notable phenomenon. As a result of these events as well as other foreign policy factors, Australia - China relations deteriorated significantly. The Australian government promptly took a hard stance against the perceived foreign interference, becoming the first to adopt a special legislation to combat it. This issue was instrumentalized in political competition, especially by the Liberal Party of Australia. However, there has been no polarization of the Australian political system and society. The result has been a broad public and bipartisan consensus on the need for a greater transparency and public scrutiny over the links with China, as well as the establishment of an effective system to counter foreign interference. The Australian case demonstrates that the instrumentalization of the interference issue may lead not to a polarization but, on the contrary, to a domestic consensus over standing up to a perceived threat.

The article examines the conceptual foundations of China’s geoeconomic strategy and the features of its implementation in the context of the “awakening” of the Global South. The author employs a geoeconomic approach, which is used to examine various spatial economic-political phenomena, such as global economic projects, regional integration structures, economic and technological partnerships at various levels. The article identifies the key goals and objectives of China’s geoeconomic strategy in the context of the development of US-Chinese rivalry and increased international competition. It also provides an analysis of various aspects of China’s geoeconomic strategy, including diplomatic, trade and economic, financial, energy, resource, transport and logistics, scientific and technological, and digital. The study examines the Chinese interpretation of the concept of the “Global South,” with a particular focus on the positions of key states of the Global South in China’s geoeconomic strategy. It also analyzes China’s foreign policy approaches to developing interaction with key states of the Global South, including Indonesia, Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Türkiye, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Brazil. The topical issues of connecting Chinese economic projects with the national interests and international initiatives of key states of the Global South are considered. The article analyzes China’s strategic approaches to the development of non-Western-centric multilateral international associations, in which the People’s Republic of China (PRC) plays one of the leading roles (for example, BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization). At the same time, China’s initiatives to enhance engagement with regional and global international associations of states of the Global South and groups of countries are being explored. As a result of the study opportunities and limitations for China’s implementation of its geoeconomic strategy at the present stage are identified. The author concludes that the People’s Republic of China is seeking to intensify a new phase of globalization to address the long-term challenges facing its national development. As part of this phase of globalization, the economic potential of states in the Global South should be unlocked through their involvement in sustainable supply chains oriented towards China.

China is the single largest state-based international actor that is a major threat to the continued hegemony of the United States’ unipolar order. As such, a campaign of obstructive foreign policy is being waged against China through the obstructive marketing of China as a sinister threat and unreliable actor against the ‘rules-based order.’ By attempting to undermine China’s soft power potential, it is hoped that China’s global rise can be constrained and contained. Drawing on an integrative type of literature review, this article examines attempts at ‘knowledge production’ through geopolitically subjective interpretations and representations by the U.S. and its allies of the modern type of geopolitically-influenced international conflicts - hybrid warfare. In the English language imagination, hybrid warfare is a politically charged and loaded term that assumes ill intent by the user upon the intended victim. According to the research estimates by foreign experts, the current foreign policy of international activities by China displays a hybrid character. The country is publicly accused of carrying out operations in the economic, cybernetic, geographical, geopolitical, psychological, information and ideological spaces. Currently, the notion of “Chinese hybrid warfare” is starting to become an increasingly popular mass communicated trope. However, the aggravation of Sino-American relations against the backdrop of the South China Sea, the Taiwan issue and the Russian special military operation gives us an opportunity to predict that China will increasingly be projected as an increasingly dangerous source of hybrid threat in the Western-centric discourse to contain its global rise and by default to try to preserve US global hegemony through a negative information campaign.

In this study, the author examines the foreign policy of Y.V. Andropov and assesses the impact of his personal position on the Soviet-US and Sino-Soviet relations during his tenure as the leader of the Soviet Union. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity, and reliance on sources. It is proved that Y.V. Andropov adopted the foreign policy of the USSR from the position of the “hawks” in the Soviet leadership, which were represented by D.F. Ustinov. According to such a position, foreign policy should be absolutely subordinated to the interests of national security, which can only be guaranteed by the superiority of both nuclear and conventional forces over potential adversaries. Military power should be at the forefront of foreign policy decisions. Therefore, no matter on the issue of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) in Europe, or on the issue of the armed forces on the Sino-Soviet and Sino-Mongolian borders, regardless of the objective changes in the situation, Y.V. Andropov always maintained a tough position. Author proves that the Soviet leader persistently rejected the reasonable proposals of diplomats and was unwilling to make any concessions that contradicted the ideas of military supremacy. This primarily concerned the issue of the INF deployment on the territory of Eastern Europe, which was a key topic of discussion at the Geneva negotiations. As a result, the Soviet Union could not avoid being drawn into the new round of the arms race provoked by the U.S. President Ronald Reagan, one of the results of which was the deployment of the American INF in Western Europe. In the East, he missed the opportunity to improve relations with China, which had begun to reorient itself away from confrontation with the USSR to building a balance in relations with the United States and the Soviet Union and continued a pointless confrontation with it. The foreign policy heritage that Y.V. Andropov left to his successors was an isolated and tense external environment in which there was few freedom of action. In addition, the growth of military expenditures caused by his tough line on foreign affairs aggravated the stagnation and crisis in the social-economic development of the USSR.

The sharp deterioration between Russia and the West that began in February 2022 has posed a serious challenge to the advancement of Arctic cooperation, which has become increasingly intense, fruitful, and, to a large extent, mutually beneficial for its participants over the past several decades. China, which has demonstrated to the world that it has ambitions in the region, is facing difficult challenges. In this regard, some research questions about Beijing’s Arctic strategy need to be addressed. Will the strengthening of cooperation with Russia harm the building of interaction with the other Arctic states? To what extent will the security crisis and the gradual transformation of the established system of international cooperation in the Arctic affect China’s plans to integrate the region into its global strategic projects? What role can China play in the future Arctic governance system? The objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the changes currently taking place in China’s Arctic policy. The methodological foundation of the study is the theory of regional security complexes by B. Buzan and O. Wæver. It has been determined that the policy of building an Arctic identity, one of the key components of which is the securitization of the climate discourse, is meeting increasing resistance from Western countries. In the context of the current crisis, Beijing is also forced to balance its bilateral relations with Russia and the states of Northern Europe. The erosion of the existing international Arctic cooperation framework is highly undesirable for China, as it allowed Beijing to legitimately take a limited role in the governance of the region, as opposed to the regulatory regimes of total domination of the Arctic states (sectoral approach). However, at the doctrinal level, there has been a shift in the focus in China’s Arctic policy toward a more global vision of the region’s development. The foreign policy shift has been driven by a number of external factors, including the aftermath of the coronavirus pandemic and the intensifying Sino-American strategic confrontation.

This response to commentaries by Micah Muscolino, Judith Shapiro, Chris Courtney, and Peter Perdue considers whether An Ecological History of Modern China is too political and not ecological enough or too ecological and not political enough; whether it is biased either in favor of or against the Chinese Communist Party regime; whether ecologically based periodization provides a valuable new perspective on the history of the People's Republic of China; whether ecological change would be better illuminated if viewed at a different scale; and whether valid or useful history can be written primarily using scientific papers available on the internet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past years, cyberspace has become of the main issues of governments, and cryptocurrencies has been recognized as a sensitive area in need of policy in all countries of the world .This article, looking for: "What should be the pattern of regulating the virtual space, especially the phenomenon of cryptocurrencies in Iran, considering the legal status of the Supreme Council of Cyberspace and the comparative experience of China?" In this regard, by using library resources, the relationship between governance and regulation of virtual space has been described first, and then the concept of governance and regulation of cryptocurrencies have been discussed. In the following, we will compare the structure, duties and actions of China in the regulation of cyberspace, especially cryptocurrencies, with the actions of Iran, because the institution and structure of the regulation of cyberspace in China and Iran have similarities, including the fact that both of them use a supra-governmental structure to regulate cyberspace. The results show that firstly, the legal position of the Iran's Cyberspace Supreme Council in specialized issues of cyberspace such as cryptocurrencies, which have different dimensions, should be as a regulator of the regulators . Secondly, the multi-dimensionality of the issue of cryptocurrencies and the interference of different areas of money, finance, energy, industry and trade doubles the need for a national coordination headquarters, which has not been given serious attention so far.

During international negotiations for the Rio Earth Summit of 1992, coalitions made up of countries from the Global South took shape, only to break up gradually over time. The climate positions of two leading emerging powers, the People’s Republic of China and India, have increasingly drifted apart from each other since 2010. This paper seeks to account for this drift by relying on structural factors. The analytical framework proposed here relies on three structural determinants of development: factor endowments, sector specialization, and labor surplus absorption potential. These determinants are complemented by a carbon variable to account for sustainability. This framework reveals a triangle of incompatibility between development, labor surplus absorption, and sustainability that highlights how the People’s Republic of China now has sufficient leeway to engage in more ambitious sustainable policies, while India still faces the mutual incompatibility of either pushing forward with economic development or committing to a sustainable agenda.

Abstract Background Out of the 21 neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) listed by the World Health Organization, 15 affect the People’s Republic of China. Despite significant achievements in controlling NTDs, comprehensive assessments of the disease burden based on actual case data and detailed information on spatial and temporal dynamics are still lacking. This study aims to assess the disease burden and spatial–temporal distribution of NTDs in China from 2005 to 2020, to provide a reference for the formulation of national health agendas in line with the global health agenda, and guide resource allocation. Methods The number of cases and deaths of major NTDs in China from 2005 to 2020 were downloaded from the China Public Health Science Data Center ( https://www.phsciencedata.cn/Share/index.jsp ) of the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention and relevant literatures. Simplified formulas for disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) helped estimate the years of life lost (YLLs), years lived with disability (YLDs), and total DALYs. Spatial autocorrelation analysis of the average NTDs burden data for the years 2005 to 2020 was evaluated using Moran's I statistic. Results China's overall NTDs burden decreased significantly, from 245,444.53 DALYs in 2005 to 18,984.34 DALYs in 2020, marking a reduction of 92.27%. In 2005, the DALYs caused by schistosomiasis and rabies represent a substantial proportion of the total disease burden, accounting for 65.37% and 34.43% respectively. In 2015, Hunan and Sichuan provinces had the highest diversity of NTDs, with 9 and 8 number of different NTDs reported respectively. And the highest disease burden was observed in Sichuan (242,683.46 DALYs), Xizang Zizhiqu (178,318.99 DALYs) and Guangdong (154,228.31 DALYs). The “high-high” clustering areas of NTDs were mainly in China's central and southern regions, as identified by spatial autocorrelation analysis. Conclusions China has made unremitting efforts in the prevention and control of NTDs, and the disease burden of major NTDs in China has decreased significantly. Using the One Health concept to guide disease prevention and control in the field to effectively save medical resources and achieve precise intervention. Graphical abstract

This article examines the international aspect of China’s information security policy. Due to the fact that the information sphere is becoming increasingly important in relations between states, the appeal to the policy of one of the leading international actors — the People’s Republic of China — is in demand and relevant. China’s experience in ensuring information security may be in demand in other countries, including the Russian Federation.Aim. The purpose of the article is to characterize the international aspect of China’s information security policy and to reveal the specifics of China’s interaction with other countries in this area.Tasks. To achieve this goal was conducted a review of key international documents ensuring the international information security of the People’s Republic of China, as well as the country’s domestic legislation in this area. Also the issue of confrontation between China and the United States in the information space was considered.Methods. The study employs the historical method to examine the development of China’s information security system, document analysis to review China’s domestic and international legislation in the field of information security, and comparative analysis to compare the approaches of different countries in the field of cybersecurity.Results. The conducted research highlights the following key outcomes: In the context of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Сhina demonstrates a commitment to the joint development of international legal norms in the field of information security, as well as actively participates in the creation of cooperation agreements in this area, emphasizing the state’s role as an advocate for a multipolar world in cyberspace. Within the framework of interactions with the BRICS countries, China aims to deepen cooperation in the field of information security through a series of initiatives and agreements aimed at developing common approaches and standards. This cooperation contributes to the creation of a unified protection system in the information sphere among the BRICS countries, strengthening their positions in the international information space. In relations with the United States of America, the interaction of China is characterized by competition and confrontation, especially in the context of cybersecurity. This includes differences in approaches to regulating the information space and cyber espionage. Nonetheless, existing contradictions and conflicts underscore the need for dialogue and cooperation to develop common international rules of behavior in cyberspace, which can contribute to ensuring international information security and stability.Conclusions. The international aspect of the China’s information security policy reveals various forms of interaction with other countries, each with its unique features. These relationships form a multi-level system of international information security, in which the PRC plays a key role, aiming to create a balanced and secure information space.

Background: Out of the 21 neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) listed by the World Health Organization, 15 affect the People's Republic of China. Despite significant achievements in controlling NTDs, comprehensive assessments of the disease burden based on actual case data and detailed information on spatial and temporal dynamics are still lacking. This study aims to assess the disease burden and spatial–temporal distribution of NTDs in China from 2005 to 2020, to provide a reference for the formulation of national health agendas in line with the global health agenda, and guide resource allocation. Methods: The number of cases and deaths of major NTDs in China from 2005 to 2020 were downloaded from the China Public Health Science Data Center (https://www.phsciencedata.cn/Share/index.jsp) of the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention and relevant literatures. Simplified formulas for disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) helped estimate the years of life lost (YLLs), years lived with disability (YLDs), and total DALYs. Spatial autocorrelation analysis of the average NTDs burden data for the years 2005 to 2020 was evaluated using Moran's I statistic. Results: China's overall NTDs burden decreased significantly, from 245,444.53 DALYs in 2005 to 18,984.34 DALYs in 2020, marking a reduction of 92.27%. In 2005, the DALYs caused by schistosomiasis and rabies represent a substantial proportion of the total disease burden, accounting for 65.37% and 34.43% respectively. In 2015, Hunan and Sichuan provinces had the highest diversity of NTDs, with 9 and 8 number of different NTDs reported respectively. And the highest disease burden was observed in Sichuan (242,683.46 DALYs), Xizang Zizhiqu (178,318.99 DALYs) and Guangdong (154,228.31 DALYs). The "high-high" clustering areas of NTDs were mainly in China's central and southern regions, as identified by spatial autocorrelation analysis. Conclusions: China has made unremitting efforts in the prevention and control of NTDs, and the disease burden of major NTDs in China has decreased significantly. Using the One Health concept to guide disease prevention and control in the field to effectively save medical resources and achieve precise intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of psychoanalysis and psychodynamic psychiatry in China is influenced by political, economic, cultural, and social ideology. The process of psychoanalysis entering China is also a reflection of Chinese history, mirroring China's transition from conservatism to openness, from focusing on tradition to embracing modernity, and from focusing on community and family to individualism. These changes align with the Chinese continuous exploration and pursuit of integration, adaptation, and individuation in the process of globalization, urbanization, and modernization. This article describes the continuous expansion and development of psychoanalysis and psychodynamics in China parallel to societal changes and how an increasing number of people have begun to engage in psychoanalysis or psychoanalytic practices and research. The author describes challenges to how psychoanalysis can better serve the Chinese people through clinical practice and in-depth research under the country's unique social, cultural, historical, and political background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses Wang Ruqi's contribution to the drafting of the 1950 Marriage Law, the first codified law promulgated by the People's Republic of China (PRC). It argues that Wang—who had been a legal specialist and a female political activist dating back to the 1930s and 1940s—was the actual author of the law's first draft. In rehabilitating Wang's long-forgotten contribution to the making of the Marriage Law, this study highlights that, first of all, lawmaking in the early years of the PRC was characterized by legal "professionalism," rather than the "vernacularism" that scholars in recent years have tended to ascribe to this period. Second, Wang was an exemplary figure of a new breed of "state feminists" in the PRC, which we term "state-legal feminists." State-legal feminists, like state feminists in general, were brought into the PRC state apparatus and took advantage of their role in the state to advance sociopolitical agendas. However, they differed from their fellow state feminists because they firmly believed that the state's will and intent could be best articulated and exercised through codified laws and legal institutions. The making of the Marriage Law thus exemplifies the state-legal feminist approach insofar as it resorted to a codified law to push for the political agendas of women's emancipation and restructuring families in China. While recent scholarship highlights the politicization of the law in the 1953 campaign to promote the Marriage Law, this study inverts this by addressing the legalization of political and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using personal trans narrative toward framing a transgender historical method, this essay describes the large-scale historical trends that have led to the present moment in the history of trans people, the way that the Internet provides a place for everyone to act as their own historians, and the potential insights that transgender auto-historiography offers to feminist and gender scholars. This essay is part of a PHR forum on the theme of "Personal Reflections on Feminist Historical Methods," with additional essays by Judy Tzu-Chun Wu, Natalie Marine-Street, and Natalia Mehlman Petrzela. The forum is part of a larger PHR special issue, Feminist Histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coordinated policies and effective global environmental governance are needed to address the global biodiversity crisis. Human dimensions like geopolitics influence conservation decision‐making and outcomes. The importance of considering these complex social factors is heightened in an era of renewed great‐power politics, as the intensifying US–China rivalry has direct implications for environmental governance and biodiversity outcomes. Can the US–China rivalry and its confrontational dynamics be channeled into conservation policymaking to improve biodiversity outcomes? Drawing from international relations and policy studies, policy diffusion theory can provide conservationists with useful insights into the interdependency of policy decisions. Here, we examine the four mechanisms—competition, coercion, learning, and emulation—of the classic model of policy diffusion theory in the context of environmental policymaking. We explore a case study for each mechanism to illustrate how it can benefit biodiversity conservation, and point to examples of relevant policies and actions that could improve outcomes. To operationalize this concept for conservation, we present a decision tree that conservationists can use to determine the most relevant policy diffusion mechanism in different policy contexts. Upon determining the appropriate mechanism, conservationists can take further steps to intentionally trigger the mechanism and catalyze conservation policy diffusion across jurisdictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resumen: Este artículo examina el cambio en el equilibrio de poder global, resaltando el ascenso de la República Popular China (RPC) como miembro del BRICS, especialmente después de la crisis financiera de 2008. La RPC emerge como una potencia global desafiante del dominio tradicional de Estados Unidos, con una estrategia marítima que refleja un creciente interés en la proyección de poder. El enfoque principal de este artículo es analizar la posición de la RPC desde una perspectiva de seguridad internacional, haciendo hincapié en el Atlántico Sur, una región de creciente relevancia para el país asiático en los continentes africano y latinoamericano. Aunque el Atlántico Sur Occidental tuvo inicialmente un papel secundario, ha ganado gradual prominencia, especialmente por el interés en recursos naturales y la proyección hacia la Antártida. El estudio se centra en la región occidental del Atlántico Sur, con ejemplos específicos en relación con Argentina, para comprender cómo la RPC ha dirigido su atención hacia esta área y cómo ha evolucionado su participación en seguridad e intereses estratégicos.

The changing dynamics of the Taiwan Strait necessitate a review of the United States' "One China" policy. For more than four decades, this policy—anchored in the Taiwan Relations Act, the Six Assurances, and the three Joint Communiqués—has allowed Washington to maintain unofficial ties with Taipei. But China's growing economic power, increasing military capabilities, and mounting pressure on Taiwan pose major challenges to US security commitments regarding Taiwan. In recent years, Washington has countered by attempting to pursue a multi-pronged approach while remaining under the umbrella of the One China policy framework—introducing such changes as new legislation conveying US support and commitment, engagement in high-level official exchanges, support for Taiwan's pursuit of greater international space, and more arms sales. How these major policy changes are interpreted and implemented under the new environment imposed by China could affect Taiwan's security, and whether a war with China can be avoided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on fieldwork in Fuzhou's Changle county―an emigrant-sending region in the People's Republic of China (PRC)―this paper analyzes transnational judicial practice as it pertains to resolution of transnational migrants' legal disputes. Resolution of "foreign-related" disputes had been obstructed by spatial and temporal barriers and difficulties navigating the PRC's judicial system. However, a more efficient path for transnational migrants to resolve their legal disputes emerged due to: the PRC government's increased concern toward transnational migrants; implementation of new governance procedures within the judicial system; utilization of the transnational migrant's informal social networks; and, application of internet-enabled communication technologies. By examining the extra-territorial reach of state authority in regulating transnational activities, analysis from the 26 interviews conducted reveals the key role played by leaders in Overseas Chinese Associations, who act as informal judicial "mediators" between the PRC's judicial system and transnational migrants. Additionally, internet-enabled communication technologies and social networks have helped collapse the physical and temporal distances that previously separated transnational migrants from their country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the processes through which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) developed its propaganda outlets in Hong Kong during the mid-twentieth century. I argue that the CCP's operations in 1940s Hong Kong laid the foundation for its propaganda machinery in the 1950s through transborder staffing and a repertoire of flexible strategies. During the 1940s, the party trained a group of propagandists who were well acquainted with Hong Kong and frequently crossed the Hong Kong–Guangdong border to preserve the party's power base. These propagandists developed a series of strategies, including infiltration, camouflage, and diversification. In the 1950s, the party employed these seasoned operatives in Hong Kong and Guangdong to coordinate propaganda campaigns and utilized the preestablished strategies to navigate the new Cold War geopolitics. This study also highlights the Guangdong–Hong Kong nexus, the CCP's flexibility, and the continuities surrounding the foundation of the People's Republic of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of National Security Review / Nemzetbiztonsági Szemle is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Industrial museums are experiencing fast development in China, where they play important roles in industrial heritage preservation, the promotion of industrial culture, and nation-building. These uses, together with the particularities of the Chinese industrialisation process, have shaped new models in industrial museography. In this paper, we describe how some Western ideas regarding industrial museums and heritage have been adapted in China, and how the development of such ideas in theory and practice has resulted in different types of museums. In doing so, we use bibliometry, statistics, and quantitative and qualitative analyses to study the factors behind the growth of industrial museums in China, the scientific literature on the topic produced in the country, and basic data about 249 museums. As a result, we delimitate the specificities of the industrial museums with Chinese characteristics, which can enrich the international discussion on the subject with approaches less explored in the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Coordinated policies and effective global environmental governance are needed to address the global biodiversity crisis. Human dimensions like geopolitics influence conservation decision‐making and outcomes. The importance of considering these complex social factors is heightened in an era of renewed great‐power politics, as the intensifying US–China rivalry has direct implications for environmental governance and biodiversity outcomes. Can the US–China rivalry and its confrontational dynamics be channeled into conservation policymaking to improve biodiversity outcomes? Drawing from international relations and policy studies, policy diffusion theory can provide conservationists with useful insights into the interdependency of policy decisions. Here, we examine the four mechanisms—competition, coercion, learning, and emulation—of the classic model of policy diffusion theory in the context of environmental policymaking. We explore a case study for each mechanism to illustrate how it can benefit biodiversity conservation, and point to examples of relevant policies and actions that could improve outcomes. To operationalize this concept for conservation, we present a decision tree that conservationists can use to determine the most relevant policy diffusion mechanism in different policy contexts. Upon determining the appropriate mechanism, conservationists can take further steps to intentionally trigger the mechanism and catalyze conservation policy diffusion across jurisdictions.

The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) fiscal system is characterized by very high expenditure decentralization and heavy reliance on transfers to finance public services. The government’s embrace of inclusiveness and equalization as national goals has raised questions about whether transfers can deliver equalization. This paper seeks to answer this question by analyzing newly available fiscal data compiled from government websites. We find the allocation of central transfers remains strongly region based, resulting in high intra-regional inequality among provinces. Poorer provinces also tend to retain more central transfers at their own (provincial) level. Those provinces with greater pretransfer inequality tend to exert greater equalization efforts, but these are not necessarily proportional to their pretransfer inequality. As a result, some localities are left out of the PRC’s countrywide equalization program. These equalization patterns remained highly persistent during the coronavirus disease shock in 2020. Collectively, the findings highlight that the PRC’s complex intergovernmental fiscal system still poses challenges for equalization.

The People’s Republic of China is aging rapidly at one of the most rapid paces in the world. The resulting decline in the share of the population that is of working age creates challenges for both the economy and society, making it relevant to explore the health capacity to work among older persons. Using census data and data from the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study, this paper applies two widely used methods to estimate the additional health capacity to work. The results confirm large untapped work capacity in the population of older persons, but the additional health capacity to work is unevenly distributed among different groups: Women and urban residents have more additional work capacity than men and older persons in rural areas. Pension systems and variation in types of work contribute to the urban–rural difference.

The Institute of people’s assessors appeared in the People’s Republic of China in 1949. The research features normative acts and other official documents that regulate the development and operation of people’s courts. In China, selecting candidates for people’s assessors is considered a form of embodying the basic values of the socialist legal system. The article analyzes the conceptual foundations of the multi-stage random selection procedure. Its nature indicates a significant expansion of social composition while the democratic principles in the judicial system seem to grow in strength. The innovative nature of the modern people’s court involves some elements of jury trial, which is not typical for China. The Chinese model of people’s participation in the administration of justice is of dual nature. Its legal basis was set up in 2018 by the Law on People’s Assessors. The Chinese experience can be useful for other countries, regardless of their political and ideological foundations. The author raises a question about the possibility of using the Chinese model of the institution of people’s assessors in modern Russia.

Abstract Background Considering energy- and climate-related policies adopted, the European Union and the People’s Republic of China are expected to be on the same trajectory of reducing pollution, aiming for carbon neutrality in 2050 and 2060, respectively. However, although they share a common goal of more sustainable development, their targets and means often collide. The main objective of the study is to identify the main similarities and differences in approaches to energy and climate policies in the European Union and the People’s Republic of China, with special attention given to the scope, past, present, and future of Chinese investments in renewable energy projects in the countries of the Central and Eastern European region, and to reveal the prevailing factors of the (un)successful renewable energy projects in those countries eventually. The methods used are literature review and qualitative content analysis of the European Union’s and the People’s Republic of China’s energy- and climate-related policies according to the prescribed indicators (from 2005 onwards) and in-depth exploratory desk research of cooperation in renewable energy projects between the People’s Republic of China and 14 Central and Eastern European Countries (from 2014 onwards). Results The study showed that despite the significant alignment of the European Union’s and the People’s Republic of China’s energy- and climate-related policies on a normative level, renewable energy cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and Central and Eastern European countries on a practical level is moderate. This state of play mainly results from political factors, such as rising levels of Sino-scepticism and the overall deterioration of the European Union–People’s Republic of China relations. Conclusions The study showed that political rather than economic or legal factors had a great impact on the Chinese presence in the domain of renewable energy in the countries of the Central and Eastern European region. However, the significant alignment of the European Union’s and the People’s Republic of China’s energy- and climate-related policies and dedication to common energy transition targets offer room for improving renewable energy cooperation. Overcoming political and economic divergences imposes a condition for achieving better cooperation in the renewable energy domain.

In the nearly 75 years that the People's Republic of China has been in existence, the field of contemporary China studies in the United States has developed and evolved through six distinguishable 'generations' of scholarship. The evolving social science scholarly analyses of contemporary China have paralleled the changes in the PRC itself over time, but they have also reflected paradigmatic changes in scholarly disciplines in the United States. Other stimuli which have also impacted the field include domestic politics in America and shifts in US-China relations. This article traces the evolution of field (as observed and interpreted by the author); it concludes that while the field is generally very healthy, diverse, and enjoys great breadth and depth of knowledge, it faces significant new challenges for source material and research in Xi Jinping's China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hong Kong presents a test case of China's willingness to adapt Western liberal values of individual freedom and the rule of law in a corner of China. The Western model of governance, along with its common law system and capitalist economic system, has been permitted to operate side by side with the Chinese socialist system within the framework of Chinese sovereignty and the People's Republic of China's (PRC) political and legal system. The formation and implementation of the policy of 'one country, two systems' (OCTS) entail Chinese law-makers' selective integration of international and Western rules of governance into the Hong Kong and China context to serve the interests of the PRC party regime. This article explores the approaches taken by the PRC to the governance of Hong Kong in light of the regime's political and economic goals and how the Western concept of rule of law and autonomy is perceived and substantiated in terms of the communist ideology. The author argues that the intrinsic value of OCTS lies in seeking complementarity and coexistence between the Western liberal norms of governance and Chinese communist ideology, and that this intrinsic value should be upheld and remain in full force to serve as a normative consensus between China and the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the initial contacts between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the World Bank during the early 1980s, following China's admission to the institution in 1980. In the late 1970s, the PRC launched a new phase of economic reforms aimed at re-modelling its economic outlook. Collaboration with multilateral economic institutions such as the World Bank was a key part of its "opening up" strategy. By drawing on newly available records from World Bank archives, the article reveals how the Bank's approach to China's economic development was tailored to meet Beijing's specific economic conditions and needs, and welcomed gradualism as the best path for China's reform strategy. At times of free market triumphalism and heavy structural adjustment towards developing countries, the China case, the article stresses, shows a World Bank behaving not quite in line with what many would expect. Therefore, the article provides not only an account of a bilateral relationship but offers a new perspective and reflection of the history of the international political economy of the early 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1958, the People' s Republic of China initiated the Great Leap Forward campaign. In the same year, People's Communes were established as an administrative entity in rural China with the goal of developing collective economy. One of the most important elements of the commune was the Communal Canteen (gonggong shitang), which were established to ensure all the members within the commune obtained a fair share of economic growth, while simultaneously forbidding the preparation of food at home. This article discusses three recipe books created for Communal Canteens published in 1959. These books suggested that the Communal Canteen provide various delicious and nutritious dishes, such as those containing meats and eggs. In reality, however, the recipe books did not play any significant role in the development of Communal Canteens, because of the nationwide famine that began in late 1958, thus neither meat nor eggs were available. By examining booklets published by local authorities and government documents, this article reveals the actual foods Communal Canteen provided, demonstrating that the government created false hope that a communist society could be achieved through Communal Canteens and the Great Leap Forward more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an outline of the narratives and perceptions by Italian travellers about the life and social position of Chinese youth in the People's Republic during the 1950s. Its goal is to explore how the image of Chinese youth under Socialism produced by transnational propaganda in the Socialist cosmopolis and circulating abroad intertwined with the factual observations and the personal assumptions of the Italian intellectuals on the revolutionary social transformation of China in that period. It argues that, although travellers were impressed by the apparent protagonism of the younger generation in the construction of Socialism in China in those years and read it as a symbol of new China, they also speculated on how the conditions of youth after the revolution had really implied a dramatic change in their social and cultural power and in their political emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are ample national, transnational, and international geopolitical conflicts around the world, the two most prominent likely being the current ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, and the conflict between Taiwan (the Republic of China) and China (the People's Republic of China). To avoid criticism or the label of political bias, academics might refrain from using the term Taiwan or might not refer to it as a country. Similarly, they might not know whether they should refer to Crimea or the Donbas as being Ukrainian or Russian. Authors currently have little guidance and are somewhat left to their own devices when it comes to referring to these and other locations and territories, uncertain of the names that should be used to indicate them. They might also observe disclaimers on publishers' websites, in the footer of editorial board pages, or even as a small notice in their own manuscripts placed there by the publisher that distance the publisher from geopolitical conflicts and/or territorial claims, claiming neutrality, independent of whether those papers mention those conflicts, or not. Such disclaimers might be perceived as self-serving, placing the onus of responsibility of the choice of territorial term on authors' shoulders, so publishers should offer clearer advice to authors and editors on how to better handle this issue, that is, how to accurately name locations in geopolitically sensitive areas. There is a risk that papers that are insufficiently sensitive to such issues may be labelled as erroneous, and subjected to correction or retraction, or the authors may be subjected to public criticism or humiliation, so resolving this issue falls within the realm of academic publishing ethics. Currently, very little advice exists for geopolitical issues in the Committee on Publication Ethics and International Committee of Medical Journal Ethics ethics-related publishing guidelines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Ambiental is the property of Universitat Rovira I Virgili and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Electronic Journal of Political Science Studies (EJPSS) is the property of Electronic Journal of Political Science Studies (EJPSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the open-up policy at the end of the 1970s, China – the largest single market in Asia – received growing attention from foreign investors and banks. However, the fragile domestic market and undeveloped financial system in China did not allow a rapid inflow of foreign banks, given that the foreign banks could exert suppression on the domestic banks. As a result, it took several years for most foreign banks to gain a foothold in mainland China. This article demonstrates how Commerzbank – one of the German Big Three – entered the Chinese market in the 1980s by establishing a branch in Hong Kong and opening a representative office in Beijing. On the basis of archival evidence and other contemporary sources, the case of China provides one slice of the history of Commerzbank’s expansion and illustrates how it coped with the surge of internationalisation in the 1980s.