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Temporary collective relocation of former combatants in cantonments plays a vital role in Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reintegration (DDR) programmes. Existing research emphasizes the necessity of implementing limited-duration cantonments to mitigate potential security dilemmas. The 2016 Peace Agreement between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) provides a unique experience, deviating from conventional practices by maintaining cantonments over an extended period, with some evolving into permanent settlements. What are the effects of this strategy on community-based reintegration? Drawing upon original data from interviews, ethnographic observation, and surveys conducted in conflict-affected communities, this paper compares two cases: a cantonment successfully transformed into a permanent settlement and another initially promising cantonment that ultimately failed to achieve permanence. This study argues that long-term cantonments contribute to community-based reintegration benefiting former combatants and receiving communities by maintaining internal cohesion, supporting the local economy, and rebuilding the social fabric in conflict-affected territories. However, specific conditions, particularly land ownership and security, are crucial for such a development. Without these conditions, long-term cantonments face the risk of being closed or relocated, threatening peacebuilding outcomes. The displacement of ex-combatants to other territories hinders community access to the benefits offered by the collective reintegration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the Mapping Attitudes, Perceptions and Support (MAPS) dataset, which provides rich survey data from more than 12,000 respondents in Colombia. Our panel survey – carried out in two separate waves in 2019 and 2021 – is representative at the level of each 'Program for Development with a Territorial Focus' (PDET, for its acronym in Spanish), the most war-affected regions and those targeted for peace agreement implementation. We describe the sample and compare support for the peace agreement in MAPS to other recent surveys in Colombia, showing how MAPS reveals regional variation obscured in nationally representative surveys. Regression analyses illustrate how the panel data allow us to explore how and why people's perceptions of the agreement shift over time. The MAPS data will enable scholars to gain insights into the microfoundations of peacebuilding over time and across space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A decade after the start of the peace talks between the Colombian state and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) insurgency, the country's military has not been immune to the polarised debates surrounding the final 2016 peace agreement, particularly as today the country experiences a significant rise in polarisation, social discontent and organised armed violence that is blamed by multiple sectors of Colombian society on the peace agreement itself. This commentary traces the origins and development of recent pro-military narratives in Colombia, explaining how apprehensions by the military to the 2016 peace agreement translated into a 'stab-in-the-back' notion, portraying the military as victims of a betrayal by the civilian leadership. The consequence of this narrative has been a galvanisation of the support of various societal actors of the military, including by politicising the military institution, to defend Colombia's decades-old militarised national security approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Lost in Translation: Vietnam, the Paris Talks, and the Chennault Affair" explores the intricate diplomatic negotiations during the Vietnam War in 1968, focusing on President Thiệu's reluctance to engage in peace talks due to concerns about the NLF and Hanoi's intentions. The narrative challenges traditional depictions of Anna Chennault's role in the affair, highlighting the complexities of South Vietnamese politics and the influence of key figures like Averell Harriman. By examining Vietnamese sources and U.S. archives, the text sheds light on the intersection of diplomacy and domestic politics, emphasizing the importance of a nuanced understanding of historical events. [Extracted from the article]

The article examines how Israel related to the threat that Hamas posed to the peace process, both during the talks that led to the signing of the Declaration of Principles (December 1992–September 1993) and then until the signing of the Oslo 2 agreement (September 1995). The Israeli negotiators and leaders were locked into the idea that the PLO would "deal with Hamas" because of its clear interest to do so. During the talks, however, there was no detailed discussion of the matter. Instead, the negotiators focused—and with full justification—on the important achievement of an accord with the PLO and its agreement to refrain from terrorism. This, reinforced by the assumption that the PLO would suppress Hamas, paved the way for the signing of the Declaration of Principles without any concrete attention to Hamas. Thus Hamas terrorism proved to be a major obstacle to the fulfillment of the Oslo Accords. Hamas bomb attacks killed many Israelis and undermined Israelis' faith in the process. In parallel, the IDF activity to thwart Hamas, which involved major operations on the ground, as well as the accords' failure to produce an economic upturn for the Palestinians, diminished their support for the agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 sparked protests around the globe. Most of Europe had – luckily – not seen violent conflict of this scale on their doorstep for more than 30 years. For Germany, the period was even longer. Being confronted with news about the war drove thousands of German citizens to the streets. In passionate protests, they made various demands of their government. Herein, we investigate the links between Germans' emotions and their readiness to engage in such protests. Drawing on collective action research, we predicted that anger and sympathy would correlate positively with Germans' protest readiness. Given the context and public debate, we predicted that fear should also correlate with protest readiness. Two surveys (total N = 905) conducted with residents of Germany – one day after the invasion and at its first anniversary – supported our hypotheses. We consistently found that the more sympathy and anger respondents experienced, the greater their readiness to protest. Fear explained variance beyond sympathy and anger in two cases and in an information‐seeking measure of protest readiness: Greater fear correlated with a higher interest in demonstrations advocating peace negotiations and a lower interest in demonstrations calling for solidarity with Ukraine. These findings underscore the links between sympathy, anger, fear, and the readiness to protest in response to the contemporary crisis that is the war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text provides a summary of two books that offer insights into ethnic politics in Myanmar. "Winning by process" by Jacques Bertrand, Alexandre Pelletier, and Ardeth Thawnghmung explores how Myanmar's military state marginalized ethnic elites while increasing ethnic identification among non-Bamar peoples. "Repossessing Shanland" by Jane Ferguson examines ethnogenesis for groups like the Shan, who exist across nation-states, challenging the idea that people are solely influenced by their country. Both books emphasize the importance of space and how forces of ethnic attachment or disaffiliation differ across different areas. The text also raises questions about Burmanization, its effects, and its role in the revolution. The text further explores the complexities of ethnic identity and nationalism in Shanland, a region in northeast Burma, challenging the assumption that Shanland is fundamentally Burmese and examining the tensions between the representation of a Shan nation-state and the lived reality of the people. The text also delves into the role of insurgencies and the postcolonial context in shaping Shan nationalism, as well as highlighting the experiences and challenges faced by Shan migrants in Thailand. Overall, the text emphasizes the need for a nuanced understanding of ethnicity and its intersections with other identities such as gender, class, and age. [Extracted from the article]

The post-2020 escalations in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, culminating in the Azerbaijani military offensive of September 2023 and the subsequent mass exodus of the Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh, once again underscored the persistent deadlock in the peace process and the failure to achieve compromise. This article aims to analyze the genesis of maximalist attitudes within Armenian and Azerbaijani societies in the years preceding the 2020 war, as well as the factors contributing to the endurance of these attitudes in the years that followed. Drawing on the analysis of maximalist attitudes formation during the interwar period (1994–2020), the research delves into the obstacles encountered by peace activists and peacebuilders in their efforts to counter dominant nationalism, alongside other challenges and structural impediments in the peacebuilding process. Finally, the study investigates the determinants that shaped the post-war attitudes in Armenia and Azerbaijan preceding the pivotal events of September 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grounded in interdisciplinary scholarship, we bring greater attention to spatial dynamics in divided cities. Our exploratory research of Jerusalem and Sarajevo highlights important conceptual dimensions to study peace in contested contexts. Specifically, we propose studying peace as a process conditioned by spatial practices, embracing the multidimensionality of borders, and integrating the co-constitutive nature of border-mobility dynamics. By conceptualizing physical and narrated dimensions of borders and by exploring collective mobility patterns, we can develop a deeper understanding of how peace is negotiated at the local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the historical trajectory and contemporary manifestations of Kurdish anti‐colonialism. The analysis unfolds in two parts, dissecting the intricate relationship between theory and action within the Kurdish struggle. The historical dimension delves into Ottoman‐era Turkish‐style colonization, elucidating the displacement strategies employed by the Ottoman state. The study underscores the delayed integration of the colonialism concept into the Kurdish intellectual framework, shedding light on the challenges faced by the oppressed in articulating their anti‐colonial narrative. The second part scrutinizes the ideological challenges within the Kurdish anti‐colonial discourse. The instrumental use of the slogan "Kurdistan is a colony" is explored, emphasizing the dominance of socialist objectives over national liberation aspirations. The impact of socialism and pan‐Islamism on Kurdish politics and the linguistic complexities that obscure the colonial difference through language are examined. Contemporary dynamics, such as the Peace and Democracy Process and political violence, are analyzed to provide insights into the evolving nature of the Kurdish struggle. The resurgence of colonial theory within Kurdish society, particularly through techno‐Kurdishness, is explored, highlighting the role of modern communication technologies in reshaping the narrative. The article concludes by reflecting on the potential of the Kurdish struggle to inspire global resistance movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Selahattin Demirtaş, head of the left‐wing pro‐Kurdish People's Democratic Party (HDP) in Turkey, was arrested in 2016; his detention stemmed from fabricated charges, allegedly originating from his speeches, political statements, and purported involvement in the Kurdish riots of October 2014, known as the Kobani Protests, across northern Kurdistan. The following excerpts are derived from Demirtaş's extensive testimony before the Turkish court, spanning nine days between December 2023 and January 2024. He and his legal representatives facilitated the compilation of these statements and the subsequent exchange of edited copies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict between Malay-Muslim insurgents seeking secession from Thailand and security forces of the Thai government has been a long-lasting affair. According to the latest data, over 7,581 people have died and 14,082 have been injured as a result of political violence from January 2004 until March 2024. Ethnic and religious issues are central to this conflict. This Special Issue of Asian Affairs: An American Review looks at the continuing conflict and why it has persisted unabated. In this Introduction, the authors discuss the history of the conflict up until 2024. The article tracks indicators of the conflict's chronology. The rest of the Special Issue investigates different dimensions of the conflict in this part of Thailand to raise awareness about continuing challenges in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the complex relationship between the network of actors in the United States and Ireland who sought to influence American foreign policy in the Northern Ireland peace process. These networks operated in civil society, representing numerous Irish American organizations linking corporate and church leaders and the media to members of the Irish American diaspora in government to influence the United States' diplomacy. These Irish American groups and individuals interested in influencing events in Northern Ireland were linked with a wide array of governmental and non-governmental actors in Ireland. Often, Americans were quite deferential to leaders and groups in Ireland and Northern Ireland who sought to mobilize the Irish diaspora in the United States for their cause. Thus, the United States' role in Ireland and Northern Ireland was not that of a hegemonic power but one of an empathetic actor responding to developments and cues provided by various actors in the Irish context. Transatlantic networking, made more possible due to technological changes in communication and transportation, facilitated increased exchanges of ideas, agents, and information. These networks allowed groups across the Atlantic to elicit support for local groups in Northern Ireland and mobilize the US government to play a political and diplomatic role in the conflict and peace process. Ultimately, the majority of Irish Americans moved from supporting the nationalist/republican side in the early years of the Troubles to becoming strong supporters of the peace process in the 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the researchers have investigated the practice of intermedia citations in the leading newspapers of India and Pakistan over an extending time period from 2005 to 2022. The case of these two countries is important because relationships between them have been acrimonious since the division of the subcontinent in 1947 over a number of contentious issues. In line with the existing literature, we found that the press of two countries relied on each other to provide information about the happenings on the other side of the border. Intermedia citations increased when important events happened like eruption of violence or initiation of peace process. However, despite the practice of intermedia citation, the press of the two countries expressed reservations about the authenticity of such information. Moreover, we found that reservations were expressed more on security issues as compared to the non-security issues like socio-cultural events. The press of the two countries do not objectively inform readers about the perspective of opponent side on critical bilateral issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strategic imperative for a resolution of the Russia-Ukraine War requires that we combine the military and diplomatic instruments of power to accomplish first a cease fire and then a lasting peace. This article traces the development of peace negotiations prior to the outbreak of the war and offers possible lessons that could inform policymakers today. The main argument is that negotiations prior to the invasion were primarily at a standstill because of the way in which the parties interpreted the conflict and how each saw possible ways of conflict resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on peace has been filled with notions of peacebuilding in crisis or creating more problems than it solves. However, as peacebuilding is critiqued for not fulfilling its promises, the nuances of peace and violence present in peacebuilding practices are often left ignored. Arguing that peace is a continuum of peace and violence seen by understanding peace as embodied, spatial, and political, the article analyses peacebuilding practices creating a conflictual Lebanese peace. The article looks closer at three such practices: service provision, local interactions, and Lebanese local governance. Through empirical material, the article illustrates how service provision, local interactions and local governance are performed through power relations sustaining a continuum of peace and violence. As such, the article argues that rather than a continuum between peace and violence, Lebanese peacebuilding is a simultaneous process of peace and violence. This questions the assumed opposition between violence and peace and claims that by emphasising peace as embodied, situated, and political we can discern different peace(s) more peaceful for some than others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Economic Congress of Turkey and Mustafa Kemal's (Atatürk) inaugural speech are often seen in the literature as symbolic messages sent during the Lausanne peace negotiations. While many studies suggest that Turkey, by convening this congress, was expressing its desire to align with the Western world and endorse liberal economic principles, the situation was more nuanced. Mustafa Kemal and the Congress did not advocate for ideas that would favour foreign capital and Great Powers. One of the central themes of the Economic Congress was 'economic independence', aligning with the pre-existing concepts of National Economics. There was strong opposition to capitulations and privileges rooted in the National Economics tradition, accompanied by a scepticism towards the 'West', with an emphasis on independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2010, Zanzibar, a sub-state within the United Republic of Tanzania, became a unique case of power sharing in Africa. The country conducted a referendum before establishing a government of national unity and entrenched it in Zanzibar's Constitution of 1984. The aim was to make the power-sharing system durable and rooted in society to achieve peace and development. Nevertheless, a political system must be accepted, practised and routinised to be rooted in society. Usually, peace settlements involve elites, who negotiate, sign and occasionally benefit from the pact—and Zanzibar is not an exception. What is missing in peace negotiations is the broad-based participation of the citizens. Based on a survey and expert interviews, this article examines how power sharing in Zanzibar has nevertheless become rooted in society over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the motivations and affiliations of Syrian fighters within the Third Corp, emphasizing the role of emotionality, identity transformation, and fusion in shaping fighter behavior and decision-making. Through qualitative analysis of interviews with fighters, the study explores how episodic memories, rituals, and shared dysphoric experiences contribute to a complex sense of belonging and solidarity, challenging traditional notions of identity in conflict settings. By employing the concept of identity fusion, the research highlights the construction of psychological kinship and the profound impact of shared emotional dynamics on group cohesion. This study provides insights into the genesis, evolution, and potential resolutions of conflicts, offering a nuanced understanding of fighters' motivations and the implications for peace processes in Syria and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The failure to prevent Hamas’s slaughter of some 1,300 Israelis on 7 October 2023 – the largest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust – is a direct result of an emergency phone consultation three hours before the terror group’s invasion of Israel with the participation of the IDF’s and Shin Bet’s top leaders, who decided to do nothing despite acute warning signals and failed to alert the Gaza division commander and the political echelon to the imminent attack. Had they taken the minimal precautionary measures, the catastrophe would have been averted altogether. To fully understand the mindset underlying this monumental blunder requires tracing its evolution within the context of the 30-years-long Oslo peace delusion in general, and during the turbulent year preceding the 10/7 massacres in particular. That is: the substitution of a grand strategic deception aimed at Israel’s destruction for a true peace process and the attendant emasculation of the IDF’s military capabilities and combative/offensive ethos, on the one hand, and the unravelling of Israel’s sociopolitical fabric that culminated in the 2023 mass civil disobedience that enticed Hamas into action, on the other. Even Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who opposed the Oslo process from the outset and managed to neutralise its most catastrophic potential calamity – the establishment of a Palestinian state committed to Israel’s destruction in the West Bank and Gaza – failed to extricate Israel from this disastrous course and was ironically forced to bear its full brunt on 7 October 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Middle powers were visible actors in Myanmar's peace-donor landscape, from the beginning of that country's peace process in 2011 until the 2021 coup. Considering Myanmar's longstanding dependency on China and generally difficult relationship with larger powers, this appears to be significant. However, the literature on middle powers remains incapacitated by a definitional opacity that makes application of the term difficult, despite consistent references to their mediating capabilities. Recent scholarship has applied an 'entrepreneurial' lens to understanding middle power behaviour, implying middle powers are driven by a confluence of material and ideational factors. Based on fieldwork interviews with over fifty informants examining Norwegian, Japanese and Australian engagement with peacemaking in Myanmar 2011–2021, this paper expands on the entrepreneurial label and argues that middle powers in Myanmar acted as peacemaking entrepreneurs—as actors that traded upon their peacemaking reputations to secure concomitant material benefits. Nevertheless, this paper argues that engaging in peacemaking entrepreneurship proved to be problematic in Myanmar's context, given it tended to favour incumbent power. Indeed, in stark contrast to theoretical assumptions of these actors as neutral intermediaries, this paper raises serious questions about the contribution of middle powers in peacemaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context under which it was convened Dayton Peace Conference it was very complex. Among the factors that determined the success of the peace talks were also the decisions on nomination of the delegates and on the framework of negotiations. The first one had to do with the format of the negotiation delegations and the second one with the platforms for negotiations. Both issues were interlinked and demonstrated whether parties in war seriously and constructively were approaching to the idea for peace conference. In Dayton, the interests of the Bosnian state and society, of the Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats were represented by the Presidents of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Croatia. That it was an indication that all parties in war gave priority to the dialogue even though the questions on what level must be representation in the peace conference and what mandate the appointed delegates must have very often constituted a challenge in itself during the prenegotiation period. The purpose of this paper it was to understand the political representation in the Dayton Peace Conference by analyzing the format of the negotiation delegations and the frameworks of the negotiations. For that reason, in desk research it was conducted where documents from relevant national and international institutions were analyzed. Interpretation of data it is based on the Berridge's analytical construct regarding the phases of negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent events on the Korean Peninsula have heightened tensions to what may be their most dangerous level since the 1950–53 Korean War. The breakdown of the 2018 Comprehensive Military Agreement and North Korea's abandonment of its longstanding unification policy have marked significant shifts in inter-Korean relations, amid a realignment of regional powers into opposing alliances. A historical survey of Korean reunification efforts reveals the cross-cutting implications of recent diplomatic and military developments, while an analysis of the derailed inter-Korean peace process—particularly after the failed 2019 Hanoi summit between North Korea and the United States—highlights lost opportunities for regional integration and peaceful interconnection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to identify the factors underlying the success of peace negotiations in Africa, with particular emphasis on the role of UN peacekeepers. We analyze African Peace Processes (APP) data over the period 1989–2019 using the binary logistic model. Our results show that the deployment of UN peacekeepers is associated with the success of mediation efforts, both in intra-state and non-state conflicts. On the other hand, the presence of peacekeepers is detrimental to the success of bilateral negotiations. These results thus highlight that the ambiguity surrounding the effectiveness of UN forces in the peaceful management of conflicts depends on the presence or absence of a mediator. Consequently, political decision-makers should combine the deployment of peacekeeping forces with mediation initiatives to achieve peaceful conflict management. On the other hand, this should not be envisaged within the framework of bilateral negotiations, at the risk of producing opposite effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Peace Pedagogies in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Theory and Practice in Formal Education" explores the role of peace education in post-conflict contexts, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It highlights the need for educational reform to promote peace and mutual respect, emphasizing the importance of integrating peace teachings into the entire curriculum. The book suggests that a societal transformation towards lasting peace requires values, moral principles, and character education, and that every member of society should embrace a peace-oriented worldview. Despite some minor flaws, the book offers valuable insights and recommendations for educators and policymakers interested in peace pedagogy. [Extracted from the article]

The establishment of International Relations as a field of study in part responded to the experience of World War One. Its consolidation and differentiation after World War Two went hand in hand with the entanglement of the incipient discipline with the Cold War. Peace research emerged as a reaction to this development. It established itself as critical research insofar as it was concerned with clarifying the connection between (if not unity of) the East-West and North-South conflicts on the one hand, the deformation of international communication under the conditions of nuclear deterrence and global ideological confrontation on the other. In this context, theory building focused on the concept of peace as a challenge to the dominant understanding of global conflict (for instance as an object of strategic studies). Towards the end of the Cold War, the focus shifted to the interaction between democracy and peace and the possibility of conceptualizing peace as a civilizational process. Debates on peace theory, for some years, were also subsumed under a rapidly blossoming interest in an 'expanded concept of security' in the social sciences. At the same time, the practical promotion of peace (peacebuilding) came to the fore, while theory building on the democratic peace was increasingly confronted with (interventionist) wars by democracies. As a result, the focus of theory building in IR shifted again, now in favor of examining the development of global orders and the significance of norms in this context. This also involved a debate on the limits of 'peace through law' (i.e. the constitutionalization of international law), the justification of force as part of normative ordering in world politics and issues of peace ethics. Can we nevertheless speak of a fading of peace-theoretical interests in IR - even in the face of the escalation of the threat of war? If so, do the ideas presented in this ZIB-Forum present some points of departure for reviving interest in peace theory as part of IR? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen (ZIB) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"The Geopolitical Economy of Sport: Power, Politics, Money, and the State" is a book edited by Simon Chadwick, Paul Widdop, and Micheal Goldman that explores the intersection of sport and geopolitics. The book covers various regions, including Russia and Ukraine, China, The Gulf and South Asia, and Africa, and examines topics such as athlete reactions to war, sports sanctions, and the use of sport for peace and diplomacy. It also delves into specific cases, such as the NBA's relationship with China and the impact of the European Super League on football. The book provides valuable insights for researchers and students studying sports governance and politics, as well as anyone interested in the geopolitics of sport. [Extracted from the article]

How do states achieve popular recognition and symbolic power as "The State," a collectively recognized entity that serves the common good? While classic work has described the state idea as produced by the actions of state officials, it is ultimately ordinary citizens who must recognize the state as such and consent to its rule. This article, based on 20 months of ethnographic research in a village that, after decades of armed group control, is a key site for the implementation of Colombia's landmark peace deal, describes how the formation of the state's symbolic power occurs (or not) through local emotions. I focus on a coca substitution program that has both stoked pre-existing local desires for the promise of the state as carrier of peace and progress and that has, largely because of its outsourcing to different contractors, failed to live up to its commitments, causing economic collapse and generating feelings of betrayal, mistrust, confusion, and impotence. I show how local feelings respond to the regional transformation state formation has caused, popular representations of the state, and their direct interactions with substitution program officials, including non-state actors. I argue that more than simply byproducts of state formation, these emotions are constitutive of the local imaginations of "The State" that are key to the state's development of symbolic power. It is in the realm of everyday life and emotions, the interplay between local desires for state presence and the frustrations generated by their actual encounters with state power, that state rule is achieved—or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little is known about civil war settlements' effects on public opinion in countries emerging from conflict, cases in which beliefs in agreement fairness and trust in political authorities may influence acceptance of the peace process. We posit that settlements designed to redistribute power and resources will be perceived as fairer and produce larger improvements in trust in the national government for individuals from marginalized groups than for those from dominant groups. Employing original survey data collected in the Philippines, we test these propositions with reference to the country's 2014 peace agreement. We find that marginalized Muslim groups perceive a fairer peace agreement and report improved trust in comparison to the dominant Christian community. Using a survey experiment to analyze the influence of power-redistributing settlement measures, we find that trust in the government is not significantly affected by information regarding power sharing, a result that holds for members of both communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, building on the earlier research on procedural justice (PJ) and civil society inclusion, we assess the effectiveness of various civil society inclusion modalities based on their impact on durable peace (DP). A set of hypotheses concerning civil society inclusion is evaluated using the fifty-case peace agreement dataset assembled by Druckman and Wagner (2019). Their study showed that PJ was a key predictor of DP. We take their model as the base and add inclusion variables step by step using a hierarchical regression model. Results show that inclusive commissions (ICs) add significant explained variance to the prediction of DP. None of the other modalities add significant variance to the prediction. A possible explanation is that ICs ensure the continuation of civil society inclusion between the negotiation and implementation phases of a peace process. As well, they optimize breadth and depth in an inclusive negotiation process. The article concludes with discussions of next steps in the research and develops implications for policy makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this study is to analyze: first, the study of Attorney General Regulation No. 15 of 2020 concerning the termination of prosecution based on restorative justice in the perspective of the criminal justice system in Indonesia. Second, the mechanism for terminating prosecution based on restorative justice based on Attorney General Regulation No. 15 of 2020 has fulfilled the requirements and objectives. This legal research uses a normative juridical approach method. The results of the study concluded that there is a contradiction between the position of Perja No. 15 of 2020 and the justice system in Indonesia. First, it shows that the findings in article 2 of Perja no 15 of 2020 "termination of prosecution based on restorative justice is carried out based on the principles of justice, public interest, proportionality, punishment as a last resort; and fast, simple, and low cost", Second, the mechanism for implementing restorative justice in embezzlement criminal cases consists of a) peace efforts. namely the peace process is carried out voluntarily, by deliberation for consensus, without pressure, coercion, and intimidation b) in the peace process, there are two possible mechanisms, namely rejection or success. The implementation of the peace agreement is divided into two ways, namely: 1) done by returning compensation 2) done by doing something. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what circumstances do paramilitary groups place limits on their use of political violence? This article considers why one of the most prominent paramilitary groups active during the "Troubles" in Northern Ireland, the Provisional IRA (PIRA), exercised restraint and limited their use of political violence, both in the lead up to, and in the wake of the Good Friday Agreement. It applies Busher, Holbrook, and Macklin's "internal brakes" typology to understand why despite the PIRA's proven capacity to sustain a campaign of armed violence for more than thirty years, they reined in on paramilitarism during the 1990s peace process. Through the lens of various brakes, the analysis identifies seven developments that were particularly salient in limiting the PIRA's use of armed violence. These developments included: a weakened capacity to continue their armed campaign, waning popular support, an opening of political opportunities, the need to maintain ties with strategically important non-violent allies, the gradual softening of out-group boundaries, the decommissioning process, as well as the creation of spaces for non-violent activism within the wider movement. This study's findings contribute to the scholarly debate on understanding how militant groups manage the parameters of their violence, highlighting several factors that may mitigate the risk of extremist views escalating to political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America and the Caribbean, the period of the Cold War was characterized by coups d'état, revolts by competing military juntas, and anti-communist dictatorships. It was also a time of revolutionaries and insurgents, students taking up arms, churchgoers converted into radical rebels, Catholic priests and nuns transformed into guerrilleros, slum dwellers becoming members of underground leftist movements, and peasant associations joining insurrectional movements. Young people became radicalized, youth wings of political parties joined the underground resistance, and liberation movements appeared in nearly all of the countries in Latin American and in several Caribbean island states. Rather than provide any hypothesis about this insurgency and military counter-insurgency, this article draws attention to an additional layer of oral history by reviewing older, original documents and recording extensive interviews with key figures, giving voice to several operatives who hold direct insights into the workings of these movements over a long period of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace agreements can be more effective and durable when being supported by the broad public through a peace referendum. However, after some peace negotiations, No-campaigns succeeded in convincing voters that the peace in question was not the right solution. This study seeks to advance the discussion of campaign support in peace referendums by studying the design and content of No-campaigns, in relation to their Yes-counterparts, and their role in gathering support against peace agreements. We argue that No-campaigns can become a risk to peace agreements when they employ a coherent strategy where its different elements such as organisation, logistics, and methodologies are integrated cohesively, and where they offer a unified content in terms of the message addressed to the public. These two aims are more difficult to accomplish for Yes-campaigns. We study this argument for the cases of the peace referendums in Northern Ireland in 1998 and Colombia in 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relationship between gendered inclusion in peace processes and Track Two peacemaking. It responds to recent policy discourse that explicitly associates linking Track Two to Track One negotiations as a way to increase the inclusion of people identifying as women (United Nations Women 2015). However, the mechanisms through which Track Two leads to more “inclusive” outcomes is complex and unclear. To understand what these mechanisms are and how they can be studied, this article draws from existing theories on transfer in Track Two and inclusion literature in peace and conflict studies to present a novel conceptual model of “linkage.” This model explores the micro-dynamics of gendered inclusivity between different tracks of dialogue engagement and how transfer is facilitated between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contains edited excerpts of my interviews with Joel Singer about his participation in the 1993 Oslo peace talks. Section I relates to Singer's relationships with the three other Israeli negotiators, Yair Hirschfeld, Ron Pundak and Uri Savir. Section II concerns the Palestinian delegation, its key players and those they represented. Section III discusses the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations and the drafting of the document. Singer describes a constructive division of labor between himself and Savir and the convivial atmosphere in the room where the two delegations would also relax together, joke and laugh. The last two sections, IV and V, relate to the Oslo Accords and their implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reflection article that describes the process of institutional adoption of ethno-education in Colombia and addresses different critical positions on its implementation. The general objective is to describe the historical development of ethno-education, its achievements and challenges, its articulation from a decolonial approach and the urgency of the narrative turn from the voices of the actors, as alternatives to achieve total peace from the territories. Method: The qualitative approach was used, with a hermeneutic interpretation method for the analysis and interpretation of the information and the realization of the reflection article, from a critical analysis. Results: The perceptions of scholars and the emerging and counter-hegemonic postulates of the Epistemologies of the South and the decolonial approach that propose other educational alternatives for ethnic minorities in Colombia are addressed. Finally, it is described as an illustrative example of new paradigms and profane referents, such as Sumak Kawsay or Good Living, which is part of the cultural heritage of indigenous peoples in Latin America and has become an object of study of the academy with interesting reflections to overcome the current civilizational crisis. Among the conclusions reached are the following: Ethno-education should be a concerted proposal between the State and the ethno-political organizations of ethnic minorities, with a view to overcoming differences and adopting with a decolonial approach, a proper and multicultural education as an alternative to achieve a stable and lasting peace in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When, why, and how do countries move from hostile to peaceful relations, and sometimes even friendship? We draw on the interstate peace literature to identify two peace processes. Rapprochement represents a first step during which enemies might develop normal working relations. Some states then progress to conciliation and establish warm and cooperative ties. We compare rapprochement to conciliation, outline the mechanisms that drive each process, and review scholarly findings about three types of causal variables: abrupt shocks, stable contextual factors, and policy initiatives. A key insight emerges that conciliation is not simply an extension of rapprochement—the predictors of these two processes differ significantly. We then call for greater scholarly attention to the study of conciliation, interactions of causal factors, the domestic politics underlying each process, the causes of peace failure, and empirical and methodological challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to trace some lines of understanding of the conflict between Israel and Palestine. To do so, it employs tools from Greek mythology—in the form of the goddesses Themis and Dike—to provide minimal explanations for the onset of resentment and indignation that fuel robust processes of violence and revenge. Employing the hypothetical-deductive method, the paper advances by proposing honor as a structuring element of the social status within Arab families, and ethics as the Jewish worldview of life, supported by rituals that seek purity (kashrut). The study also innovates by presenting an initial proposal for the peace process between Israel and Palestine based on the system of total exchanges, referred to as potlatch by Marcel Mauss (2016, ebook), aiming to bridge fractures and develop an ethos of trust and overcoming pain, towards a progressive agenda of dialogue and mutual concessions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mehmed Sıdkı Efendi was temporarily assigned to London in the late 1802 to engage in negotiations for resolving Mamluk Beys Question and the complete withdrawal of the British army from Egypt. Shortly thereafter, he was appointed as the charge d'affaires and had served in London for eight years until his demise. In this work, Sıdkı Efendi's charge d'affaireship has been examined in three periods based on the course of relations between the Ottoman Empire and England. The first period covers the continuation of the alliance between two countries. The second period encompasses the years during which England and the Ottoman Empire were at war. The years from the commencement of peace talks in 1808 until Sıdkı Efendi's death in 1811 were considered as the third period. Indeed, it cannot be asserted that Sıdkı Efendi had a substantial influence on the diplomatic and political relations between the Ottoman Empire and England during his presence in London. Conversely, Sıdkı Efendi was a diplomat who displayed attitudes and behaviors that did not befit a diplomat, was not taken seriously by England, and was virtually ignored even by his own state. Sıdkı Efendi was so unfortunate that, despite repeated attempts to replace him, none of these attempts materialized. He died in London without ever seeing his country again. His mission is crucial because it provides important clues as to why the initial attempt at establishing the first residence embassy and charge d'affaires, a significant stage in the transition from ad hoc diplomacy to continuous diplomacy for the Ottoman Empire, ended in failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Journal of Social Encounters has compiled a recommended list of references on Sudan and Darfur, intended as a starting point for further exploration. The list includes books such as "Fighting for Darfur: Public Action and the Struggle to Stop Genocide" by Rebecca J Hamilton, which chronicles the Darfur massacres and the subsequent advocacy movement. Other resources include the Middle East Report's issue on the struggle for Sudan, research studies on conflict and peacebuilding in Sudan and Ethiopia, and novels like "Season of Migration to the North" by Tayeb Salih. Online resources, archives, and think tanks are also provided for more in-depth research. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the role of civil society in the implementation of transitional justice in Turkey's ongoing Kurdish conflict, which is characterized by historical state violence and a lack of official transitional justice processes. Drawing on 24 interviews, the research reveals the evolution of civil society engagement from its peak during the 2013–2015 peace process to its decline under increasing authoritarianism. The research argues that, despite challenges, civil society retains the potential to drive incremental change in the absence of formal transitional justice mechanisms. However, the authoritarian regime has significantly curtailed its capacity, creating a limited civic space for transitional justice. The article highlights the need for stronger links between civil society in Turkey and international transitional justice scholarship. Such collaboration could empower activists, enabling them to overcome challenges and increase their effectiveness. Turkey offers a unique case for transitional justice scholars and practitioners to learn from civil society actors committed to pursuing justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the curricular trends of Social Work education in Colombia focusing on the legacy of the historical periods of the profession in Latin America: Traditional, Developmentalist, Reconceptualization and Post reconceptualization have on the conception of the curricula. Using the documentary review methodology, the social work curricula of eight Colombian public and private universities are analyzed. The authors discuss around three conclusions: 1. The professional identity in social work is mediated by the tension between historical moments and their diverse ethical and political positions. 2. It is relevant to recognize the legacy of the history of the profession of social work in Latin America in terms of reading the political and temporal context in each period. 3. There is evidence of a tendency to include themes that respond to the situated reading of the national context of the armed conflict, peace processes and migrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]