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Abstract Background Although there has been some empirical research on ethics concerning the attitudes and approaches of staff in relation to adult patients, there is very little to be found on child and adolescent psychiatric care. In most cases researchers have defined which issues are important, for instance, coercive care. The aim of this study was to provide a qualitative description of situations and experiences that gave rise to ethical problems and considerations as reported by staff members on child and adolescent psychiatric wards, although they were not provided with a definition of the concept. Methods The study took place in six child and adolescent psychiatric wards in Sweden. All staff members involved with patients on these wards were invited to participate. The staff members were asked to keep an ethical diary over the course of one week, and data collection comprised the diaries handed in by 68 persons. Qualitative content analysis was used in order to analyse the diaries. Results In the analysis three themes emerged; 1) good care 2) loyalty and 3) powerlessness. The theme ‘good care’ contains statements about the ideal of commitment but also about problems living up to the ideal. Staff members emphasized the importance of involving patients and parents in the care, but also of the need for professional distance. Participants seldom perceived decisions about coercive measures as problematic, in contrast to those about pressure and restrictions, especially in the case of patients admitted for voluntary care. The theme ‘loyalty’ contains statements in which staff members perceived contradictory expectations from different interested parties, mainly parents but also their supervisor, doctors, colleagues and the social services. The theme ‘powerlessness’ contains statements about situations that create frustration, in which freedom of action is perceived as limited and can concern inadequacy in relation to patients and violations in the workplace. Conclusions The ethical considerations described by child and adolescent psychiatric care staff are multifaceted and remarkably often concern problems of loyalty and organization. These problems frequently had a considerable influence on the care provided. It seems that staff members lack a language of ethics and require both an ethical education and a forum for discussion of ethical issues.

Background: The Safewards model aims to reduce conflict and use of containment on psychiatric wards. To evaluate the implementation of Safewards and understand why it is effective in some settings but not in others, it is important to assess the level of implementation fidelity. To do this, the Safewards Fidelity Checklist (SFC) is often used, which focuses on objective visual observations of interventions but does not include patient responsiveness. The latter is a key indicator of implementation fidelity and includes engagement, relevance, acceptability and usefulness. The aim of the present study was to investigate the fidelity of Safewards implementation on an acute psychiatric ward from the perspective of patient responsiveness., Method: The study was conducted on a ward for patients with mainly affective disorders. To assess the general level of fidelity the SFC was used together with a detailed ward walkthrough. Ten patients were interviewed with a focus on patient responsiveness to each of the seven interventions implemented on the ward. Data were analysed using qualitative descriptive analysis., Results: The findings indicate high implementation fidelity, which was reflected in the SFC assessment, walkthrough and patient responsiveness. Patients gave examples of improvements that had happened over time or of the ward being better than other wards. They felt respected, less alone, hopeful and safe. They also described supporting fellow patients and taking responsibility for the ward climate. However, some patients were unfamiliar with a ward where so much communication was expected. Several suggestions were made about improving Safewards., Conclusions: This study confirms previous research that patient responsiveness is an important factor for achieving fidelity in a prevention programme. The patients' descriptions of the acceptability, relevance and usefulness of the specific interventions reflected to a high degree the objective visual observations made by means of the SFC and ward walkthrough. Patient engagement was demonstrated by several suggestions about how to adapt the interventions. There is potential to obtain valuable input from patients when adapting Safewards in practice. This study also presents many examples of practical work with these interventions and the effects it can have on patients' experiences of care., (© 2024. The Author(s).)

Inpatient mental healthcare settings should offer safe environments for patients to heal and recover and for staff to provide high-quality treatment and care. However, aggressive patient behaviour, unengaged staff approaches, and the use of restrictive practices are frequently reported. The Safewards model includes ten interventions that aim to prevent conflict and containment. The model has shown promising results but at the same time often presents challenges to successful implementation strategies. The aim of this study was to review qualitative knowledge on staff experiences of barriers and enablers to the implementation of Safewards, from the perspective of implementation science and the i-PARIHS framework. A search of the Web of Science, ASSIA, Cochrane Library, SCOPUS, Medline, Embase, PsycINFO, and CINAHL databases resulted in 10 articles. A deductive framework analysis approach was used to identify barriers and enablers and the alignment to the i-PARIHS. Data most represented by the i-PARIHS were related to the following: local-level formal and informal leadership support, innovation degree of fit with existing practice and values, and recipients' values and beliefs. This indicates that if a ward or organization wants to implement Safewards and direct limited resources to only a few implementation determinants, these three may be worth considering. Data representing levels of external health system and organizational contexts were rare. In contrast, data relating to local (ward)-level contexts was highly represented which may reflect Safewards's focus on quality improvement strategies on a local rather than organizational level., (© 2023 The Authors. International Journal of Mental Health Nursing published by John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd.)

Background: The presence of violence within psychiatric and residential settings remains a challenge. Research on this problem has often focused on describing violence prevention strategies from either staffs' or service users' perspectives, and the views of ward managers has been largely overlooked. The aim of the present study was therefore to identify ward managers' strategies to prevent violence in institutional care, focusing on safety and values., Methods: Data were collected using semi-structured interviews with 12 ward managers who headed four different types of psychiatric wards and two special residential homes for adolescents. Qualitative content analysis was applied, first using a deductive approach, in which quotes were selected within a frame of primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention, then by coding using an inductive approach to create themes and subthemes., Results: Ward managers' strategies were divided into the four following themes: (1) Balancing being an active manager with relying on staff's abilities to carry out their work properly while staying mostly in the background; (2) Promoting value awareness and non-coercive practices in encounters with service users by promoting key values and adopting de-escalation techniques, as well as focusing on staff-service user relationships; (3) Acknowledging and strengthening staff's abilities and competence by viewing and treating staff as a critical resource for good care; and (4) Providing information and support to staff by exchanging information and debriefing them after violent incidents., Conclusions: Ward managers described ethical challenges surrounding violence and coercive measures. These were often described as practical problems, so there seems to be a need for a development of higher ethical awareness based on a common understanding regarding central ethical values to be respected in coercive care. The ward managers seem to have a high awareness of de-escalation and the work with secondary prevention, however, there is a need to develop the work with primary and tertiary prevention. The service user group or user organizations were not considered as resources in violence prevention, so there is a need to ensure that all stakeholders are active in the process of creating violence prevention strategies., Competing Interests: The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest., (Copyright © 2022 Lindow, Kjellin, Engström and Pelto-Piri.)

Background: Many psychiatric services include social inclusion as a policy with the aim to offer users the opportunity to participate in care and to form reciprocal relationships. The aim of this study was to explore opportunities and problems with regard to participation, reciprocity and social justice that different stakeholders experience when it comes to social inclusion for service users and minimizing violence in psychiatric inpatient care., Methods: Qualitative interviews were performed with 12 service users, 15 staff members, and six ward managers in three different kinds of psychiatric wards in Sweden. The data were analyzed using the framework method and qualitative content analysis, which was based on the three following social inclusion values: participation, reciprocity, and social justice., Results: Themes and subthemes were inductively constructed within the three social inclusion values. For participation, staff and ward managers reported difficulties in involving service users in their care, while service users did not feel that they participated and worried about what would happen after discharge. Staff gave more positive descriptions of their relationships with service users and the possibility for reciprocity. Service users described a lack of social justice, such as disruptive care, a lack of support from services, not having access to care, or negative experiences of coercive measures. Despite this, service users often saw the ward as being safer than outside the hospital. Staff and managers reported worries about staffing, staff competence, minimizing coercion and violence, and a lack of support from the management., Conclusions: By applying the tentative model on empirical data we identified factors that can support or disrupt the process to create a safe ward where service users can feel socially included. Our results indicate that that staff and service users may have different views on the reciprocity of their relationships, and that users may experience a lack of social justice. The users may, due to harsh living conditions, be more concerned about the risk of violence in the community than as inpatients. Staff and ward managers need support from the management to foster a sense of community in the ward and to implement evidence-based prevention programs., (© 2021. The Author(s).)

Background: Violence towards staff working in psychiatric inpatient care is a serious problem. The aim of the present study was to explore staff perspectives of serious violent incidents involving psychiatric inpatients through the following research questions: Which factors contributed to violent incidents, according to staff? How do staff describe their actions and experiences during and after violent incidents?, Methods: We collected data via a questionnaire with open-ended questions, and captured 283 incidents reported by 181 staff members from 10 inpatient psychiatric wards in four different regions. We used the Critical Incident Technique to analyse the material. Our structural analysis started by structuring extracts from the critical incidents into descriptions, which were grouped into three chronological units of analyses: before the incident, during the incident and after the incident. Thereafter, we categorised all descriptions into subcategories, categories and main areas., Results: Staff members often attributed aggression and violence to internal patient factors rather than situational/relational or organisational factors. The descriptions of violent acts included verbal threats, serious assault and death threats. In addition to coercive measures and removal of patients from the ward, staff often dealt with these incidents using other active measures rather than passive defence or de-escalation. The main effects of violent incidents on staff were psychological and emotional. After violent incidents, staff had to continue caring for patients, and colleagues provided support. Support from managers was reported more rarely and staff expressed some dissatisfaction with the management., Conclusions: As a primary prevention effort, it is important to raise awareness that external factors (organisational, situational and relational) are important causes of violence and may be easier to modify than internal patient factors. A secondary prevention approach could be to improve staff competence in the use of de-escalation techniques. An important tertiary prevention measure would be for management to follow up with staff regularly after violent incidents and to increase psychological support in such situations.

Objectives: The objective of the study was to investigate how mental health professionals describe and reflect upon different forms of informal coercion., Results: In a deductive qualitative content analysis of focus group interviews, several examples of persuasion, interpersonal leverage, inducements, and threats were found. Persuasion was sometimes described as being more like a negotiation. Some participants worried about that the use of interpersonal leverage and inducements risked to pass into blackmail in some situations. In a following inductive analysis, three more categories of informal coercion was found: cheating, using a disciplinary style and referring to rules and routines. Participants also described situations of coercion from other stakeholders: relatives and other authorities than psychiatry. The results indicate that informal coercion includes forms that are not obviously arranged in a hierarchy, and that its use is complex with a variety of pathways between different forms before treatment is accepted by the patient or compulsion is imposed.

Background: A major challenge in psychiatric inpatient care is to create an environment that promotes patient recovery, patient safety and good working environment for staff. Since guidelines and programs addressing this issue stress the importance of primary prevention in creating safe environments, more insight is needed regarding patient perceptions of feeling safe. The aim of this study is to enhance our understanding of feelings of being safe or unsafe in psychiatric inpatient care., Methods: In this qualitative study, interviews with open-ended questions were conducted with 17 adult patients, five women and 12 men, from four settings: one general psychiatric, one psychiatric addiction and two forensic psychiatric clinics. The main question in the interview guide concerned patients' feelings of being safe or unsafe. Thematic content analysis with an inductive approach was used to generate codes and, thereafter, themes and subthemes., Results: The main results can be summarized in three themes: (1) Predictable and supportive services are necessary for feeling safe. This concerns the ability of psychiatric and social services to meet the needs of patients. Descriptions of delayed care and unpredictable processes were common. The structured environment was mostly perceived as positive. (2) Communication and taking responsibility enhance safety. This is about daily life in the ward, which was often perceived as being socially poor and boring with non-communicative staff. Participants emphasized that patients have to take responsibility for their actions and for co-patients. (3) Powerlessness and unpleasant encounters undermine safety. This addresses the participants' way of doing risk analyses and handling unpleasant or aggressive patients or staff members. The usual way to act in risk situations was to keep away., Conclusions: Our results indicate that creating reliable treatment and care processes, a stimulating social climate in wards, and better staff-patient communication could enhance patient perceptions of feeling safe. It seems to be important that staff provide patients with general information about the safety situation at the ward, without violating individual patients right to confidentiality, and to have an ongoing process that aims to create organizational values promoting safe environments for patients and staff., Competing Interests: The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

The aim was to describe the nursing staff and ward managers' experiences of safety and violence in everyday meetings with the patients. The qualitative content analyses resulted in four themes: the relationship with the patient is the basis of care; the organizational culture affects the care given; knowledge and competence are important for safe care; and the importance of balancing influence and coercion in care. The staff had a varied ability to meet patients in a respectful way. One way of creating a common approach could be to discuss and reflect upon different options in the meeting with the patient.

Background: There has been considerable interest in normative ethics regarding how and when coercive care can be justified. However, only a few empirical studies consider how professionals reason about ethical aspects when assessing the need for coercive care for adults, and even less concerning children and adolescents. The aim of this study was to examine and describe how professionals document their value arguments when considering the need for coercive psychiatric care of young people., Methods: All 16 clinics that admitted children or adolescents to coercive care during one year in Sweden were included in the study. These clinics had a total of 155 admissions of 142 patients over one year. Qualitative content analysis with a deductive approach was used to find different forms of justification for coercive care that was documented in the medical records, including Care Certificates., Results: The analysis of medical records revealed two main arguments used to justify coercive care in child and adolescent psychiatry: 1) the protection argument - the patients needed protection, mainly from themselves, and 2) the treatment requirement argument - coercive care was a necessary measure for administering treatment to the patient. Other arguments, namely the caregiver support argument, the clarification argument and the solidarity argument, were used primarily to support the two main arguments. These supportive arguments were mostly used when describing the current situation, not in the explicit argumentation for coercive care. The need for treatment was often only implicitly clarified and the type of care the patient needed was not specified. Few value arguments were used in the decision for coercive care; instead physicians often used their authority to convince others that treatment was necessary., Conclusions: One clinical implication of the study is that decisions about the use of coercive care should have a much stronger emphasis on ethical aspects. There is a need for an ethical legitimacy founded upon explicit ethical reasoning and after communication with the patient and family, which should be documented together with the decision to use coercive care.

Purpose: Whilst formal coercion in psychiatry is regulated by legislation, other interventions that are often referred to as informal coercion are less regulated. It remains unclear to what extent these interventions are, and how they are used, in mental healthcare. This paper aims to identify the attitudes and experiences of mental health professionals towards the use of informal coercion across countries with differing sociocultural contexts., Method: Focus groups with mental health professionals were conducted in ten countries with different sociocultural contexts (Canada, Chile, Croatia, Germany, Italy, Mexico, Norway, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom)., Results: Five common themes were identified: (a) a belief that informal coercion is effective; (b) an often uncomfortable feeling using it; (c) an explicit as well as (d) implicit dissonance between attitudes and practice-with wider use of informal coercion than is thought right in theory; (e) a link to principles of paternalism and responsibility versus respect for the patient's autonomy., Conclusions: A disapproval of informal coercion in theory is often overridden in practice. This dissonance occurs across different sociocultural contexts, tends to make professionals feel uneasy, and requires more debate and guidance.

Background: Community treatment orders (CTOs) were legally implemented in psychiatry in Sweden in 2008, both in general psychiatry and in forensic psychiatric care. A main aim with the reform was to replace long leaves from compulsory psychiatric inpatient care with CTOs. The aims of the present study were to examine the use of compulsory psychiatric care before and after the reform and if this intention of the law reform was fulfilled., Methods: The study was based on register data from the computerized patient administrative system of Örebro County Council. Two periods of time, two years before (I) and two years after (II) the legal change, were compared. The Swedish civic registration number was used to connect unique individuals to continuous treatment episodes comprising different forms of legal status and to identify individuals treated during both time periods., Results: The number of involuntarily admitted patients was 524 in period I and 514 in period II. CTOs were in period II used on relatively more patients in forensic psychiatric care than in general psychiatry. In all, there was a 9% decrease from period I to period II in hospital days of compulsory psychiatric care, while days on leave decreased with 60%. The number of days on leave plus days under CTOs was 26% higher in period II than the number of days on leave in period I. Among patients treated in both periods, this increase was 43%. The total number of days under any form of compulsory care (in hospital, on leave, and under CTOs) increased with five percent. Patients with the longest leaves before the reform had more days on CTOs after the reform than other patients., Conclusions: The results indicate that the main intention of the legislator with introducing CTOs was fulfilled in the first two years after the reform in the studied county. At the same time the use of coercive psychiatric care outside hospital, and to some extent the total use of coercive in- and outpatient psychiatric care, increased. Adding an additional legal coercive instrument in psychiatry may increase the total use of coercion.

Background: Psychiatric staff members have the power to decide the options that frame encounters with patients. Intentional as well as unintentional framing can have a crucial impact on patients' opportunities to be heard and participate in the process. We identified three dominant ethical perspectives in the normative medical ethics literature concerning how doctors and other staff members should frame interactions in relation to patients; paternalism, autonomy and reciprocity. The aim of this study was to describe and analyse statements describing real work situations and ethical reflections made by staff members in relation to three central perspectives in medical ethics; paternalism, autonomy and reciprocity., Methods: All staff members involved with patients in seven adult psychiatric and six child and adolescent psychiatric clinics were given the opportunity to freely describe ethical considerations in their work by keeping an ethical diary over the course of one week and 173 persons handed in their diaries. Qualitative theory-guided content analysis was used to provide a description of staff encounters with patients and in what way these encounters were consistent with, or contrary to, the three perspectives., Results: The majority of the statements could be attributed to the perspective of paternalism and several to autonomy. Only a few statements could be attributed to reciprocity, most of which concerned staff members acting contrary to the perspective. The result is presented as three perspectives containing eight values.•Paternalism; 1) promoting and restoring the health of the patient, 2) providing good care and 3) assuming responsibility.•Autonomy; 1) respecting the patient's right to self-determination and information, 2) respecting the patient's integrity and 3) protecting human rights.•Reciprocity; 1) involving patients in the planning and implementation of their care and 2) building trust between staff and patients., Conclusions: Paternalism clearly appeared to be the dominant perspective among the participants, but there was also awareness of patients' right to autonomy. Despite a normative trend towards reciprocity in psychiatry throughout the Western world, identifying it proved difficult in this study. This should be borne in mind by clinics when considering the need for ethical education, training and supervision.