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THE SIGNIFICANT CHANGE in the spirit that American presidential administrations exhibited toward Latin America in the 1930s may, upon closer examination, not justify the euphemistic term "Good Neighbor." The United States surrendered the right to intervene at the Buenos Aires Conference of 1936, refrained from interference in the internal affairs of the small Caribbean republics, and freed the five protectorates established prior to and during World War I. This surrender of the most imperialistic aspects of earlier relations won considerable goodwill throughout the Caribbean region and South America. The United States was no longer the threatening and dangerous neighbor. During the first three decades of the century, the situation had been significantly different. The states in the Caribbean area occupied the role of clients, and the United States dominated their foreign relations. Their economies became little more than appendages dependent upon the financial resources and markets of their powerful northern neighbor. Sharp differences in culture, social structure, and values made their yoke heavier. The very success of the Anglo-Saxon oriented Yankee society gave rise to feelings

In terms of the number of missionaries, financial contributions, and amount of home front propaganda, the missionary movement reached its peak in the United States in the years from 1890 to 1917. Only during this period did the foreign missions of the Protestant churches enjoy sufficient popular support to warrant use of the term “crusade.”This raises the question as to why Christian missions should have had such a strong appeal to the generation which elected Theodore Roosevelt to the presidency, embarked on a crusade to liberate the Cubans, and later sent its sons to Europe allegedly to defend the moral principles of democracy. Nothing could have been more quixotic than the slogan adopted by the Student Volunteers: “The Evangelization of the World in this Generation.” This motto expressed the vision of the thousands of college and seminary students who joined the Student Volunteers. It was also the goal of the hosts of women's missionary societies and the Laymen's Movement, the organization which marshaled the support of more than 100,000 men in the churches in behalf of foreign missions.

T IS the irony of our day that at the moment of history when man can point to some of his greatest achievements he lives amidst gloom and despair. Whatever outward calm we may muster, it is subject to easy dissipation when we permit ourselves to contemplate the problems confronting us. These are sufficient to dim the optimism of the lightesthearted. Yet confusion of mind may be the deeper cause of our sagging spirits. Great and perplexing as are the dangers of nuclear warfare and racial unrest, they loom even larger because of our inner uncertainties concerning what is worthy and what is unworthy of our dedication. This characteristic of our day has its roots in the intellectual trends of recent decades, and it is these trends that are our immediate concern. The question of their relation to student restlessness, the more difficult question, we shall consider later. In no area of intellectual activity does the gloom lie more heavily than in contemporary literature. The plunge from optimism to pessimism took place following the First World War. As early as I921, William Butler Yeats bitterly observed

in parliament. Nor was the parliamentary commission the way in which parliament's control of the executive was to be achieved; but Pepys had been the prophet pointing out the nature of the problem and the general lines upon which a solution must be found, if government were to be carried on efficiently in a country where power was shared between king and parliament. The significance of the political career of Samuel Pepys is based on the realization by both Charles II and James II of the necessity of having a spokesman of the admiralty in the house of commons, who, by his technical knowledge and by his ability to expound it, should be able to convince an ignorant and suspicious house of the necessity of providing enough money for the navy. They found such a spokesman in Pepys, who further realized that the power and temper of the house of commons after the Restoration were such that it would make the necessary financial provision only if it were enabled to have some direct control over the navy's administration. Pepys's political career is also significant in being an early example of that co-operation between departmental officials who wished to sit in parliament and the towns which returned them, which was to be an essential element in English political life, until the bond of influence and interest between M.P.'s and their constituents was superseded by that of party and policy. There is nothing in Pepys's career to show that the benefits he bestowed on his constituents in return for his election to parliament were against the interests of the state, while his presence and achievements in parliament were undoubtedly of great value at a time when a strong and efficient navy was the essential factor of England's security.

WHEN THE BOXER REVOLT broke out in China in June, 1900oo, William Woodville Rockhill was adviser to the Department of State on Far Eastern affairs. In the negotiations following the upheaval Rockhill played a major role as Commissioner of the United States. His friendship with Secretary Hay, his close acquaintance with China, and his long experience as a diplomat led to his appointment as the chief United States representative at the international conference on problems raised by the uprising. Rockhill was born in Philadelphia on April 1, 1853. His career carried him far beyond the narrow sphere in which the typical American of his time moved. At the age of eleven his mother took him to Paris. After studying at the College of France, he graduated from St. Cyr, the French equivalent of West Point, and served with the Foreign Legion in Algeria. Nothwithstanding his military education, the most important influence of his student days was the philosopher, Ernest Renan, whose lectures gave him an interest in Oriental languages that shaped his future. In a career about as remote from the dull routine of Solomon Grundy as one can imagine, Rockhill managed to spend three years on the cattleman's frontier in New Mexico, riding the range, throwing steers, castrating calves, and studying Chinese and Sanskrit. He made further studies in ancient Buddhist scriptures before he was appointed, in 1883, assistant secretary of the American legation in Peking. In 1889 and again in 1891 he explored Mongolia and Tibet. In 1893 his Tibetan studies earned him the gold medal award of the Royal Geographical Society. From 1893 to 1897 he served in the Department of State, the last year as Assistant Secretary. With the election of William McKinley to the Presidency, Rockhill was appointed Minister to Greece, Rumania, and Serbia. He accepted the appointment only because of financial necessity, and he hated Greece from the day he landed in it, referring to it as "this damned country." He refused to travel: although he had been compelled to come to this awful country, at least he did not have to see it. In 1899 he returned

TYLER DENNETT describes the Boxer revolt of 1900 as one of the most dramatic episodes in modern history.1 For more than two months the world waited in anxious suspense for word from the legations at Peking where a small number of foreigners and native Christian converts were under attack by thousands of Chinese. The causes of the revolt were then only dimly realized. George Nye Steiger, in his comprehensive and scholarly study, states that the origins of the Boxer revolt lay in the conflict of civilizations." For decades the Chinese saw Westerners introduce ways and beliefs which threatened to bring about the collapse of the world's oldest civilization. The result was a long welling up of feeling against the foreigner which finally manifested itself in the fanaticism and brutalities of the Boxer revolt. The attitude of the West