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This article explores the notion of pragmatic cosmopolitanism in Teochew, China. It examines the way international student returnees perceive their sense of belonging at home and their cosmopolitan identities in a parochial area. Based on ethnographic research, this article offers a unique perspective from a specific regional space with significant migrant history that has witnessed dramatic socio‐economic changes since China's ‘open door’ policy. Although the life trajectories of international student returnees reveal aspects of cosmopolitanism, they are deeply rooted in the moral obligation of filial piety in Teochew. Their life trajectories continue to be shaped and reshaped by familial expectations of kinship, marriage, and succession. Meanwhile, they struggle to maintain their cosmopolitan identities from the negotiable elements of returning, realised through their consumption choices and friendship circle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This interview with one of the leading scholars of cultural studies, Lawrence Grossberg, conducted by Raka Shome addresses, once again, what cultural studies is (given that it continues to be misunderstood), its methods of working, the parochialism of cultural studies in the US academy, the challenges that confront it, and planetarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EU policy responses to the migration crisis caused by the Russian war against Ukraine challenge existing explanations of EU migration policy, which have typically leaned on economic rationales. This study leans on public attitudes to shed light on Poland's opposition to migration co‐operation across three recent European migration crises: Syria (2015), Belarus (2021) and Ukraine (2022). Throughout these crises, Poland has become a significant migration border country and one of the top refugee‐receiving countries. We build an analytical framework for exploring how the Polish government instrumentalised 'parochial attitudes' that prioritise sovereignty, locality and the in‐group and exclude out‐groups, and we analyse Poland's (op)position to EU co‐operation on migration through this lens. Using survey data, policy documents, 83 media articles and 10 interviews with policy‐makers and experts, we demonstrate that Poland's position on EU solidarity measures has remained static despite the dynamic, evolving circumstances and aligned with parochial attitudes amongst the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article begins with critical discussion of why parochialism is so alluring, suggesting that we need to understand its tenacious seductions if we really aim to displace, uproot, or transcend it. Arguing that parochialism as a value is not primarily a question of ignorance, but an antipathetic orientation toward incompleteness, interdependency, and entanglement, it then turns briefly to explaining what is meant by creolizing theory. The article closes by offering creolizing's central insights as a potential antidote to parochialism since they begin with the observation that for any lifeways to meaningfully continue, especially those to which we are most attached, they must be constantly resituated, refashioned, and made new. It ends with a brief meditation on ways to manage anxieties unleashed with radical uncertainty, affirming the depth of the challenges of turning from idolatry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humans often learn preferentially from ingroup members who share a social identity affiliation, while ignoring or rejecting information when it comes from someone perceived to be from an outgroup. This sort of bias has well-known negative consequences – exacerbating cultural divides, polarization, and conflict – while reducing the information available to learners. Why does it persist? Using evolutionary simulations, we demonstrate that similarity-biased social learning (also called parochial social learning) is adaptive when (1) individual learning is error-prone and (2) sufficient diversity inhibits the efficacy of social learning that ignores identity signals, as long as (3) those signals are sufficiently reliable indicators of adaptive behaviour. We further show that our results are robust to considerations of other social learning strategies, focusing on conformist and pay-off-biased transmission. We conclude by discussing the consequences of our analyses for understanding diversity in the modern world.

It is commonly argued that humans have generalised predispositions for within-group favouritism and between-group animus (i.e. that humans are parochially altruistic), leading to higher levels of internal conflict in societies with greater diversity. Other research, however, has questioned both the ubiquity of parochial altruism and the role of diversity per se in causing social discord. Here, we use ethnographic, social network and experimental economic game data to explore this topic in two multi-ethnic Colombian communities. We examine the extent to which Afrocolombian and Emberá residents express parochial altruism, finding appreciable variability between communities, and across individuals within communities. When present, parochial altruism appears to be driven by divergent perceptions of group-based economic need, not group identity per se. Our results suggest that diversity may be less likely to cause social discord than past work has suggested, as long as group-based inequalities in wealth, well-being and representation – that can destabilise positive inter-group relationships – are minimised.

There is some evidence that people who grew up in economic hard times more strongly favor government redistribution and are more compassionate towards the poor. We investigate how inclusive this increase in compassion is by studying how macroeconomic conditions experienced during young adulthood affect immigration attitudes. Using US and global data, we show that experiencing bad macroeconomic circumstances strengthen anti-immigration attitudes for life. Moreover, we find that people become generally more outgroup hostile. Our results thus suggest that the underlying motive for more government redistribution is not a universal increase in compassion, but more self-interested and restricted to one's ingroup. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National parochialism has attracted academic attention as its negative consequences have become increasingly apparent in the globalizing world. To empirically approach this issue, previous studies measured national parochialism employing experimental methods. The present study introduces a new approach using self-reported survey data. The advantages of using self-reported survey data lie in the access to a greater number of observations in a wider variety of countries with rich socioeconomic and demographic background information. Specifically, we use questions asking the respondents about the closeness to one's country and the closeness to the world in the World Values Survey and European Values Survey and define their difference as national parochialism. Using this measure, we assess its validity and investigate the sources of the individual variations. Our main results and contributions are as follows. First, our measure of national parochialism is compatible with the ones in experimental studies. Second, we confirm the findings in the previous studies that national parochialism correlates with sex, educational level, and political ideology, with some cross-country variations. Third, we add new findings to the literature that national parochialism correlates with native status, age, marital status, income class, employment status, as well as both mother's and father's native statuses and educational levels, with the tendency that people in the socially insecure position are more parochial. We also uncover that the COVID-19 pandemic raised the level of national parochialism. These results point to both the scope and limitation of policy intervention for managing parochialism at the population level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parochial altruism (PA), or ingroup favoritism paired with outgroup hostility, is sometimes treated as a synonym for human intergroup relations. However, empirical data suggest that PA is highly variable—across individuals, across situations, and across groups. Here, we review theory and data on PA to explore the candidate sources for this variability. Along the way, we unpack assumptions (e.g., what constitutes a group?), identify precursors to PA behavior (e.g., context and internal states), and review evidence for the pairing of ingroup favoritism with outgroup hostility. We discuss phenomena with measurable impact on downstream behavior, including resource access and cultural institutions, but also flag how researcher expectations and methodological design impact reported variability in PA. We close by making recommendations for how researchers can reduce noise in the study of PA by checking assumptions and being deliberate in research design; this is key, as the PA literature is part of sensitive public discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parochialism, by which we mean in-group preferences and out-group prejudice, has the potential to influence public policy. In-group preferences and out-group prejudice can lead individuals to evaluate a policy based on how that policy affects the groups they belong to rather than on the basis of their ideological priors or the impact of that policy on society at large. Unchecked, parochialism likely leads to problematic policies and perverse social outcomes. While the evidence suggests that this bias can be mitigated if issues are framed in ways that encourage reflection as opposed to unreflective immediate responses, policy makers face incentives to leverage parochialism rather than combat it. The solution may instead require limiting policy makers and our ability to make decisions for others and promoting an institutional environment that encourages our interacting with diverse others rather than insularity. Stated another way, limited government and open society may be the path beyond our parochialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Mobile academics have traditionally been conceived as cosmopolitan subjects who favor cultural diversity and search for new professional opportunities abroad. Their return to the homeland could therefore be interpreted as a sign of parochialism, which narrows down their professional opportunities and limits their exposure to global resources. In this article, we compare returning and non-returning academics with respect to their parochial and/or cosmopolitan tendencies. Drawing on a sample of 223 Israeli Early-Career Researchers (ECRs), we examine their cosmopolitan—or otherwise parochial—propensities and assess the effect they have on their return decisions. We use statistical tests to analyze the effects of cultural orientation, attachment to the homeland-based national community, and patriotic feelings on their propensity to return. Our findings suggest that in comparison with their co-nationals who opted to remain abroad, returning ECRs exhibit higher levels of parochialism, reflected through inter alia stronger communal dispositions and patriotic attachment as well as geographically limited job search.

Parochial altruism refers to the propensity to direct prosocial behavior toward members of one's own ingroup to a greater extent than toward those outside one's group. Both theory and empirical research suggest that parochialism may be linked to political ideology, with conservatives more likely than liberals to exhibit ingroup bias in altruistic behavior. The present study, conducted in the United States and Italy, tested this relationship in the context of the COVID‐19 pandemic, assessing willingness to contribute money to charities at different levels of inclusiveness—local versus national versus international. Results indicated that conservatives contributed less money overall and were more likely to limit their contribution to the local charity while liberals were significantly more likely to contribute to national and international charities, exhibiting less parochialism. Conservatives and liberals also differed in social identification and trust, with conservatives higher in social identity and trust at the local and national levels and liberals higher in global social identity and trust in global others. Differences in global social identity partially accounted for the effects of political ideology on donations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critiques the 'withdrawal approach' to deparochializing global justice and argues for an approach that views 'departure' from mainstream theorization as integral to truly critical engagement. It introduces Aakash Singh Rathore's approach to deparochialization – purportedly founded on Amartya Sen's The Idea of Justice – as an example of 'withdrawal approach' which advocates repudiation of the West-centric and 'profession-oriented' academic debate on global justice, and promotion of context-sensitive theories. I argue that Rathore's 'withdrawal approach' springs from an inaccurate reading of Sen's The Idea of Justice and hence overlooks the critical spirit of Sen's engagement with the global heritage of ideas and 'critical departure' from parochial theories. This article further explores three analytical forms of parochialism that dominant theories of global justice may suffer from: epistemic, conceptual and descriptive. Using the case of India's superrich and their culpability in global poverty, I demonstrate the parochial construction of 'duties' in Thomas Pogge's theory of global poverty. I argue that deparochializing global justice, involving critical engagement with existing theorization along conceptual and descriptive lines, can illuminate a new way forward in global justice research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, immigration has been the main driver shaping Poland’s migration policy. This has given rise to the concept and problem of an immigrant as an “other” who should be adjusted to Polish reality. The idea of parochialism is helpful in addressing the matter of the lookingglass self and its consequences for immigration policy. This article aims to interpret Poland’s immigration policy in the context of parochialism and its virtues. It points to the consequences of a migration paradigm shift generated by modernisation and indigenisation. The methodology embraces a theoretical framing of parochialism, an interpretive political analysis approach, a qualitative content analysis, and an interpretation of selected public opinion polls and surveys. The argument developed in this article holds that Poland’s immigration policy after 2015 has been marked by the tendency to favour parochialism as an attitude which captures immigrants in the exclusionary formula of “others”. The mobilisation of the Polish population to oppose the infl ow of immigrants is in line with their “domestication” according to ethno-nationalist standards. Such process facilitates the implementation of Poland’s immigration policy by shifting responsibility from the central authorities to local communities.

Young people are the largest group of voters in Sabah compared to the adults and the elderly. Therefore, the percentage of votes of young people has a great influence on the victory of a certain party. Understanding the political demands of young voters will give an advantage to a political party during the election period and the process of governing a state or country. Thus, this study aims to identify the political demands of young voters in Sabah based on the zone and parliament boundaries. A total of 1609 voters in Sabah aged 21 to 40 were interviewed through survey methods. Raw data obtained were then analyzed using Principal Component Analysis (PCA) techniques presented in the form of thematic maps using the Geography Informatics System (GIS) application. From the analysis, it was found that there are five political demands required among young voters in Sabah according to ranks, i.e., the provision of welfare assistance, high-caliber local leaders, space for political involvement, state stability, and territorial equality rights. The rankings of each of these political demands are found to vary according to the zone and parliament boundaries. For Inland Zones, especially Tenom and Pensiangan Parliaments, the ranking of political demands among young voters in this area is more focused on the aspect of providing welfare assistance. In contrast, the young voters in the Central West Zone, especially in Penampang and Putatan Parliaments, are more focused on the Regional territorial equality rights.

What explains the differences between legislators' orientation toward parochialism? While much literature exists on the effect of electoral rules on legislators' focus on parochial interests in democratic legislatures, less is known about party-nominated and indirectly elected legislators. Drawn on interviews and an original dataset of congressional opinions in China, this analysis identifies non-electoral sources of pork barrel politics. It finds evidence of some orientation toward parochialism among indirectly elected provincial legislators in China. In particular, provincial legislators who concurrently work in lower-level political positions are more inclined to favor constituency-centered interests over broader public interests than non-official legislators. After ruling out several important alternative mechanisms, I argue that extra-legislative incentives and resources to solve local policy problems are the likely mechanisms that connect legislators' occupation attributes with their advocacy focus. These findings have implications for the role of legislator attributes and the function of non-popularly elected legislatures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, scholars from different fields have studied the effects of scarcity on social behaviour, producing mixed findings. This review synthesizes the most recent literature on the topic and proposes a framework to organize the evidence. According to this framework, scarcity produces an attentional shift towards the scarce resource and a cognitive load that triggers heuristic thinking; this affects social behaviour in various ways, depending on individual and contextual factors, which can be transient (e.g., emotional states or social expectations), or enduring (e.g., personality or social environment). We then apply this framework to explain when and how scarcity influences parochialism. We conclude with a caution against the uncritical use of scarcity salience as a tool for social behavioural change., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2024 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

Mobile academics have traditionally been conceived as cosmopolitan subjects who favor cultural diversity and search for new professional opportunities abroad. Their return to the homeland could therefore be interpreted as a sign of parochialism, which narrows down their professional opportunities and limits their exposure to global resources. In this article, we compare returning and non-returning academics with respect to their parochial and/or cosmopolitan tendencies. Drawing on a sample of 223 Israeli Early-Career Researchers (ECRs), we examine their cosmopolitan—or otherwise parochial—propensities and assess the effect they have on their return decisions. We use statistical tests to analyze the effects of cultural orientation, attachment to the homeland-based national community, and patriotic feelings on their propensity to return. Our findings suggest that in comparison with their co-nationals who opted to remain abroad, returning ECRs exhibit higher levels of parochialism, reflected through inter alia stronger communal dispositions and patriotic attachment as well as geographically limited job search. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attitudes towards migrants and refugees are created and reflected at the level of public policies, as well as in local communities which cultivate traditional approaches and a specific worldview. The refugee crisis in Europe in the mid-2010s showed how public opinion translated into voting behaviour and became a source of strength for nationalist anti-immigrant movements and parties across the continent. East-Central Europe was no exception, regardless of the absence of a long-term, massive inflow of refugees. Nevertheless, the migration crisis created a new political narrative which exploited deeply rooted resentments, complexes, and fears. This article aims to analyse the official policy responses to the refugee crisis in the four East-Central European countries: Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, which together constitute the so-called Visegrad Four. It puts the emphasis on the discriminatory practice of misnaming the refugees, which became deeply anchored in the political discourse of these countries. Based on a qualitative content analysis supplemented by the findings of public opinion polls, the argument developed in the article is that reluctant and defensive attitudes towards the refugees have been determined by the revival of parochialism as a radical reaction to the challenges of global trends and supra-local processes. The theoretical framing of the refugee problem is built on politicization, in connection with the concept of parochialism, seen from political and social perspectives, and the meaning of the use of the misnomer as a policy instrument. The article concludes that the migration crisis petrified traditional cleavages at the supra-local level, reinforcing simultaneously the sense of parochial altruism and hostility towards “the other.”

One of the major challenges in Africa's development is the weakness of the state. Whereas the colonial origin of the African state has been widely blamed for the continent's development challenges, the political elites too have not done enough to transform the colonial state and make it responsive to the people's needs. Instead, Africa is riddled with endless politics even in post-election periods, to the extent that policy and administration are compromised. Hence, some analysts have argued that African states' challenges are also about wanting policy implementation. Whereas politics and policy/administration are closely intertwined in many respects, they ought to be clearly demarcated in order that national interests may not be jeopardized. In practice, though, politics tends to straddle "boundaries" to the detriment of policy and administration. This propensity has become pathological in Africa due to the self-interested nature of politics. This article seeks to explain Africa's development challenges through the weaknesses of state institutions, with specific reference to the interference of self-defeating politics in policy and administration. The article recommends that African states need to adopt self-reliance and emancipatory politics in order to deter imperialist and colonial influences whilst enabling development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, immigration has been the main driver shaping Poland's migration policy. This has given rise to the concept and problem of an immigrant as an "other" who should be adjusted to Polish reality. The idea of parochialism is helpful in addressing the matter of the lookingglass self and its consequences for immigration policy. This article aims to interpret Poland's immigration policy in the context of parochialism and its virtues. It points to the consequences of a migration paradigm shift generated by modernisation and indigenisation. The methodology embraces a theoretical framing of parochialism, an interpretive political analysis approach, a qualitative content analysis, and an interpretation of selected public opinion polls and surveys. The argument developed in this article holds that Poland's immigration policy after 2015 has been marked by the tendency to favour parochialism as an attitude which captures immigrants in the exclusionary formula of "others". The mobilisation of the Polish population to oppose the inflow of immigrants is in line with their "domestication" according to ethno-nationalist standards. Such process facilitates the implementation of Poland's immigration policy by shifting responsibility from the central authorities to local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the beginnings of his poetic career onwards, well into posterity, Larkin has been known as a "less deceived" poet, combining avant la lettre Lyotard's postmodern incredulity toward grand narratives with a special, often puzzling pattern of conflicting trends. One of these trends is to counter incredulity with memorable expressions of longing for the togetherness and the communion that certain spaces are associated with. These spaces, and the cartographies that encompass them, are also defining features of identity construction both for the poet himself and for Britain in a postwar, less "heroic" age. The present article examines the literary cartography that some of Larkin's poems seen as identity narratives contribute to, the mapping of places and spaces, as well as the perspective from which these are perceived and fashioned. In so doing, there will be unexpected transcendent flashes of a solitary, "more deceived" Larkin's search for a sense of community with people, places and space, with the ordinary coexisting with the eternal and the infinite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article puts forward a four-fold taxonomy on European multiplicity including the radial subcategories of Thin, Thick, Global and Parochial Europes that are ideal types deriving from the complex interplays of distinct ordering dynamics, namely, territorial segmentation, functional differentiation, and stratification. The article explains their distinct characteristics in detail and discuss their differences from the existing ways of thinking about European divisions and multiple logics driving European transformations. Furthermore, it advances the category of Global Europe in order to establish a missing link between European and extra-European dynamics. Following the proposed taxonomy, the study offers the case of Brexit that demonstrates struggle, competition and unlikely alliance among four distinct visions of Europe. Rather than a mere struggle between Eurosceptics and Europhiles, the pro- and anti-Brexit discourses in Britain reflected a hegemonic struggle among multiple visions on Europe. Overall, this article lays out an innovative four-fold taxonomy that helps to better grasp the multiplicity of competing visions about the political crises and changes facing Europe in a global context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beginning of the 18th century, the era of the transformations of Peter I, which affected many spheres of the life of Russian society, and, in particular, the restructuring of the upper political elite, were predetermined by the dynamics of the socio-economic and political processes of the XVII century. In other words, in the past changes it is necessary to highlight the objective component, separating it from the subjective characteristics of political figures of a particular historical era and, in particular, the personality of Emperor Peter I. An analysis of the peculiarities of the development of the highest political elite in the XVII century, in the era preceding the Peter the Great’s reforms has been given in the article. It is necessary to be aware of what its portrait was like at the beginning of the transformations, what processes formed it in this way. This allows you to evaluate what are the objective prerequisites for the reformatory actions of Peter I, and what kind of systemic resistance they objectively had to face.

This writing is divided into two parts and, in a few words, is a work on the concept of judicial activism. Specifically, it defines judicial activism from a particular norms of competence theory formulated by Eugenio Bulygin, who explains norms of competence from the constituent rules. So, we propose that judicial activism is the intentional modification of competence by the judge through his decisions. It was necessary to divide the writing into two parts to reach this result. This article presents the first part, which summarizes the main theories on judicial activism and then assesses the theories on judicial activism from individual and general criticisms. Consequently, we propose the desiderata that a definition of judicial activism must meet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humans display a puzzling cross-population variation in the ability to cooperate with out-group members. One hypothesis is that impartial institutions substituting kith and kin as risk-buffering providers would favor the expansion of cooperative networks. Here I propose a research design that overcomes the endogeneity between institutions and preferences, making it possible to isolate the causal effects of institutional quality on out-group cooperation. I study a land tenure reform implemented as a randomized control-trial in hundreds of Beninese villages. The reform reduces the village community's discretion in regulating members' access to land by granting formal legal protection to individual rights-holders. Using a lab-in-the-field incentivized experiment (N = 576), I show that the reform significantly increases participants' cooperation with anonymous strangers from other villages. The results illustrate how humans' investments in in-group and out-group relationships are sensitive to cost-benefit evaluations, and emphasize that the institutional environment is a key driver of large-scale human cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attitudes towards migrants and refugees are created and reflected at the level of public policies, as well as in local communities which cultivate traditional approaches and a specific worldview. The refugee crisis in Europe in the mid‐2010s showed how public opinion translated into voting behaviour and became a source of strength for nationalist anti‐immigrant movements and parties across the continent. East‐Central Europe was no exception, regardless of the absence of a long‐term, massive inflow of refugees. Nevertheless, the migration crisis created a new political narrative which exploited deeply rooted resentments, complexes, and fears. This article aims to analyse the official policy responses to the refugee crisis in the four East‐Central European countries: Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, which together constitute the so‐called Visegrad Four. It puts the emphasis on the discriminatory practice of misnaming the refugees, which became deeply anchored in the political discourse of these countries. Based on a qualitative content analysis supplemented by the findings of public opinion polls, the argument developed in the article is that reluctant and defensive attitudes towards the refugees have been determined by the revival of parochialism as a radical reaction to the challenges of global trends and supra‐local processes. The theoretical framing of the refugee problem is built on politicization, in connection with the concept of parochialism, seen from political and social perspectives, and the meaning of the use of the misnomer as a policy instrument. The article concludes that the migration crisis petrified traditional cleavages at the supra‐local level, reinforcing simultaneously the sense of parochial altruism and hostility towards “the other.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parochialism occurs when an individual mentally codes the population into in-group and out-group members and cooperates only with in-group members. Conditional cooperation of this kind is distinct from strategies such as tit-for-tat where the decision to cooperate is conditioned on others' previous actions. Parochialists practice in-group favoritism by cooperating with others, conditional on their spatial proximity or cultural similarity. We consider an evolutionary model of local interaction with three types of strategies: altruists "always cooperate"; egoists "always defect"; and parochialists cooperate only with neighbors within a certain radius on a spatial network. In the model, we provide a new explanation for why parochialism is durable and can stably remain prevalent in human populations. The main driving force is the homophily effect. Interestingly, the homophily effect leads to the prevalence of parochialists but not altruists who benefit more from homophilic association, because altruists are invaded by parochialists. The two groups can coexist only if egoists buffer their direct interaction. Accordingly, the proportion of egoists can be greater than that of altruists in our model, contrary to the result of Eshel et al. (1998). Simulations show, for most parameter values, that the socially optimal cooperation radius (achieving the greatest mean fitness across the entire population) is two and that narrow in-group parochialism is prevalent regardless of frequency of interaction within a society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the omnipresence of inter-group conflicts, little is known about the heterogeneity and stability of individuals' social preferences toward in-group and out-group members. To identify the prevalence and stability of social preferences in inter-group conflict, we gather quota-representative, incentivized data from a lab-in-the-field study during the heated 2016 Austrian presidential election. We assess social preferences toward in-group and out-group members one week before, one week after, and three months after the election. We find considerable heterogeneity in individuals' group-(in)dependent social preferences. Utilizing various econometric strategies, we find largely stable social preferences over the course of conflict. Yet, there is some indication of variation, particularly when the conflict becomes less salient. Variation is larger in social preferences toward in-group members and among specific preference types. We discuss the theoretical implications of our findings and outline potential avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The three New South Wales market towns of Campbelltown, Camden and Picton made up the Macarthur region where several local town-based newspapers emerged in the 1880s. Local newspapers used local history to enable their readers to reflect on their past by storytelling and creating an understanding of their cultural heritage. The local press lionised the historical legacy of John Macarthur and contributed to the construction of a regional identity bearing his name through the creation of regional newspaper mastheads. The key actors in this narrative were newspaper owner-editors, their mastheads and the historical figure of Macarthur. This article uses a qualitative approach to chart the growth and changes of newspaper mastheads, their owner-editors and Macarthur mythmaking and regionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humans usually favour members of their own group, ethnicity or culture (parochial cooperation), and punish out-group wrongdoers more harshly (parochial punishment). The evolution of parochial cooperation is mainly explained by intergroup conflict, as restricting cooperation to in-groups can provide a relative advantage during conflict. However, explanations for the evolution of parochial punishment are still lacking. It is unclear whether conflict can also explain parochial punishment, because conflict is expected to lead to full hostility towards out-groups, irrespective of their behaviour. Here, we use an agent-based simulation to explore which conditions favour the evolution of parochial third-party punishment. We show that when groups interact and then engage in conflict with each other, third-party punishment is not parochial but spiteful, and directed towards all out-groups. A parochial bias in punishment decisions evolves (i) without conflict, when groups compete against nature and enforcing cooperation requires many punitive actions, and (ii) with conflict, when groups come into conflict with a group other than one they previously interacted with. Our findings suggest that intergroup conflict does not always lead to parochial punishment, and that stable collaborative relations between groups is a key factor promoting third-party parochial punishment. Our findings also provide novel predictions on how punishment and intergroup conflict influence in-group bias in human societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Testosterone plays a key role in shaping human social behavior. Recent findings have linked testosterone to altruistic behavior in economic decision tasks depending on group membership and intergroup competition. The preferential treatment of ingroup members, while aggression and discrimination is directed towards outgroup members, has been referred to as parochial altruism. Here we investigated in two consecutive studies, whether testosterone is associated with parochial altruism depending on individual tendency for costly punishment. In the first study, 61 men performed a single-shot ultimatum game (UG) in a minimal group context, in which they interacted with members of an ingroup and outgroup. In the second study, 34 men performed a single-shot UG in a more realistic group context, in which they responded to the proposals of supporters of six political parties during the German election year 2017. Political parties varied in their social distance to the participants’ favorite party as indicated by an individual ranking. Participants of study 2 also performed a cued recall task, in which they had to decide whether they had already encountered a face during the previous UG (old-new decision). In order to make the UG data of study 2 most comparable to the data of study 1, the rejection rates of several parties were combined according to the social distance ranking they achieved. Parties ranked 1 to 3 formed the relatively close and favored ‘ingroup’ that shared similar political values with the participant (e.g., left wing parties), while the ‘outgroup’ consisted of parties ranked from 4 to 6 with more distant or even antagonistic political views (e.g., conservative to right wing parties). In both studies, results showed a parochial pattern with higher rejection rates made in response to outgroup compared to ingroup offers. Interestingly, across studies higher salivary testosterone was associated with higher rejection rates related to unfair outgroup offers in comparison to the unfair offers made by ingroup members. The present findings suggest that latent intergroup biases during decision-making may be positively related to endogenous testosterone. Similar to previous evidence that already indicated a role of testosterone in shaping male parochial altruism in male soccer fans, these data underscore the general, yet rather subtle role of male testosterone also in other social settings.

Copyright of Management & Organization Review is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many public goods can be provided at different spatial levels. Evidence from social identity theory and in-group favoritism raises the possibility that when higher-level provision is more efficient, subjects' narrow concern for local outcomes could undermine efficiency. Building on the experimental paradigm of multi-level public good games and the concept of "neighborhood attachment," we conduct an artefactual field experiment with over 600 participants in a setting conducive to routine parochial behavior. In an inter-neighborhood intra-region design, subjects allocate an endowment between a personal, a local, and a regional public good account. The between-subjects design crosses two treatment dimensions: One informs subjects that the smaller local group consists of members from their own neighborhood, while the other varies the relative productivity at the two public goods provision levels. We find evidence for parochialism, but contrary to our hypothesis, parochialism does not interfere with efficiency: The average subject responds to a change in relative productivities at the local and regional levels in the same way, whether they are aware of their neighbors' presence in the small group or not. The results even hold for subjects with above-median neighborhood attachment and subjects primed on neighborhood attachment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An acute debate has arisen among some journalism scholars as to whether or not a brainchild of the age of globalization was born in the media world: global journalism. This study introduces the debate and conceptually clarifies the points of disagreement between the two camps including the side that denies its emergence. In a parallel quantitative study, measures developed to capture the concepts, "stereotypes" and "domestication" whose existence in news journalism is viewed as inconsistent with the tenets of global journalism, were employed, and found that such content has increased in major international news media in the last 30 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Testosterone plays a key role in shaping human social behavior. Recent findings have linked testosterone to altruistic behavior in economic decision tasks depending on group membership and intergroup competition. The preferential treatment of ingroup members, while aggression and discrimination is directed towards outgroup members, has been referred to as parochial altruism. Here we investigated in two consecutive studies, whether testosterone is associated with parochial altruism depending on individual tendency for costly punishment. In the first study, 61 men performed a single-shot ultimatum game (UG) in a minimal group context, in which they interacted with members of an ingroup and outgroup. In the second study, 34 men performed a single-shot UG in a more realistic group context, in which they responded to the proposals of supporters of six political parties during the German election year 2017. Political parties varied in their social distance to the participants' favorite party as indicated by an individual ranking. Participants of study 2 also performed a cued recall task, in which they had to decide whether they had already encountered a face during the previous UG (old-new decision). In order to make the UG data of study 2 most comparable to the data of study 1, the rejection rates of several parties were combined according to the social distance ranking they achieved. Parties ranked 1 to 3 formed the relatively close and favored 'ingroup' that shared similar political values with the participant (e.g., left wing parties), while the 'outgroup' consisted of parties ranked from 4 to 6 with more distant or even antagonistic political views (e.g., conservative to right wing parties). In both studies, results showed a parochial pattern with higher rejection rates made in response to outgroup compared to ingroup offers. Interestingly, across studies higher salivary testosterone was associated with higher rejection rates related to unfair outgroup offers in comparison to the unfair offers made by ingroup members. The present findings suggest that latent intergroup biases during decision-making may be positively related to endogenous testosterone. Similar to previous evidence that already indicated a role of testosterone in shaping male parochial altruism in male soccer fans, these data underscore the general, yet rather subtle role of male testosterone also in other social settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]