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Copyright of Historisk Tidskrift is the property of Svenska Historiska Foereningen and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Community policing philosophy has become an attractive field within the policing literature, exercised enthusiastically by police forces across England and Wales as a response to police and crime related issues ranging from poor policepublic relations to minor crime and disorder. This paper provides a critical appraisal of community participation and problem solving elements of community policing before moving onto explaining how they have been implemented in England, Wales, and European Union. Finally, this study also highlights that there are stubborn and very serious financial, organisational and cultural challenges regarding the successful application of community policing schemes in England, Wales, and European Union

Developing effective partnerships between the UN and Regional organizations involved in the delivery of Peace-keeping Operations (PKOs) has become a key element to improve the effectiveness, credibility and sustainability of these missions. The recent trend of transferring authority from a regional Organization to a UN PKO represents an interesting tool based on the principles of complementarity and comparative advantages. At the request of the Security Council, the UN Secretary General carried out a lessons-learned exercise on the transition from African Union peace operations to UN PKOs in Mali and in the Central African Republic (CAR). This article provides a critical analysis of this Report and argues that a smooth transition phase from one operation to the other is possible provided that a set of conditions are fulfilled. Moreover, the present contribution highlights that the two cases offer interesting lessons to be learned, which could prove to be essential for the future transition from the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) to a UN operation.

This introductory article describes peace-making, peace-building and peace-keeping according to the specific characterization of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. It presents the different articles in this special issue according to these categories and discusses critically their main theses. This methodology intends to help us gain a better understanding of the challenge of change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Social scientists and policy-makers are increasingly concerned with the civil society ability to influence the external policy of EU and the member states. This ability depends to a large extent on the capabilities and instruments of the non-governmental-organizations (NGOs), national and international associations, and lobbies, which represent civil society interests. In order to represent the demands that cut across the borders of states, NGOs are increasingly gaining access to international decision-making institutions. However, this access continues to face with the controversial issue of the NGOs engagement in political participation, representation, and democratization of the decision-making processes of international organizations. This paper aims at analyzing the increasing engagement of NGOs, within and in relation with the EU, in the framework of CFSP/ESDP, and in responding to composite humanitarian emergencies.

There is increased interest in the connectivity of migrants with both their host-lands and their original homelands. This article brings a social movement perspective to bear on the issue of diaspora mobilization. Why do conflict-generated diasporas from the same original homeland and living in the same host-land mobilize in sustained versus episodic ways? This article focuses on the sustained mobilization of Bosnian Muslims versus the episodic mobilization of Croats and Serbs in the Netherlands in the early 2010s. I argue that a traumatic issue that binds three actors – diaspora, host-state, and home-state – is central to such mobilization. This issue is the failure of Dutch peace-keeping forces to protect the Srebrenica enclave in 1995. Migration integration regimes, threats from radical right parties, host-state foreign policy, and transnational influences can trigger episodic diaspora mobilization, but not sustain it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of the present analysis is to investigate whether the law of collective security could play a normative function in the determination of which services may or may not be outsourced in the context of UN peacekeeping operations. The key question is whether PMSCS should only perform those activities instrumental to the life of the UN, or should also cover those functions that are a direct expression of the competences attributed to it for the maintenance of international peace and security. The point is made that since peacekeeping is aimed at preserving fundamental values of the international community, peace and increasingly human rights, PMSCS might play a part in it, but only in a secondary way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the five decades of its involvement in the infamous 'Cyprus problem', the United Nations (UN) has undertaken several largescale attempts to lead the process of conflict resolution, however, the UN's mediation has failed to produce a settlement on the island. The issue at the heart of the conflict, political inequality, remains the major stumbling block. This block is firmly and consistently embedded in the UN's successive resolutions on Cyprus which continue to sustain the status of inequality and thus, perpetuate the problem. By drawing attention to the roots of the current conflict in Cyprus, and to the UN's positioning in the conflict, this article challenges the UN's myopic policy towards Cyprus. It is argued that the UN's partiality protracts the conflict, and that attempts to reach a workable solution are deemed improbable as long as the UN's stance on Cyprus remains uncontested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japanese foreign policy since the late 1980s has exhibited many signs of liberal internationalism: a generous development assistance package despite its economic malaise, an expanded presence in international peacekeeping and peace-building missions, and a multi-faceted, people-centered approach to international security. This article, however, draws attention to the (non)liberal character of Japanese activism by shedding light on Japan's entanglement in democracy assistance, a trademark liberal internationalist project. Two features stand out in this juxtaposition. First, democracy assistance has been seen as supplementary rather than parallel--to the peace and development initiatives in Japan's diplomatic repertoire. Second, when democracy was indeed played up, the act nonetheless exposed the myriad innate contradictions between the liberal paradigm and Japan's nationalist impulses that transpired in its diplomatic offensives. Humanistic as it can be at times, Japan's global outreach is non-liberal at best because it is intellectually informed and motivated by a confluence of nationalist resurgence and realist power considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of UNISCI Discussion Papers is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The American troops in South Korea are a contested issue in inter-Korean relations. While the opinion of South Korea and the United States is that they are essential for the South's defense, North Korea's view is that they hinder reunification. The South Korea-United States alliance, which was formed during the Korean War (1950-1953), is analyzed here on the basis of alliance theory. The alliance was strengthened by the signing of a Mutual Defense Treaty in 1953 which is the legal basis for the American troops' presence. The United States prevented South Korea from retaliating against North Korea following assassination attempts against South Korean presidents in 1968 and 1983. Troop reductions in 1970-1971, 1990-1992 and 2004-2008 caused U.S.-ROK tensions. These tensions peaked due to President Jimmy Carter's (1977-1981) troop withdrawal policy, until the policy was reversed due to strong opposition and an underestimation of North Korea's armed forces. American troops have contributed to maintaining peace by building a joint South Korean-American fighting force, providing quality intelligence, and serving as a force that both countries regard to be of the utmost importance for the South's defense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2003, the EU declared its civilian and military crisis management instruments ready for deployment. Since then, EU member states have demonstrated their capability to act as a global security player. They have deployed civil missions and military operations to Sub-Saharan Africa, the Balkans, the Eastern neighbourhood, the Near and Middle East, and even to Asia. These engagements have encompassed a variety of approaches and tools to crisis management and stabilisation, ranging from the training of security forces and the support for the rule of law, to the provision of a military or civilian presence, to safeguard elections or to monitor border arrangements and ceasefire agreements, to the fight against piracy or other forms of organised crime. Altogether, by the end of 2009, the EU had conducted 23 missions and operations under the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The EU has made considerable progress on its way to becoming a global security actor. However, case studies show that many ESDP engagements face substantial shortcomings - chief among them the lack of long-term, strategic planning for future deployments, a binding and institutionalised 'lessons learned' process as well as a consistent follow-up by member states and EU institutions involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the responsibility to protect from a legal and rights-based perspective. It shows that the responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity is rooted in existing International Human Rights Law (IHRL) and International Humanitarian Law (IHL). These crimes fall under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and evoke serious international legal consequences under all circumstances, also if tried by national courts. Protection of the individual against atrocities is a primary responsibility of states. However, if a state is unable or unwilling to exercise its protection obligations, these shift to international organisations, including the United Nations or any other authority controlling the territory and its population. The article further analyses various protection tools available within the UN human rights machinery, in particular the Human Rights Council (HRC) and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and concludes that they could play a much stronger role in preventing and addressing the atrocities and that the most important obstacle in this respect is the prevailing institutional gap between human rights and security matters within the UN. The article concludes that the responsibility to protect clause adopted by consensus by the 2005 World Summit in its Outcome Document (GA Resolution A/60/1) constitutes an important commitment towards implementing these universal rights and obligations which are lacking enforcement and continue to be violated, especially in armed conflicts. It also identifies research and policy recommendations that may facilitate operationalisation of this important clause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the political participation of non-government organizations (NGOs) within the European Union (EU) and how they respond to humanitarian emergencies. It explains the civil society integration and EU governance, the NGOs in EU peace and humanitarian missions and the role of the civil society. Also mentioned are civil dialogues and priorities for launching a cooperation strategy including promotion of participatory democracy, contribution to policy making and project management.

The Swedish defence policy has undergone a dramatic shift in recent years from focusing on defending Swedish territory to focusing on making the world a better place. The questions asked in this article relate to the Swedish constitutional regulation of the use of the Swedish armed forces and the potential impact of the European Security and Defence Policy on the interpretation of the Constitution. A fundamental revision of a policy central to the identity of the state has taken place, and the constitutional regulation as such stays intact. The old constitutional rules also function in the new defence policy environment, but new practice may entail a new interpretation. Different aspects of the change in defence policy will be weighed in relation to the existing Constitution. The Constitution sets limits to when Swedish armed forces may be sent abroad, but it also provides the opportunities. In a time of internationalisation and active use of military means to accomplish things around the world, the enabling aspect of the Constitution becomes important. The constitutional regulation accords the government and Parliament a lot of freedom, indeed unlimited freedom as long as they agree. Under the Constitution any coalition, context or cause is just. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical literature traditionally assimilates gendarmerie forces with old-fashioned, centralised, colonial, or totalitarian regimes. Similarly, the media and much of the current academic literature seem to consider the gendarmerie model as antiquated, and unable to meet the demands of public accountability or human rights compliance associated with modern democratic policing. How then can France, Italy or the Netherlands still reasonably promote it as a credible policing alternative? Gendarmeries receive very little attention from the Anglo-American criminal justice community. On closer inspection however, it appears that gendarmeries are tasked to perform public order, riot control and criminal police duties in many European democracies. This unique association of military semantics and civilian police tasks symbolises the modern gendarmerie concept, which can provide a substantial added value with public, specialised and professional police units. This critical analysis of the existing literature examines how gendarmeries are viewed by the English-speaking academic community, and most importantly, why this perception has become flawed. One of the lead arguments is that the terminology habitually used to describe the gendarmerie model, because it wrongly suggests a persistent functional discrepancy between these forces and their civilian counterparts found for instance in common-law countries, actually conceals the fact that gendarmeries have become important actors on the European policing scene. The study singles out arguments which demonstrate that police forces bearing a military status present useful credentials to promote the liberal-democratic policing ideal in twenty-first century Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of reforming policing systems in transitional, conflict-torn, and failed states has become a major focus of donor assistance projects, for without effective, efficient, equitable, and accountable policing wider social, economic, and political development is not likely to be sustained. Although a large reform literature, written by members of a global police policy community, has been generated, few long-range improvements can be pointed out. We argue that this failure to have a stronger impact through aid and assistance has resulted mainly from the priority of donor over recipient interests, lack of knowledge about policing, non-appreciation of the complexities of local security conditions, and the inability to link conceptual advice to the practicalities of implementation. We suggest some changes in how policing reforms should be approached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study illustrates how middle power states — such as Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Norway — have exercised leadership on the human security agenda, and thus challenges the realist view of middle powers as mere followers of great power leadership on global security issues. The hegemonic United States (US) is likely to counter any initiative that threatens its core national' interest: the security of the American territory, institutions, and citizenry. Therefore, it is hypothesized that the US is more likely to oppose a middle power-led human security initiative if the initiative challenges the rights of American citizens protected under the US Constitution. A qualitative analysis of four human security initiatives provides support for the hypothesis. The US acquiesced to the formation of the Stand-by High Readiness Brigade for United Nations Operations (SHIRBRIG) and the ban on anti- personnel landmines (APLs), which did not pose threats to any constitutional rights. But Washington opposed the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the adoption of stricter regulations on the legal trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW), because these initiatives challenged specific constitutional rights of American citizens. The study examines a second hypothesis: that a middle power-led human security initiative is more likely to be successful if the middle powers engage in fast-track diplomacy rather than consensus-based diplomacy. The case studies demonstrate that the middle powers succeeded when they used fast-track diplomacy on the SHIRBRIG, APL, and ICC initiatives, but failed when they relied on consensus-based diplomacy on the SALW initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a case study of the UN's experiences in Croatia, this essay addresses the question of why some UN peace-keeping missions succeed, while others fail. The essay develops wider criteria of success than usually employed in peace-keeping literature and analyzes the performance in Croatia based on these measures. It then takes hypotheses extracted from the international relations literature on peace-keeping and comparative politics literature on civil conflict management and tests them against this case. First, `international' factors, those related to the UN itself, such as its level of commitment to a mission, and the presence or absence of leadership by a major power, are considered. Second, `domestic' factors are addressed, including the level of consent and cooperation of the warring parties and the existence of a military stalemate. In light of these findings it is asserted that peace-keeping can indeed be successful when certain necessary and sufficient conditions are met. In Croatia, success seems mostly dependent on the domestic factors. This supports the notion of a `ripeness' point for resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]