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Double object constructions provide an ideal context in which to investigate interactions between multiple instances of movement. With two internal arguments, we can construct scenarios where one A-moves and another Ā-moves, such as in the passive wh-question What was Sue given? Holmberg et al. (2019) observe that in many languages (e.g. Norwegian) that otherwise permit either object of a double object construction to A-move to subject position, a restriction emerges when the indirect object wh-moves: the indirect object must also A-move (e.g. Who was given a book?). One cannot pronounce an indirect object wh-question in a clause where the direct object A-moves instead (*Who was a book given?). In this paper, I observe that this restriction is only found in languages that otherwise permit the indirect object to A-move. In languages such as Greek, which have no indirect object passives, indirect objects can freely wh-move in a direct object passive, and thus do not exhibit the same restriction as in Norwegian. I propose that this restriction comes about in languages such as Norwegian but not Greek due to the timing of wh-movement relative to A-movement within vP. Indirect objects wh-move through the position that controls A-movement early, blocking a direct object from A-moving, so long as the indirect object can A-move itself. The analysis features a smuggling approach to passives of ditransitives (Collins 2005) and an economy condition like van Urk and Richards' (2015) Multitasking, which jointly predict the order of operations that gives rise to the wh-movement restriction observed in Norwegian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the passive participles in eventive passives (what is commonly referred to as 'verbal passives') are adjectival in Spanish. Thus, there is no categorial difference between eventive and stative passives (the latter commonly known as 'adjectival passives'). I show that the differences between eventive and stative passive participles, and the argument structure configurations that each type allows, can be accounted for without the need to posit a different morphological category for each type. Rather, the grammatical context in which the participle is inserted will allow for a simpler (stative) or more complex (eventive) structure for the base verb. I thus also argue against a stativization operation in stative passives: what we have is a base verb that only spells out the result state of the event, not a verb that spells out a telic structure and then is stativized by a purported higher operator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratization is often invoked as an explanatory factor for diachronic linguistic developments. We believe that at the root of democratization often lies the pragmatic negotiation of power relations, whereby a more democratic use of language can reduce the distance between addresser and addressee. This article examines the evolution of power relations in the New York Times editorials from 1860 to 1979 as represented in COHA. After a quantitative analysis of the evolution of three pragmatic variables that index democratization, the study offers a qualitative analysis with the aim of anchoring them to the situational context of newspaper editorials, especially regarding the power relations negotiated in this register over time. This paper also examines the impact of socio-historical events on the evolution of power relations and shows that they are intimately linked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we investigate whether Mandarin short passives contain an implicit external argument (EA; such as an agent or experiencer). Syntactic tests yield inconclusive results in Mandarin. We employ intervention effects as a diagnostic tool and demonstrate that, unlike English, Mandarin short passives do not syntactically project an implicit EA. Our findings are based on spontaneous language data from the CHILDES corpora, encompassing 1182 children aged 2–6 years, and experimental data from 78 Mandarin-speaking children aged 3–6 years. This cross-linguistic structural difference explains the earlier acquisition of short passives in Mandarin compared to English and also raises a learnability question, which we briefly address: how do children know to project an implicit EA or not in their language? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the passive participles in eventive passives (what is commonly referred to as 'verbal passives') are adjectival in Spanish. Thus, there is no categorial difference between eventive and stative passives (the latter commonly known as `adjectival passives'. I show that the differences between eventive and stative passive participles, and the argument structure configurations that each type allows, can be accounted for without the need to posit a different morphological category for each type. Rather, the grammatical context in which the participle is inserted will allow for a simpler (stative) or more complex (eventive) structure for the base verb. I thus also argue against a stativization operation in stative passives: what we have is a base verb that only spells out the result state of the event, not a verb that spells out a telic structure and then is stativized by a purported higher operator.

The objective of this document was to explain the effects of a methodological guide, from basic accounting, to the cognitive processes of teaching towards the buying and selling modules; and accounting packages for tax awareness among young people in Ecuador and the world, empowered to fulfill their duties in their societies as tax advisors and micro-entrepreneurs. Qualitative research has been carried out, in which an exchange was made between theory and commercial facts. A basic comparative qualitative methodology is applied to first-year high school students at the Unidad Educativa Provincia de Los Ríos in Guayaquil, Ecuador, taking the third year of technical high school as a reference group, as a diagnostic reference sample; but not intervened, retrospectively, asserting the accounting subconscious before computerizing the accounting processes. It is concluded that the relationship between mastery of spreadsheets and the speed and efficiency of transcribing processes depends on prior learning and the binary help of accounting and computing; In addition, the didactic guide is aimed at using a pedagogy that helps from the formation of work skills to tax settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the comprehension of long and short passives in 15 Mandarin preschool children with Developmental Language Disorder (DLD) (aged 4;2–5;11 years), 15 Typically Developing Age-matched (TDA) (aged 4;3–5;8 years) children, and 15 Typically Developing Younger (TDY) (aged 3;2–4;3 years) children by using the picture-sentence matching task. The results reveal that children with DLD encounter more difficulty comprehending long passives compared with short passive, that they perform worse on the comprehension task than TDA children and TDY children, and that this population is more likely to commit thematic role reversal errors and point to pictures with the incorrect agent (patient) than typically developing children. Given that Mandarin passives are Topic Structures, we maintain that children with DLD are insensitive to the edge feature of the moved element in long passives, leading to Relativized Minimality effect and causing the asymmetry between the comprehension of long and short passives. These results align well with the Edge Feature Underspecification Hypothesis. Errors found in the children with DLD in the comprehension task point toward impaired syntactic knowledge and the lexical semantic deficit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the Basque impersonal construction, i.e. a detransitivized configuration that can convey impersonal, passive and middle readings. Although these are agentive constructions (Fernández and Berro 2021), labile change-of-state predicates in these sentences allow for a causative and an anticausative reading, enhanced by the possibility of inserting a purpose clause or a by-itself PP, respectively (Ortiz de Urbina 2003). We suggest that two distinct underlying representations with identical exponents yield these readings: (i) a defective Voice head that encodes an implicit external argument in the causative variant (Schäfer 2008; Berro et al. 2022), and (ii) an anticausative counterpart, lacking Voice altogether. We support this claim by examining the distribution of noncore dative arguments in these contexts, whose possible interpretations are (i) affected by an intentionally or naturally caused change of state, or (ii) accidental causers of this event; this phenomenon is also attested in Spanish se-passives and se-anticausatives (Cuervo 2003; Suárez-Palma 2020). Assuming that a middle applicative head introduces these arguments (Cuervo 2020), the affected reading arises when the applicative merges below vP, and the accidental causer one when it sits on top of it. Crucially, the latter is only possible in anticausative contexts, where that position is not filled by Voice; these observations from Basque mirror Suárez-Palma's (2020) findings for Spanish. Finally, if this proposal is on the right track, future typological studies should include Basque in the list of languages showing applicative constructions (Polinsky 2024). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Románicos is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Yucatec Spanish displays a type of sentence that appears to mix elements of an active impersonal and a passive. For example, "te castigaron por mi tío" may be interpreted as "you were punished by my uncle", where a by-phrase headed by the preposition por introduces an agent rather than a cause or reason. The verb has active morphology—it is always third-person plural, and accusative clitics (e.g., te) and DOM-marked objects are possible. This type of sentence, which I descriptively label an active–passive (A-P) hybrid, has been mentioned in previous literature on contact varieties in Mayan-speaking regions of Mexico and Guatemala, but it has not been precisely described or analyzed formally. I argue that A-P hybrid constructions are instances of grammatical object passives. Grammatical object passives have certain active properties—accusative case is assigned to a theme argument and the morphology of the verb is active, but like passives, they require that the expression of the agent be a by-phrase rather than a grammatical subject. I claim that this is possible in this variety of Spanish due to the emergence of a null pronoun, absent in other varieties of Spanish, that can merge in the specifier of Voice and restrict, rather than saturate, an agent argument, permitting the subsequent addition of a third-person by-phrase. I demonstrate that this analysis is able to explain its hybrid properties as well as other person restrictions on the by-phrases that express the agent. Finally, I describe avenues of future research that will help discern the role that language contact may have played in the emergence of A-P hybrids. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spanish third-person reflexive clitic se allows for passive and impersonal uses that can sometimes be pragmatically interpreted as directive in spite of their declarative form, e.g. Eso no se hace 'That is not done'. This paper explores the grammatical, semantic and referential factors that promote such an interpretation, using a corpus of oral and written Peninsular media discourse and adopting a qualitative approach. Deontic readings are shown to be connected with more general uses of reflexive constructions as evidential and/or modal markers. Agent defocusing and imperfective verbal aspect construct an objective viewpoint of discourse whereby the event is detached from particular communicative circumstances. At the same time, contextual elements acting as space builders counter such objectivity by guiding the interpretation of the utterance as primarily concerning the direct participants. The analysis suggests that the inherent meanings of grammatical constructions are at the basis of their pragmatic potential in specific contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proper analysis of English middles (Politicians bribe easily) has always been a matter of debate. I argue that they involve three crucial components: (1) A base-generated subject that is interpreted as the logical internal argument; (2) a logical external argument that is not syntactically projected at all; (3) the semantics of an ability modal. Regarding (1), I provide new data indicating that the surface subject of the English middle is not derived by A-movement and has no representation in the VP. I propose that the subject is interpreted as the logical internal argument by means of two mechanisms independently proposed to account for other facts: (a) a head that binds a verb’s internal argument, proposed for implicit arguments by Bruening (2021); and (b) an abstraction rule triggered by certain varieties of Voice in English, proposed to account for properties of the verbal anaphor do so by Bruening (2019). The abstraction rule causes the unexpressed internal argument of the verb to be bound by the base-generated surface subject of the middle. As for the logical external argument, I show that it is present only semantically and not syntactically. Putative binding in both short passives and middles is logophoric, not syntactic. The final component of the analysis is the semantics of an ability modal. English middles are not necessarily generic, they are not necessarily dispositional, they are not necessarily stative, and they do not require adverbs. The middle, like the passive, is a morphosyntactic category, and it is not useful to try to define a “middle semantics” cross-linguistically.

In this paper, we investigate whether Mandarin short passives contain an implicit external argument (EA; such as an agent or experiencer). Syntactic tests yield inconclusive results in Mandarin. We employ intervention effects as a diagnostic tool and demonstrate that, unlike English, Mandarin short passives do not syntactically project an implicit EA. Our findings are based on spontaneous language data from the CHILDES corpora, encompassing 1182 children aged 2–6 years, and experimental data from 78 Mandarin-speaking children aged 3–6 years. This cross-linguistic structural difference explains the earlier acquisition of short passives in Mandarin compared to English and also raises a learnability question, which we briefly address: how do children know to project an implicit EA or not in their language?

Cross-linguistic structural priming effects suggest that bilinguals have shared or connected memory representations for similar syntactic structures. This predicts an influence of the production preferences of one language in the other language (Bernolet & Hartsuiker, 2018). We hypothesized that shared structures will lead to a facilitatory effect on production frequencies, whereas connected structures may sometimes lead to an inhibitory effect due to competition between structures. We compared the production preferences and priming effects in Dutch for the frequent by-phrase-final and the uncommon by-phrase-medial passive between Arabic/Berber–Dutch and Turkish–Dutch heritage speakers and native speakers of Dutch. Arabic/Berber–Dutch speakers produced more agentless passives –that is, the alternative shared between their two languages. In contrast, Turkish–Dutch speakers produced less by-phrase-medial passives, although these are less uncommon in Turkish. This inhibition effect suggests that syntactic structures may sometimes be connected rather than shared, although the exact mechanisms behind the inhibitory effects require further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yucatec Spanish displays a type of sentence that appears to mix elements of an active impersonal and a passive. For example, “te castigaron por mi tío” may be interpreted as “you were punished by my uncle”, where a by-phrase headed by the preposition por introduces an agent rather than a cause or reason. The verb has active morphology—it is always third-person plural, and accusative clitics (e.g., te) and DOM-marked objects are possible. This type of sentence, which I descriptively label an active–passive (A-P) hybrid, has been mentioned in previous literature on contact varieties in Mayan-speaking regions of Mexico and Guatemala, but it has not been precisely described or analyzed formally. I argue that A-P hybrid constructions are instances of grammatical object passives. Grammatical object passives have certain active properties—accusative case is assigned to a theme argument and the morphology of the verb is active, but like passives, they require that the expression of the agent be a by-phrase rather than a grammatical subject. I claim that this is possible in this variety of Spanish due to the emergence of a null pronoun, absent in other varieties of Spanish, that can merge in the specifier of Voice and restrict, rather than saturate, an agent argument, permitting the subsequent addition of a third-person by-phrase. I demonstrate that this analysis is able to explain its hybrid properties as well as other person restrictions on the by-phrases that express the agent. Finally, I describe avenues of future research that will help discern the role that language contact may have played in the emergence of A-P hybrids.

This study investigated how thematic priming via visual and linguistic cues influences the choice of syntactic voice in healthy French-speaking adults and in French-speaking children with typical and atypical development. In particular, we focused on children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and developmental language disorder (DLD), two clinical groups with documented syntactic difficulties. Twenty adults (M= 24;7) and 60 children aged 6–11 (20 typically developing, 20 with DLD and 20 with ADHD) were presented with agent or patient cues that progressively increased in strength over three conditions: a no cue condition, a visual cue condition with two cue types (perceptual vs. referential) and a linguistic cue condition with two cue types (topicalization of the agent/patient with and without subsequent sentence initiation). Results showed that all participants produced more passives after having been presented with a patient cue, regardless of cue type (cue > no cue), but linguistic cues facilitated the production of passives significantly more than visual cues (linguistic cue > visual cue). We also found that children with DLD were more sensitive than children with ADHD to visual cues (DLD > ADHD), which were more implicit than the linguistic cues and may have required more attentional resources. The opposite pattern (ADHD > DLD) was true for the linguistic cues, which required syntactic processing. These findings highlight how the development of dynamic tools using cue modality and cue sensitivity might be useful for discriminating children with and without syntactic impairment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from a functional-cognitive approach to syntax, I propose investigating the discursive configuration of the initiator--agent or experiencer--and its possible references in passive and impersonal constructions formed with Spanish third-person reflexive se. These constructions entail the syntactic-semantic demotion and pragmatic defocusing of this participant; however, it is usual for contextual elements to build mental spaces to condition discourse viewpoint and thus guide the interpretation of the referent. I propose two basic referential dimensions, specificity and accessibility, whose combination gives rise to four categories: specific and accessible, non-specific, and accessible, specific, and inaccessible, and non-specific and inaccessible references--the analysis, based on a corpus of digital news items and comments to them submitted by readers. Qualitative observation reveals the primary resources used for configuring each referential category in the texts and their respective pragmatic repercussions. In turn, the quantitative analysis makes it possible to verify that, while accessible initiators--either specific or non-specific--are dominant in the informative discourse of news items, the great majority of referents in comments are non-specific--either accessible or inaccessible--in line with the generalization of readers' personal experiences and opinions. I conclude that referential intentions constitute communicative style elements and are subject to sociosituational variation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Direct comparison of passives repetition in Mandarin-speaking children with DLD and ALI. • No significant advantage of short over long passives, challenging existing assumptions. • EFUH explains passive sentence challenges in DLD and ALI children, highlighting its broad applicability. • Children with ALI tend to make errors indicative of their pragmatic challenges. This study investigates the language profiles of Mandarin-speaking children with Developmental Language Disorder (DLD) and those with Autistic Language Impairment (ALI) through their repetition of passive sentences. It examines both long and short passives, predicting worse performance for the former structures than the latter. 15 children with DLD (aged 4;0–6;3), 18 children with ALI (aged 4;7–6;0), and 22 typically developing age-matched (TDA) children (aged 4;4–5;11) repeated 10 long and 10 short passives, the latter including manner adverbs to match the long passives' length. Unexpectedly, no clear advantage for short over long passives emerged across groups. Both children with DLD and those with ALI performed less well than their TDA peers, with children with ALI slightly outperforming those with DLD. Both groups employed non-target and simpler responses to mitigate syntactic complexity, with notable differences in strategy between children with DLD and those with ALI. The study reveals syntactic difficulties in children with DLD and ALI, with more pronounced impairment in DLD. The Edge Feature Underspecification Hypothesis may account for these challenges, suggesting that the underspecified EF [+Topic] leads to alternative strategies. Additionally, the difficulty with manner adverbs might contribute to challenges with short passives, and children with ALI showed more pragmatic errors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I examine eleven different processes of deverbal nominalization in Runyankore, a Lacustrine Bantu language spoken in Uganda. After establishing both general and Runyankore-specific properties that distinguish nouns from verbs, I test each of these nominalizations against 13 phonological, morphological, and syntactic criteria. Although all eleven nominalization constructions can take the determiner-like initial vowel “augment”, and all can be derived from verb bases that include derivational suffixes (“extensions”), e.g. causative, applicative, and reciprocal, only some of the nominalizations allow a pronominal object prefix or a following noun phrase object or adverbial. The various properties are tabulated to show that the different nominalizations vary along a cline, meeting all, some, or none of the nine most discriminating criteria in defining “noun” vs. “verb”.

This study examined Japanese-speaking mothers' passives in the child-directed speech from the CHILDES database. We selected five parent–child corpora and analyzed the overall distribution of the mothers' passives and further investigated the contribution of the construction and the passivized verbs to sentence meaning. The findings were as follows: (1) There are only a few verbs that accounted for much of the mothers' passives; (2) mothers' passives can be categorized into broad classes based on the verb–patient relation; and (3) most of the passives, both direct and indirect, were used to denote adversative meaning and these negative passives collocated with the verbal auxiliary - shimau. We suggest that analyses of child-directed speech should take into account lexical repetition and the semantic redundancy of language as part of a process designed to support language development. Furthermore, highly frequent exemplar passives and their discrete reference in the events and contexts may be facilitative for children's learning of Japanese passives. The results are evaluated in light of the usage-based proposal of learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use the visual world eye-tracking paradigm to investigate how the mapping from thematic event structures to grammatical structures, known as sentence formulation, unfolds during real time sentence production. Experiment 1 contrasted production of SubjExp ("LeslieEXP loves AnnSTIM") versus ObjExp ("LeslieSTIM scares AnnEXP") sentences. Experiment 2 investigated passivized SubjExp ("LeslieSTIM was loved by AnnEXP") and passivized ObjExp sentences ("LeslieEXP was scared by AnnSTIM."). In both studies, we found that speakers were faster to begin speaking and to preferentially fixate the subject when they were able to assign the thematically prominent Experiencer role to the subject of the sentence. We conclude that sentence formulation is easier when speakers can make use of a tight, systematic correspondence between event structures and linguistic structures. We discuss the implications of our work for the relationship between language and thought and for the formal accounts of SubjExp and ObjExp verbs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children often interpret first noun phrases (NP1s) as agents, which improves comprehension of actives but hinders passives. While children sometimes withhold the agent‐first bias, the reasons remain unclear. The current study tests the hypothesis that children default to the agent‐first bias as a "best guess" of role assignment when they face uncertainty about sentence properties. Thus, rather than always relying on early‐arriving cues, children can attend to different sentence cues across communicative contexts. To test this account, we manipulated interpretive uncertainty by varying cues to the discourse status of initial arguments (referring to new vs. given entities) and measured interpretation accuracy for active (where the agent‐first bias predicted verb morphology) and passive sentences (where the two conflicted). Across three experiments, we found that children relied on the agent‐first bias more when new discourse entities were signaled by definite NP1s, reference to unmentioned entities, and novel words. This, in turn, led to higher accuracy for actives relative to passives. In contrast, when given entities were implied through pronoun NP1s, reference to mentioned entities, and known words, children avoided the agent‐first bias and instead assigned roles using more reliable but later‐arriving verb morphology. This led to similar comprehension accuracy across constructions. These findings suggest that children simultaneously interpret relations between sentences (e.g., discourse continuity) and within sentences (e.g., role assignment), such that commitments to the former can influence parsing cues for the latter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog Fakulteta u Sarajevu is the property of Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The goal of this article is to understand the syntax of Icelandic indirect causatives (ICs), especially with respect to the implicit causee. We show that the complement of the causative verb must be at least as large as a VoiceP, and that it shares some properties with active VoicePs and others with passive VoicePs. We make sense of this state of affairs by proposing that the causee, while phonetically silent, has an explicit syntactic representation, but as a φP rather than a DP. We further propose that ICs are built by stacking a second VoiceP on top of the lexical verb's first VoiceP, and that this configuration, along with the underspecified interpretation of φP, leads to a special thematic interpretation of both the causer and the implicit causee. Our analysis suggests that there are certain core ingredients involved in building ICs—such as stacked VoicePs and an underspecified causee—but that the source of these ingredients can vary across languages and constructions, depending on the formal primitives that grammars make available to the languages more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ambridge, Bidgood, and Thomas (2020) conducted an elicitation-production task in which children with and without (high-functioning) autism described animations following priming with passive sentences. The authors report that children with autism were more likely than IQ-matched children without autism to commit reversal errors, for instance describing a scene in which the character Wendy surprised the character Bob by saying Wendy was surprised by Bob. We set out to test whether this effect replicated in a new sample of children with and without (high-functioning) autism (N = 26), and present a cumulative analysis in which data from the original study and the replication were pooled (N = 56). The main effect reported by Ambridge et al. (2020) replicated: While children with and without autism produced a similar number of passive responses in general, the responses of children with autism were significantly more likely to include reversal errors. Despite age-appropriate knowledge of constituent order in passive syntax, thematic role assignment is impaired among some children with high-functioning autism.

Within the framework of comparative studies, this paper discusses the use of passives and relative clauses in Freshwater Ecology research articles. In a corpus of 20 articles, a critical analysis was undertaken in order to highlight existing differences between native and non-native English-speaking authors, male and female researchers, time periods and journal categories. Results revealed non-native English research writers making more use of both passives and relative structures. However, only gender differences were found in the use of relative clauses, with female researchers employing more relatives than their male counterparts. Temporal differences are consistent with previous research that noted a shift towards a less formal discourse in scientific writing. From a didactic point of view, findings of this study are expected to broaden the knowledge of existing variations in scientific writing so that EAP scholars may develop practical writing strategies at the undergraduate or postgraduate level in universities worldwide.

The implicit learning account of syntactic priming proposes that the same mechanism underlies syntactic priming and language development, providing a link between a child and adult language processing. The present experiment tested predictions of this account by comparing the persistence of syntactic priming effects in children and adults. Four‐year‐olds and adults first described transitive events after hearing transitive primes, constituting an exposure phase that established priming effects for passives. The persistence of this priming effect was measured in a test phase as participants described further transitive events but no longer heard primes. Their production of passives was compared to a baseline group who described the same pictures without any exposure to primes. Neither immediate nor long‐term priming effects differed between children and adults but both children and adults showed significant immediate and persistent effects of the priming when the test phase occurred immediately after the exposure phase and when a short delay separated the exposure and test phase. The implications of these results for an implicit learning account of syntactic priming are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Lengua para Fines Específicos is the property of Revista de Lengua para Fines Especificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The morpheme -a in Balinese is ambiguous because it can serve as a third person enclitic pronoun or a passive voice marker. Various views exist about whether the morpheme can be a pronoun in the presence of a teken agentive phrase. This paper argues that it can and that the construction in which the pronoun -a and a teken phrase co-occur (the hybrid type) is an instance of clitic doubling. A hypothesis about how the third person pronoun became a passive marker and how various passive sub-types came into existence is proposed. It is claimed that the hybrid type played a key role in the change. The hybrid type supports the analysis of passives in general as a clitic doubling construction (Baker, Johnson, and Roberts 1989). A clitic doubling analysis of passives enables a new typology of passives in which passives are classified according to how the clitic and its double in a passive clause are expressed.

In this study we examine elaboration, compression and explicitness in academic and popular writing in an Outer Circle variety of English, that of Hong-Kong, as represented in the International Corpus of English corpus. As Biber and Gray (2016) show, contemporary academic discourse is structurally compressed at NP level (rather than elaborated) and inexplicit in the expression of meaning. The linguistic features selected for analysis are short passives, which are compressed and inexplicit, and adnominal relative clauses, which represent the opposite tendency, that towards elaboration and explicitness. We focus on register variation through analyzing, first, differences between academic and popular writing, and second, interdisciplinary variation in four sub-registers: humanities, social sciences, natural sciences and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the functional motivations behind the use of periphrastic ser passives in Spanish, based on a corpus of spontaneous data analyzed in their context of occurrence. It is argued that traditional hypotheses in terms of agent-defocusing and/or patient-topicalizing do not capture usage data with the expected regularity, nor allow for describing the functional specificity of passives vs. alternative constructions. Instead, it is proposed that passives serve basically to "unanchor" the syntactic object from the position of assignment of information focus, in order to create a "vacant focal space" typically with the purpose of introducing another focal element, be it the agent or some other oblique. We propose that this perspective explains why, in natural discourse, (i) the postverbal space is typically occupied, (ii) it is not occupied by more than one constituent, (iii) "minimal" passives are marginal, and (iv), differently from other intransitive subjects, passive subjects do not occur postverbally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses two case studies of diachronic "voice flipping" in which the syntax of a participle appears to change from active or "subject-oriented" to passive (Ancient Greek ‑menos to Modern Greek ‑menos) and from resultative/stative to active (Proto-Indo-European *-nt-; Hittite ‑ant‑ vs. Ancient Greek ‑nt‑). While the first type of change is the result of a diachronic reanalysis by which a functional projection (VoiceP) is lost, the second type in fact adds an active Voice head. Both changes are the result of the simultaneous availability of a stative and an eventive reading in deverbal adjectival forms and could belong to a larger "participle cycle". However, unlike in other changes usually discussed under the label "cycle", unidirectional economy principles do not apply in these cases. Rather, these cases provide evidence that some types of morphosyntactic change, especially those related to event and argument structure, are driven by reanalysis of the feature content of functional heads under local structural ambiguity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Speakers are influenced by the linguistic context: hearing one syntactic alternative leads to an increased chance that the speaker will repeat this structure in the subsequent utterance (i.e., syntactic priming, or structural persistence). Top-down influences, such as whether a conversation partner (or, interlocutor) is present, may modulate the degree to which syntactic priming occurs. In the current study, we indeed show that the magnitude of syntactic alignment increases when speakers are interacting with an interlocutor as opposed to doing the experiment alone. The structural persistence effect for passive sentences is stronger in the presence of an interlocutor than when no interlocutor is present (i.e., when the participant is primed by a recording). We did not find evidence, however, that a speaker’s syntactic priming magnitude is influenced by the degree of their conversation partner’s priming magnitude. Together, these results support a mediated account of syntactic priming, in which syntactic choices are not only affected by preceding linguistic input, but also by top-down influences, such as the speakers’ communicative intent.

Determining how and why adult outcomes of heritage speaker (HS) bilingualism differ from monolinguals is difficult because it requires the reconstruction of developmental paths from end-state data. In an effort to address this issue, we examine HSs of Turkish in Germany at an early age of development (10–15 years old, n = 22), as well as age-matched monolingual controls in Turkey (n = 20) and Germany (n = 20), using a structured elicitation task for production of passives. The goal is to see whether HSs have the representation of passives in their mental grammars and to better understand the relative weight of factors (age at time of testing, immigration status of the Turkish parents (first or second generation), and literacy in the L1) that potentially contribute to the formation of HSs' grammatical competence. The results show that all HSs have the underlying representation for passives in both Turkish and German. There was a significant effect of only literacy; high level of L1 literacy has a positive effect on monolingual-like production as compared to those with no literacy. We discuss these results pertaining to explicating ultimate attainment outcomes in heritage language acquisition in relation to larger debates in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reading picture books to pre-literate children is associated with improved language outcomes, but the causal pathways of this relationship are not well understood. The present analyses focus on several syntactic differences between the text of children's picture books and typical child-directed speech, with the aim of understanding ways in which picture book text may systematically differ from typical child-directed speech. The analyses show that picture books contain more rare and complex sentence types, including passive sentences and sentences containing relative clauses, than does child-directed speech. These differences in the patterns of language contained in picture books and typical child-directed speech suggest that one important means by which picture book reading may come to be associated with improved language outcomes is by providing children with types of complex language that might be otherwise rare in their input. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Global language but not cognitive control is related to recovery from mispredictions. • When global language varies with SES, syntactic revision differs across populations. • When cognitive control varies with SES, syntactic revision is equivalent across groups. • Overreliance on predictions may be a side effect of limited linguistic knowledge. During spoken language comprehension, young children have difficulties in revising incorrect predictions about the structural properties of sentences. Recent research on individual differences suggests that these errors may reflect immature cognitive control. However, this evidence overlooks challenges with interpreting cross-task correlations and additional effects of linguistic knowledge on developmental parsing. To account for within-individual variation in task performance, this study compared sentence comprehension across two samples: one where socioeconomic status (SES) background was related to global language knowledge (Diagnostic Evaluation of Language Variation–Screening Test; n = 60) and another where it was related to cognitive control abilities (Stroop task; n = 46). Children (3- to 6-year-olds) heard sentences with an agent-first bias (e.g., "The blicket will be quickly ...") that predicted late-arriving verb morphology (e.g., actives: "... eat ing the seal") or conflicted with this cue (e.g., passives: "... eat en by the seal"). Consistent with prior work, final interpretations were less accurate when revision was needed for passives compared with actives. Critically, when SES was a proxy for global language variation, children from higher-SES backgrounds revised mispredictions more than their lower-SES peers on average. However, when SES tracked variation in cognitive control instead, SES effects on revision were absent. This suggests that variation in revising mispredictions during development may be related to linguistic knowledge rather than cognitive control. We discuss these results in light of known effects of linguistic knowledge on sentence comprehension and describe an information-theoretic account for why limited knowledge may lead children to favor predicted meanings over revised meanings during comprehension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Passivization played a central role in shaping both linguistic theory and psycholinguistic approaches to sentence processing, language acquisition and impairment. We present the results of two experiments that simultaneously test online processing (self-paced reading) and offline comprehension (through comprehension questions) of passives in German while also manipulating the event structure of the predicates used. In contrast to English, German passives are unambiguously verbal, allowing for the study of passivization independent of a confound in the degree of interpretive ambiguity (verbal/adjectival). In English, this ambiguity interacts with event structure, with passives of stative predicates naturally receiving an adjectival interpretation. In a recent study, Paolazzi et al. (2015, 2016) showed that in contrast to the mainstream theoretical perspective, passive sentences are not inherently harder to process than actives. Complexity of passivization in English is tied to the aspectual class of the verbal predicate passivized: with eventive predicates, passives are read faster (as hinted at in previous literature) and generate no comprehension difficulties (in contrast to previous findings with mixed predicates). Complexity effects with passivization, in turn, are only found with stative predicates. The asymmetry is claimed to stem from the temporary adjectival/verbal ambiguity of stative passives in English. We predict that the observed difficulty with English stative passives disappears in German, given that in this language the passive construction under investigation is unambiguously verbal. The results support this prediction: both offline and online there was no difficulty with passivization, under either eventive or stative predicates. In fact, passives and their rich morphology eased parsing across both types of predicates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intrinsic limits to temperature-dependent substrate loss for GaN-on-Si technology, due to the change in resistivity of the substrate with temperature, are evaluated using an experimentally validated device simulation framework. Effect of room temperature substrate resistivity on temperature-dependent coplanar waveguide (CPW) line loss at various operating frequency bands is then presented. CPW lines for GaN-on-high-resistivity Si are shown to have a pronounced temperature dependence for temperatures above 150 °C and have lower substrate losses for frequencies above the ${X}$ -band. On the other hand, GaN-on-low-resistivity Si is shown to be more temperature insensitive and has lower substrate losses than even highly resistive Si for lower operating frequencies. The effect of various CPW geometries on substrate loss is also presented to generalize the discussion. These results are expected to act as a benchmark for temperature-dependent substrate loss in GaN-on-Si RF technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Speakers are influenced by the linguistic context: hearing one syntactic alternative leads to an increased chance that the speaker will repeat this structure in the subsequent utterance (i.e., syntactic priming, or structural persistence). Top-down influences, such as whether a conversation partner (or, interlocutor) is present, may modulate the degree to which syntactic priming occurs. In the current study, we indeed show that the magnitude of syntactic alignment increases when speakers are interacting with an interlocutor as opposed to doing the experiment alone. The structural persistence effect for passive sentences is stronger in the presence of an interlocutor than when no interlocutor is present (i.e., when the participant is primed by a recording). We did not find evidence, however, that a speaker's syntactic priming magnitude is influenced by the degree of their conversation partner's priming magnitude. Together, these results support a mediated account of syntactic priming, in which syntactic choices are not only affected by preceding linguistic input, but also by top-down influences, such as the speakers' communicative intent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports a novel composite glass-silicon substrate (CGSiS) embedded with microcomponents by a glass reflow process. Microcomponents including vias, electrodes, capacitors, inductors, and filters are designed. Highly doped silicon is taken as the conductive material of microcomponents. Glass reflow process is investigated to fabricate the CGSiS. Results show that the total thickness variations of three composite substrates by an improved planarization method are smaller than $10 ~\mu \text{m}$. The surface roughness of silicon and glass after polishing is below 0.5 nm. The silicon conductivities of two composite substrates are $5.35 \times 10^{-3}$ and $3.34 \times 10^{-3}\,\, \Omega \cdot \text {cm}$ , respectively. Micropassives, vias, and electrodes are successfully embedded in the CGSiS. The CGSiS embedded with microcomponents shows great potential for MEMS 3-D integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polish adnominal participles accept a wide range of event modifiers except when they are additionally modified by focus or phase particles corresponding to still. The paper argues that the semantic contribution of still is incompatible with the change-of-state component of the meaning of participles. While still presupposes that the property denoted by the participle holds over the initial proper subinterval during which the focalized state holds, the measure-of-change function found in resultative participles entails that the relevant subinterval corresponds to the change of state over which the relevant property does not hold yet. The participles modifiable by still are argued to lack the change-of-state component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]