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Objective/context: This article analyzes the partisan profiles of cabinets in Panama from the transition to democracy to the present day. Methodology: Using an original methodological approach, a case study is conducted to empirically measure the degree of partisanship among the ministers who have served in Panamanian cabinets since the democratic transition. Conclusions: The data reveal that Panama is a case of cabinet partisanship, despite the growing presence of independent ministers. The most prominent party members are rewarded with positions in the government and leadership of the most significant ministries. Originality: This work provides empirical evidence, based on a database compiled by the author, about the differences in party affiliation among various ministers. While some are strong figures within the party, others are newcomers. It offers previously unexplored data on a case study that has been scarcely addressed in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: The article analyzes the partisan nature of ministers in Uruguay (96 % of the total) during the period 1985--2024, based on the institutional and political constraints of cabinet appointments. Given that the president has moderate legislative powers, nominations are used to build majorities capable of approving government initiatives and preventing the opposition from censuring ministers in Parliament. As the political system operates based on the logic of the party government model, the article explores the consequences of its application by analyzing the behavior of the ruling party's caucus in a sample of ministerial interpellations conducted in Parliament. Methodology: The research is a case study based on statistical analysis of original data. The main hypothesis considers four independent variables (size of the president's legislative contingent, party cohesion, type of government, and evolution of the government period) and a series of control variables. Conclusions: The study confirms that Uruguayan presidents make strategic use of ministerial appointments, based on the assumption that the relationship between powers functions as a typical party government model, similar to that observed in parliamentary regimes. Presidents appoint highranking partisan ministers when they have support in Parliament and the party is strongly cohesive. They appoint mid- and low-ranking partisan ministers when the president forms coalitions and when the party is less cohesive. Finally, they prefer new or discreet partisan ministers when the president loses his coalition or during the last years of the mandate. Originality: It analyzes the appointment of ministers in Uruguay under a presidential system that, despite not having excessive legislative powers, resembles the typical party government model of parliamentary regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article analyzes the affiliation of cabinet members in four post-transition governments in Mexico. The main goal is to contribute to the study of the role of parties in the dynamics of government formation. Methodology: The article is based on the description of an original database regarding the trajectory and partisan links of 148 secretaries of state in Mexico between 2000 and 2024. Conclusions: Our analysis shows that although alternation and divided government increased the incentives to appoint ministers with a political-partisan background, each president shaped their cabinet according to political circumstances and professional and political networks. Originality: A new proposal for categorizing the partisan profiles of ministers and their relationship with the type of cabinet appointment is tested by applying a partisanship index in ministries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party political conflict plays an essential role in shaping welfare policies, while they are simultaneously also shaped by these policies. As political parties grapple with the wicked challenges of our times, new forms of solidarity and solidarity conflicts arise across welfare regimes. Despite their significance, these dynamics have not received much recent attention. Our article aims to fill this gap. Through content analysis of party manifestos, we compare the solidarity frames of political parties within and between three distinct welfare regimes—Flanders (Belgium), Sweden, and the United States. Our results confirm our expectations drawn from political feedback literature: while party ideology influences parties' solidarity frame preferences and solidarity conflicts between parties, these preferences and conflicts are also influenced by a welfare regime's societal solidarity norms. Our article highlights the value of analyzing solidarity frames and political solidarity conflicts within welfare‐state regimes to better understand welfare politics and policies. Related Articles: König, Pascal D. 2015. "Moral Societal Renewal or Getting the Country Back to Work: Welfare State Culture as a Resource and a Constraint for Policy Discourse." Politics & Policy 43(5): 647–78. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12130. Mioni, Michele, 2021. "The 'Good Citizen' as a 'Respectable Worker:' State, Unemployment, and Social Policy in the United Kingdom and Italy, 1930 to 1950." Politics & Policy 49(4): 913–39. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12425. Wagle, Udaya R. 2014. "The Heterogeneity Politics of the Welfare State: Changing Population Heterogeneity and Welfare State Policies in High‐Income OECD Countries, 1980‐2005." Politics & Policy 41(6): 947–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12053. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil is among the few countries where income distribution has become fairer in recent decades. Its Gini coefficient fell significantly in the 2000s while the left-wing Workers’ Party government approved key equity-enhancing reforms in Congress. By analyzing hundreds of news pieces, legislative documents, and secondary sources, I show the strategies that incumbents from the left adopted to build and manage cross-party coalitions that allowed structural changes to materialize. This research is the first systematic effort to detail how three consequential redistributive policies in the areas of conditional cash-transfer programs, education, and minimum wages found their way through a fragmented legislature where the chief executive’s party was minoritarian. Findings add nuance to social policymaking and reveal that partisanship-based approaches to how inequality declined in Latin America require deeper complexification. In the Brazilian case, leftist presidents improved redistribution by investing in multiparty cooperative arrangements while ideology got diluted in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective is to analyze the political actions that the leaders of the Colombian liberal party and the leaders of the artisan-military rebellion that arose in New Granada (Colombia) in 1854 had and promoted to regenerate the republic, to establish the institutional, political and moral foundations by virtue of which the State and society should be run. This analysis of allowed us to identify, and affirm, that if the reforms promoted by the liberals were the foundation of the hegemonic project that they undertook in order to "regenerate the republic" through the intended modernization of the State, the economy and society, the rebellion perpetrated by the artisans and the military formed a counterhegemonic project that also sought to "regenerate the republic" by confronting the order imposed by the liberals (and also by the conservatives) and trying to constitute an institutional order that was consistent with the conditions, needs, desires and political and moral values of the people of New Granada. By examining these aspects, it is not only possible to compare the ideas that these men had about what, in their opinion, the institutional and moral order of the country should be, but also to understand the difficulty they had in carrying them out and the effects that this generated for the country. To examine these issues, we have scrutinized the main sources through which the protagonists of that story captured and disseminated the essence of their respective conceptions and political projects (speeches, laws, minutes, official reports, memoirs and newspapers). In order of presentation, the article describes the political context of the time, highlights the purpose of the liberal reforms, analyzes the link that was woven between them and the uprising of the rebels, and highlights the manner and criteria with which the insurgents acted to achieve your purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil is among the few countries where income distribution has become fairer in recent decades. Its Gini coefficient fell significantly in the 2000s while the left-wing Workers’ Party government approved key equity-enhancing reforms in Congress. By analyzing hundreds of news pieces, legislative documents, and secondary sources, I show the strategies that incumbents from the left adopted to build and manage cross-party coalitions that allowed structural changes to materialize. This research is the first systematic effort to detail how three consequential redistributive policies in the areas of conditional cash-transfer programs, education, and minimum wages found their way through a fragmented legislature where the chief executive’s party was minoritarian. Findings add nuance to social policymaking and reveal that partisanship-based approaches to how inequality declined in Latin America require deeper complexification. In the Brazilian case, leftist presidents improved redistribution by investing in multiparty cooperative arrangements while ideology got diluted in the process.

El artículo se circunscribe al periodo 2011-2023 y recupera los antecedentes que configuraron el origen de los servicios de capacitación que desde el IFED se brindaron a partidos políticos y autoridades electas, las principales características de la oferta de capacitación durante estos 12 años de gestión, la respuesta obtenida y las estrategias metodológicas implementadas. Sumado a este recuento histórico, se colocan algunas reflexiones que surgen del intercambio de saberes, pues la formación y capacitación han estado lejos de configurarse como un proceso vertical de enseñanza, más bien el acercamiento a los diferentes actores que participan en la vida de los partidos políticos ha proporcionado aprendizaje en doble vía.

Este trabajo analiza los discursos clerical y anticlerical que, acerca del conflicto educativo, difundieron cuatro periódicos zaragozanos en el primer bienio republicano: El Pilar, semanario católico sin adscripción partidista concreta; El Lunes, cabecera oficial del carlismo; Vida Nueva, órgano del Partido Socialista; y El Radical, publicación de las juventudes del Partido Republicano Radical. En concreto, el corpus hemerográfico abarca lo publicado en el periodo de mayor efervescencia de la controversia por la enseñanza durante la Segunda República, desde el comienzo de la tramitación parlamentaria de la Ley de Confesiones y Congregaciones religiosas hasta la movilización católica que provocó la aprobación de esta (febrero-junio de 1933). Se trataba de la ley que impedía a las órdenes religiosas dedicarse al ejercicio de la enseñanza. Los resultados muestran que tanto la prensa clerical como la anticlerical buscaron fijar en los imaginarios de sus respectivos lectores marcos interpretativos y argumentos que construyesen sendas identidades opuestas y enfrentadas, la católica y la anticlerical, para que sirvieran como palancas de la movilización popular. Mientras que en la prensa anticlerical el marco interpretativo común dominante fue que la educación confesional suponía un peligro para la República que debía ser conjurado, en la católica lo fue el de ser víctimas de una injusta y sectaria persecución gubernamental.

Political competition accelerates the enactment of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans*, and intersexual rights (LGBTI+) due to the dynamic, rational behavior of mainstream parties across the political aisle to adapt to the sociopolitical environment. We argue that LGBTI+ social movements capitalize on median voter shifts combined with the rising pressure of ideologically close challenger parties to enact legislation. To examine this argument, we employ quantitative event history analysis with a unique dataset with measures for social movement, institutional, political, and sociocultural dimensions across 33 years in Spanish subnational arenas. We find that rising leftist and liberal contenders challenging dominant center‐left and center‐right parties, respectively, widen the opportunity political structure of LGBTI+ organizations. Ultimately, rising political fragmentation in a multiparty, multidimensional party system turns both left and right mainstream parties into allies of LGBTI+ organizations, which propose new legislation, due to political platforms seeking to preserve and enhance their electoral base. Related Articles: Burnett, Craig M., and Aaron S. King. 2015. "The Personal Politics of Same‐Sex Marriage." Politics & Policy 43(4): 586–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12126. Lewis, Gregory B., Marc A. Rogers, and Kenneth Sherrill. 2011. "Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Voters in the 2000 US Presidential Election." Politics & Policy 39(5): 655–77. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00315.x. Skipworth, Sue Ann, Andrew Garner, and Bryan J. Dettrey. 2010. "Limitations of the Contact Hypothesis: Heterogeneity in the Contact Effect on Attitudes toward Gay Rights." Politics & Policy 38(5): 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00262.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/context: This article has three objectives: to differentiate the theoretical arguments on the empty chair policy in Latin America, to analyze the process of institutional change that culminated with its implementation in Colombia, and to describe how it has been carried out between 2010 and 2024. Methodology: The methodological approach has three components: a theoretical part, a documentary component, and an empirically based analysis. The first describes the contrast between two approaches to the autonomy, control, and accountability of political parties and parliamentarians. The second reviews how these approaches are reflected in the rules on seat ownership (of parties or congresspersons/deputies), accountability, and sanctions for parties and congresspersons when they violate the law. The third consists of identifying cases of loss of seats, their analysis, and the determination of their effects. The principal sources of the study are constitutional reforms, Supreme Court rulings, and decisions of the Attorney General's Office on convictions of congressmen. The information is complemented with journalistic reports and electoral data. Conclusions: The empty chair policy is established in two Latin American countries (Colombia and Peru). It is an effective legal norm to sanction political parties and legislators convicted for their links with criminal groups, corruption, electoral fraud, and other crimes. It has been applied in eighteen cases due to links to paramilitarism, drug trafficking, and corruption. The affected parties have decreased their electoral performance and their seats in Congress. Originality: This is the first empirical study on the subject in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the analysis of popular accusation in the Spanish criminal procedure system, with special reference to the controversy, not exempt from social and political relevance, that accompanies the exercise of popular action by political parties, unions and business associations. Exercise that responds to a constitutional right, of legal configuration and, therefore, not absolute or unlimited; and over which flies over, the result of the unconsolidated and approved versions of successive reform projects of our criminal procedure (in particular, the Draft of the new Criminal Procedure Law of 2020), the sword of Damocles of a prohibition, perhaps interested and interesting for the governments in power, but in no way compatible with the advisability of monitoring the inaction of a Public Ministry, like the Spanish one, subject to the dictates of the principle of hierarchical dependency and no stranger to more than notable doses of politicization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper provides a comparative analysis of the presidential systems of Argentina, Colombia, Chile, and Uruguay, covering the period between 1989 and 2022, with the aim of examining the factors that motivate a person in the head of a ministry to seek the presidential candidacy. The central argument holds that both the incumbent president and the political parties have the purpose of taking advantage of a person's passage through a Cabinet of State to boost his or her presidential candidacy within the political organization. The selected cases are justified due to the existence of historical moments in which ministers have left their posts to compete for the presidency in these countries. The methodology employed in this study follows a multimethod logic. First, quantitative logistic regression analysis is used, followed by qualitative press analysis of ministers' careers to support the theoretical argument. The most notable results highlight that having a political profile, being a member of the president's political party and having held a political ministry are influential factors when running in presidential elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the behaviour of the populist parties in the Spanish Parliament. This involved examining the type of initiatives submitted and the voting patterns in the chamber, as well as the themes in the agendas of two parties, Unidas Podemos and Vox, in the 12th and 14th parliamentary terms. The literature suggests that populist parties engage in defiant and uncooperative behaviour in institutions and proposed differentiated and concentrated parliamentary agendas. However, I argue that this behaviour can be nuanced by contextual, ideological and strategic factors. The analysis suggests that the Spanish populist parties reproduce and amplify pre-existing ideological and territorial divisions in the legislative institution, instead of introducing new logics of conflict (e.g., populism/anti-populism). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resumo: Este artigo discute o conceito de polarização social, dividindo o Brasil contemporâneo em polos que se identificam com Lula ou Bolsonaro. Com base na hipótese de que os desafios à consolidação democrática do Brasil têm impacto nesse contexto, analisamos cinco processos sócio-históricos, tendo como marco a fundação da Nova República. São eles: a constituição e as reformas do sistema político institucional; a mudança do contexto econômico nacional; as mudanças estruturais na sociedade brasileira; a estrutura da mídia tradicional e o surgimento de novas tecnologias de informação; e a mudança do contexto político internacional. A análise apoia a hipótese de que o fenômeno Bolsonaro é um sintoma que aprofunda, e não a origem, da polarização contemporânea.

El objetivo aquí presente es ver que tan valido es hacer una supresión de los partidos políticos, como desea la filósofa Simone Weil, en las sociedades actuales regidas bajo un gobierno democrático. Esto desde un posicionamiento que tiene en cuenta “lo político” de Chantal Mouffe el fenómeno de la fragmentación del saber y la complejidad. Siendo de tal modo, se llegó a la conclusión de que, en la actualidad, los partidos políticos son todavía una herramienta valida y que, la supresión de los partidos políticos, ha de dejarse de lado para enfocarse mejor en una reforma de estos.

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Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Objective/Context: What characteristics does the presidential primary system adopt? And what are the effects of the primaries on the Honduran political system? Honduras is among the precursor countries in Latin America to adopt the primary system as a mechanism of internal democracy within party structures to select their presidential, legislative, and municipal candidates. Although parties are not obliged to use primaries to select their candidates, the law mandates it for those political groups that have more than one internal movement. Thus, over the years, after eight experiences--in some political parties--the system has become established. The objective of this work is to analyze the origin of the presidential primary system in Honduras, its characteristics, and its effects on the political system. Methodology: This involves analyzing all primary elections held since their adoption to the present. Conclusions: the evidence indicates that, while the primary election system has allowed for the resolution of internal conflicts within parties, it has also contributed to the consolidation of political clientelism in the country. Originality: this work provides tools for analyzing the process of selecting presidential candidates in a political context of low programmatic competition, clientelism, and high personalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article analyzes the presidential primary elections in Chile from 2013 to 2021. As established by law, unlike in other Latin American countries, these elections are voluntary, simultaneous, and binding. Methodology: Presidential primary elections are studied in three dimensions: first, the institutions that regulate them; second, the electoral participation; and third, the results. For the analysis of the institutions, Law 20640 is explained. For electoral participation and the results of the primary elections, the statistical method is used, including a descriptive and inferential data analysis; the latter, mainly with multiple linear regression models and graphs of predicted values. Conclusions: Electoral participation in primaries significantly predicts participation in the general election and is strongly determined by the levels of poverty and rurality of the communes. Regarding the results, the Chilean experience shows that ideologically extreme candidates do not always triumph and that in some occasions--such as the 2021 elections--the relationship between the outcome of the primary elections and the candidates' electoral performance in the first round is far from robust. Originality: This work studies three electoral cycles of presidential primaries in Chile and combines an analysis of the institutions that regulate the process with the application of statistical models to explain turnout and electoral results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The system of presidential primaries was introduced into the Bolivian system in 2018 and was applied only once in 2019. This article aims to analyze the causes, characteristics, and effects of the compulsory and simultaneous primary system in Bolivia. Methodology: The characteristics of the party system, the method of selecting presidential candidates from 1982 to the present, the existing dynamics in the Legislature, the results of the 2019 primary elections, the current context, and regulations with a view to the 2025 general elections will be analyzed. Conclusions: This study shows that the presidential primaries were not on the agenda of the parties and were used by the ruling party to legitimize its presidential ticket. Therefore, using its legislative supermajority and control of other state organs, the primaries are introduced under the exclusive control of the leadership, which vertically decides whether they will be competitive or not. Originality: The detail and characteristics of this study offer a high degree of novelty and propose new elements for comparison and academic debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article presents a comparative analysis of the system of simultaneous and open presidential primaries (PAS, for its acronym in Spanish) in Latin American countries that have adopted legislation on the subject. In what appears to be a growing trend, nine countries--with differences among them--have established a PAS regime regulated by the electoral body and with public financing. Methodology: First, a description is presented to characterize and classify different PAS systems, considering their main normative differences. Then, hypotheses about their possible effects are proposed based on the literature on presidential primaries and electoral systems. Finally, taking into account the results of the primaries carried out and the subsequent presidential elections, an attempt is made to show to what extent the PAS system encourages citizen participation and competition for nomination, whether it favors or harms the parties that carry them out, and its capacity to stabilize the party system. Conclusions: Factors that stimulate participation, such as compulsory voting and simultaneity with other elections, and encourage competition, such as open presidential ticket, are identified. No institutional factors are found to directly benefit or harm the groups that decide the candidacy in a primary, although conflicting primaries seem to harm them. The ability of the PAS system to stabilize party systems seems to depend on its interaction with other institutional and political factors. Originality: This is the first work that ventures into a comparative analysis of the PAS system with regional coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The covid-19 pandemic and its socioeconomic impacts led to fears that a kind of pandemic-fuelled populism could erupt in crisis-struck societies. Through a content analysis of parliamentary debates on issues dear to populists, we explore the impact of covid-19 on the incidence of populist rhetoric in Portugal in different moments of the pandemic and by different political parties. Our results indicate that, despite an increase of people-centrism during the first covid-19 wave, the pandemic globally decreased the prevalence of populist rhetoric, suggesting that parties’ adoption of populist frames under a crisis may be dependent on the nature of that crisis [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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O estudo investigou a associação entre os pareceres prévios emitidos pelos Tribunais de Contas brasileiros às ideologias político-partidárias. O levantamento teve como base o interstício entre 1995 e 2022, perfazendo sete ciclos políticos, em todos os estados brasileiros, o Distrito Federal, além das contas da União. Foram categorizados os partidos políticos em coalizões ideológicas e segmentados os resultados dos pareceres, para realizar testes de independência entre grupos e Análise de Correspondência Múltipla. Não foram observadas distinções nos pareceres prévios emitidos em relação às linhas ideológicas das coalizões nos ciclos eleitorais analisados. Dada a literatura recente que indica a influência político-partidária na atuação dos Tribunais de Contas brasileiros e a baixa quantidade de pareceres desfavoráveis emitidos para os estados, este achado traz novos elementos ao debate acerca das características e explicações para essa influência.

Los procesos electorales, a través de los años han sufrido cambios en sus procesos en cuanto a la democracia. Por esto, han debido adaptarse a nuevos estilos de democratización. En este artículo, se describe y analiza la relación existente entre democracia y resiliencia. Se conceptualiza, caracteriza y tipifica el proceso de resiliencia que, muchas veces, experimentan los partidos políticos, después de haber perdido las elecciones constitucionales. Se describen tres casos de partidos políticos resilientes: El Partido Revolucionario Institucional de México, 2012; el Partido Demócrata de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, 2020; y, el Partido de los Trabajadores de Brasil, 2022; utilizando para ello una metodología enmarcada en el paradigma interpretativo con enfoque cualitativo y método hermenéutico. A manera de conclusión, se señala que la democracia es un sistema político de resiliencia, puesto que ésta posibilita la alternancia en el poder, lo que permite que los perdedores de las elecciones siempre tengan la posibilidad de sobreponerse a la adversidad, reinventarse y reorganizarse para fortalecerse y volver de nuevo a ganar el voto mayoritario de los ciudadanos.

La cuestión del multiculturalismo en un contexto español de crecimiento electoral del partido de derecha radical Vox tiene una importancia renovada. Este artículo analiza de forma comparada los discursos acerca del multiculturalismo de los principales partidos de centro-derecha y derecha radical en España. A través del análisis de contenido aplicado a una nueva base de datos de mensajes en Twitter de las principales cuentas del PP y Vox, se concluye que si bien ambos partidos utilizan una estrategia pragmática basada en críticas utilitaristas a las políticas multiculturales, Vox, que cuenta con el discurso más opuesto al multiculturalismo de la derecha española, difiere del centro-derecha nacional en que presenta un discurso con un patrón argumentativo basado en la diferenciación identitaria, a diferencia de la expresión puramente pragmática del PP.

La presente reseña literaria representa la opinión de la autora sobre la interesante publicación de la obra "De la opacidad a la transparecia y rendición de cuentas: la fiscalización de los partidos políticos", editado y publicado por el Instituto Nacional de Transparencia, Acceso a la Información Pública y Protección de Datos Personales, en México.

El artículo presenta el escenario político que dibujaron las elecciones presidenciales de Paraguay en mayo de 2023 con relación a las siguientes dimensiones: los partidos políticos, el sistema electoral y el impacto del resultado electoral en el ámbito político, económico e internacional. Para ello comienza realizando una caracterización del orden político, desde el inicio de la transición a la democracia, que permite marcar algunos hitos de cambio y continuidad. Parte de la hipótesis de que, si bien la partidocracia paraguaya se ha mantenido a lo largo de más de dos siglos, hay procesos de transformación generales y locales que han afectado la vida interna de los partidos y la representación política y han dado lugar al surgimiento de rasgos singulares de terceras fuerzas.

Apesar do consenso no Brasil sobre a irreversibilidade da democracia representativo, surgiram questões sobre a sua qualidade. Um aspecto que atesta a fragilidade democrática é a forma como os partidos políticos funcionam e são vistos e avaliados por cidadãos brasileiros. As investigações confirmaram que essas instituições são avaliadas como menos confiáveis ​​e os mais corruptos. O objetivo deste trabalho é examinar como o conceito de capital social pode ser útil na possibilidade de gerar subsídios propositais para a constituição de uma base regulatória que apoie os partidos do país. Usando dados de pesquisas de opinião pública, examinamos como as pessoas decodificam a política e por que desconfiam dela. Os resultados que encontramos neste trabalho mostra que o capital social poderia ser uma das formas resgatar a imagem dos partidos.

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This study presents a review of state theories and approaches to public policy evaluation with the objective of connecting both theories with electoral programs. In doing so, the authors defend the hypothesis that programs are a primary source of information for the study of public policy formulation, implementation, and evaluation. We found theoretical links that demonstrate that electoral programs, as well as political parties, can acquire a legal character. The work provides arguments to defend the relevance of electoral plans within the electoral contest. In addition, the reviewed theory allows affirming that these documents store all the information that citizens use to define their vote, therefore, they become a guarantee for the evaluation of the political exercise, which is crystallized in the application of public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the Peruvian party system between 2001 and 2016 and its effects on the functioning of the Congress of the Republic through different indicators of legislative activity, such as normative production, revision of decrees, and control of the executive and partisan conformation of the legislature and its governing bodies, among others. As a result, different stages in executive-legislative relations are evidenced, with a marked distancing and final isolation of the ruling party, which tends to increase instability and difficulty in deploying its government agenda. Congress had a high degree of instability, volatility, and growing difficulties in articulating majorities that would allow it to carry out its functions as a legislative power. The low institutionalization of the party system and the precarious structuring of these organizations explain, at least partially, the limiting effects on the functioning of the executive and legislative branches and their progressive distancing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social outbreak of 2019 caused a deep crisis in the Chilean political system, which political parties sought to solve by opening a constitutional change process through the Constitutional Convention. This institutional response appeared to indicate the outbreak had ended and that social movements and political parties acted separately. However, this article contends that both actors directly interacted, arguing that the Convention institutionally prolonged the social outbreak. To understand the scope and obstacles of the interaction between these actors, I conducted 45 interviews with members of the Constitutional Convention (convencionales) both party members and those coming from the social movements. By contrasting both perspectives, this article finds that the persistence of mutual distrust across members of the constitutional convention, along with the time constraints imposed by the institutional design of the process, hindered the construction of broad agreements. This study offers a detailed view of the internal dynamics of the Convention, contributing to the understanding of the interaction between activists and parties both at the institutional level and in the context of the Chilean social outbreak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing consensus about the complementary nature of institutional and noninstitutional politics as means to push forward policy agendas. However, the bulk of research tends to concentrate on one aspect of this relationship, namely, how social movements influence the political arena, for example by impacting different stages of the policymaking process and creating new political parties. There is comparatively less understanding of the reverse dynamics: the degree to which political parties also influence the protest arena by adopting and utilizing strategies and tactics commonly associated with social movements and by connecting to demonstrators. Focusing on Argentina and Chile, two countries that have experienced massive protest waves in recent years, this article examines the presence of political parties in the organization, staging, and channeling of demonstrations. Given that the reception of political parties in demonstrations is closely tied to whether they are welcome in the protest arena or not, we also analyze how Argentine and Chilean protesters perceive political parties and the level of identification they feel with them. Our primary data source comes from 1 935 surveys conducted as part of the Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation (ccc) network between 2015 and 2017. We found that political parties in Argentina exhibit stronger ties to social movements compared to those in Chile. We seek to link this outcome to divergent and historically rooted patterns of protest dynamics in both countries and discuss the implications of our findings in the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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