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As most state constitutions classify pandemics as state emergencies, the government or executive branch is responsible for responding to the COVID-19 pandemic in most countries around the globe. Nonetheless, no nation, including Indonesia, can win the pandemic war without the assistance of other governmental authorities, such as the Parliament. This article argues that because the Indonesian Parliament contributed little to the government's efforts to combat the pandemic, governments frequently fight pandemics alone, prolonging the crisis and wreaking havoc on the health and economic well-being of society. The legislature's oversight of the government's efforts to combat COVID-19 was limited due to two factors. The Indonesian political tradition's awkward attitude toward confronting the executive is influenced by the country's long period of authoritarian rule and the fact that most Parliamentarians belong to government alliances. This article concludes that oversight of the government's efforts to combat the pandemic falls squarely on the shoulders of the legislature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to carry out a multi-faceted analysis of the dynamics of the development of parliamentarism and digital constitutionalism, to identify possible challenges and threats, as well as prospects for parliaments and parliamentary activity in the conditions of the spread of modern digital (electronic) technologies. Approaches to understanding and defining the phenomena of «parliamentarism», «constitutionalism», «digital constitutionalism», some of their modifications and features are highlighted, their multifaceted nature, transformation in the conditions of modern progressive digital development, electronic democracy is emphasized. Crisis and conflict events have largely become challenges for parliaments and parliamentary activity, as well as digitalization and digitization processes and tools. It is important that parliamentary institutions of various levels (national, supranational, inter-parliamentary associations, their auxiliary bodies and services) contribute to the development and regulation of these processes, using advanced and effective digital technologies tested in practice. The «Digital Compass» for the EU Digital Decade (2030), the concept of digital sovereignty, the adopted charters of digital rights (Catalan, Nice), the Law on Digital Markets, the Law on Digital Services, the Law on Artificial Intelligence, the Declaration on European Digital Rights and Principles should be singled out. (2022), «World e-Parliament Report» of the IPU, the concept of e-democracy of the European Parliament, the resolution on e-democracy of the PACE, recommendations on open government and electronic participation of citizens OECD. Thanks to this, new forms and tools for the implementation of existing human rights are introduced, as well as new digital rights are constituted (to access the Internet, to identity in the digital environment, to protection in the digital environment, non-discrimination, etc.). In the same way, the forms and methods of activity of parliaments are being modernized (expansion of platforms for online broadcasts of plenary and committee meetings, electronic (remote) voting, improvement of interactive websites with access to draft laws and other documents, and systems of electronic petitions and consultations with voters, electronic participation of citizens and public organizations in the legislative process). However, the development of digital parliamentarism and digital democracy is accompanied by numerous challenges (digital inequality, low digital literacy of members of parliaments and parliamentary services, cyber threats, material and financial costs etc.). This requires a thorough study of the issues raised, improvement of digital culture, improvement of parliamentary and non-parliamentary procedures, along with further development of technological infrastructure, cyber security protection of the components of digital parliamentarism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gendering democracy in parliaments faces a wave of active opposition against gender equality by far-right parties and anti-gender movements in Europe. In this adverse context, advancing gender equality policies relies on discourses and practices that address this opposition. What are the feminist parliamentary strategies to respond to anti-gender far-right opposition? This article studies feminist responses articulated in the Catalan parliament, the most gender-sensitive regional parliament is Spain, from the entry in 2021 of the far-right party Vox through interviews with members of Catalonia’s parliament and analysis of parliamentary debates. Whilst parliamentary groups and individuals respond through coalition-building, rule-making, knowledge production, and everyday pragmatic engagement with the far right, the Parliament as an institution appears less responsive. We identify new categories of responses, such as institutionalization of gender equality and protection and support. The gender-sensitive Catalan parliament shows how the disruptive impact of far-right anti-gender opposition on parliamentary democracy and equality goes beyond its small representation, by triggering polarization that jeopardizes parliamentary debates on gender equality and pushes them outside the parliament. Yet, the strength of the institutionalization of gender equality and alliances and the role of feminist civil society and critical actors equip the parliament to counter anti-gender opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 40 years, the private security sector in Belgium, along with its related policies, has undergone significant transformations, with the industry establishing itself as a crucial partner in domestic security governance. Although the political context in which private security has evolved holds considerable importance in criminological scholarship, the specific processes of framing this phenomenon have attracted much less attention. This article examines the various approaches adopted by political actors in framing private security within policy formulations and efforts to introduce new regulations. Empirical data are drawn from parliamentary records spanning the years 1980 to 2020. By focussing on the parliamentary arena, we analysed how the issue – that is, the need for regulating private security – has been discussed, motivated and framed by those in power. Our results demonstrate that six conflicting and supporting frames revolved around three overarching themes: the function and position of private security, and what the government sought to protect in society. The findings of this study provide new insights into the forms, degrees and manifestations of framing private security, along with its relation to security events over time. Consequently, it offers a deeper understanding of the political field and societal conditions under which the trajectory of private security has unfolded in Belgium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims to empirically verify the hypotheses that the increase in the share of women legislator in politics has the potential to reduce levels of corruption within the Parliament and overall political corruption levels. Using data from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) platform, fixed effects, and generalised method of moments (GMM-System) models are estimated for a set of 154 countries between 1995 and 2018. The results show that when considering corruption within the legislative house, the greater share of women in politics is associated with lower levels of corruption. Even after controlling for various societal factors, the results confirm the positive effect of women's participation in parliament on the decline of corruption. Yet, this effect does not seem to spill over into other branches of government and sectors of the public sphere. When considering the level of more general corruption, it responds much more to variations in structural aspects, as democratic maturity and equality in the distribution of political power among different socioeconomic strata, than to women's participation in parliamentary seats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2022 marked 30 years since Tanzania re-adopted multiparty democracy in 1992. The number of women parliamentarians has increased from 16 per cent after the multiparty elections in 1995 to 37.4 per cent after the 2020 elections. However, a significant share of women parliamentarians emanates from the special seats system, while only a small share of women hold directly elected seats. For example, in 2023, while women account for 37.4 per cent of the Parliament, only 9.8 per cent were elected from constituencies. This article studies the legal challenges facing women's access to directly elected parliamentary seats in light of 30 years of multiparty democracy in Tanzania. It finds that the legal gaps related to candidacy age, political affiliation, the applicable electoral system, governance of political parties, violence against women in political and public life, campaign financing and challenges related to the implementation of the special seats system hinder women's access to elected parliamentary seats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hansard—Australia’s record of parliamentary debate—might seem an unlikely site for literary analysis. It is, however, a publisher of original poetry and its criticism a forum for the performance and citation of poetry, and a complex archive of literary reception in Australia since Federation. In this paper, we discuss our findings in relation to the uses of poetry in the Australian Hansard from 1901 to 1950, focusing on how the work of two settler Australian poet-parliamentarians, J. K. McDougall and John Cash Neild, is put to use in parliamentary speeches as recorded in Hansard. Together, these examples indicate that poetry is not only deployed for a range of heightened rhetorical effects on the floor of parliament; it is also part of the fabric of routine political debate, put to a range of adversarial and racist purposes, and part of the wider history of literary publication and reception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study joins recent studies that explore the meanings of the political representation of women resulting from a gender quota, through examination of their media representation. Drawing on studies on gendered mediation and women's political representation and using a content analysis method, we examine the quantity and the quality of gender media representation of Egyptian members of parliament. The findings show a nuanced picture in which the media simultaneously propagates a conservative perspective alongside progressive and egalitarian ones. Female representatives receive less media coverage and are associated with feminine topics in a way that reproduces the gender hierarchical masculine/feminine and private/public distinction within the political sphere. Nevertheless, this biased coverage coexists with an empowering representation whereby women are more heard than seen and associated with core parliamentary activities. We conclude by addressing the potential and limits of this representation, which may alter perceptions regarding women's political participation under authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines the impact of crises on the use of populist communication and whether crises act as triggers for such communication. Whereas previous studies have focused on how populist challengers mobilise support during times of crisis, less attention has been paid to the overall usage of populist communication among political parties during periods of crisis. Therefore, this study takes a communication-oriented approach to analyse the overall usage of populist communication during two different crises, namely the euro crisis and the refugee crisis, to determine which one, if either, provides fertile ground for populist political communication. The findings reveal that crises do affect the usage of populist communication, although to different degrees depending on the crisis. Furthermore, niche and opposition parties utilise such communication more than mainstream and government parties. It is therefore suggested that crises influence the use of populist messaging, but factors such as government role and party status also significantly affect the usage of populist communication.

Introduction: Legislative assemblies often provide a platform for legislators to question the government during question hours, which are crucial for governance However, question hours remain understudied, especially when addressing health policy and systems related issues in lower- and middle-income countries. This study assesses the 14th Kerala Legislative Assembly questions, focusing on health-related areas to provide insights for health policy formulation and decision-making processes. MATERIALS AND METHODS: We sourced and transcribed all starred questions (346) related to health that were answered by the health minister in the 14th Legislative Assembly between 2016 and 2021 from the archives of the assembly website. We conducted a thematic analysis of these questions and mapped them into various themes, guided by the World Health Organization building blocks framework. Results: About 7.8% of all questions (N = 4404) were related to health (N = 346). Of these questions, the majority were directly related to service delivery (43.4%), followed by health information (16.5%). Health financing, food safety, and human resources were the least discussed topics throughout the assessed period within the state. The legislators primarily focussed on health services and health information, with less attention given to health financing, food safety, and human resources regardless of constituency or political affiliation. Discussion: This study underscores the need for a balanced approach to public health issues, highlighting the importance of legislators to priortizing health services and information, while also addressing health financing, food safety, and human resources. This would enable a robust and resilient public health system to effectively address diverse health concerns.

The successful conclusion of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) has challenged the global nuclear order, but was dependent on bypassing the nuclear weapon states (NWS) and their allies. This has led critics to dismiss its practical value for nuclear disarmament. Proponents of the ban treaty, however, hope for a “transformative political dynamic” that delegitimizes nuclear weapons and leads to NWS and their allies joining the TPNW. This article contributes both conceptually and empirically to the discussion of this “transformative political dynamic”. It deals with the role of nuclear weapons for NATO membership and the strategies for legitimizing and delegitimizing nuclear weapons. The case study on Belgium analyzes the processes of coalition building and the discursive strategies related to Belgium’s nuclear role in NATO. The study shows that the exchange of symbolic arms control and disarmament initiatives for the approval of military budgets and the acquiescence to the claimed nuclear obligations of NATO membership stands on shaky ground.

Angola is governed under a presidential system characterised by a weakly institutionalised parliament ruled by the MPLA liberation movement since independence. UNITA, the largest opposition party in parliament, is also a liberation movement and former belligerent in the protracted Angolan civil war. Despite facing an uneven playing field, UNITA has seen its share of parliamentary seats increase in successive post-war elections. This makes it a relevant case study to understand patterns of elite formation and political representation more broadly. This article examines the composition of UNITA parliamentary elites in Angola in post-civil war legislatures, and how UNITA members of parliament (MPs) perceive representation tasks and engage in constituency-focused activities. We do so through a longitudinal study of post-civil war legislatures (from 2008, 2012, 2017 and 2022), drawing on new biographical data and interviews with MPs. We argue that, following the transition from rebel movement to political party, parliament became an arena in which UNITA was able to achieve a nationwide reach by integrating MPs with diverse backgrounds and by engaging with constituents. Additionally, while institutional rules favour national over local representation, MPs seem to invest in and value links with constituents. The study highlights how nationwide recruitment and connections with constituents contribute to elite formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soon after the accession of James I to the English throne, the Society of Antiquaries debated the origins of the English Parliament. Records of their debates, notably the tract of Sir John Doddridge, were compiled and circulated widely in manuscript before their print publication during the Interregnum. The tracts asserted that parliaments had ancient origins predating the Norman Conquest and, in Doddridge's case, even the origins of monarchy in England. Scholars have argued that these tracts articulated an understanding of England's immutable "ancient constitution," in which a stance on Parliament's antiquity defined a position on the scope and limitations of royal power. This article explores the tracts in light of the context in which they were written—the putative Jacobean Union, and the new king's assumption of the royal supremacy over the Church of England. It argues that the assertion of the antiquity of Parliament was not incompatible with an understanding of the complex development of the assembly's history over time, especially its mutability at the hands of the Crown. As such, these early attempts to understand the institution's history, and its transformations under different monarchs, may have fueled the existential fears for Parliament's future that characterized the turbulent parliaments of the 1620s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores congruence in the wake of the crises. It analyses (1) shifts in parties' positions on multiple issue dimensions and (2) examines congruence between citizens and parliament in times of crisis. The article refers to three issue dimensions: left-right, migration and European integration. First, I hypothesise that shifts in party positions are more pronounced on newly contested issue dimensions, such as migration or European integration, than on the left-right dimension. Second, I argue that systemic congruence will increase over the course of time. Third, I posit that systemic congruence will increase particularly on newly contested issue dimensions, like migration and European integration. The study brings together a set of Western European countries: France, Germany, Great Britain, Spain and Sweden. The analysis is based on CHES- and ESS-data (2006–2018/2019) and explores congruence as a many-to-many relationship. In large part, the results confirm the hypotheses. First, party positions changed, and shifted particularly on the issue dimensions of European integration and migration. Second, systemic congruence increased in several cases. Third, the most profound changes are to be found on the issue dimension of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The budget as the government's financial plan is considered an important issue and approach of the legal system to the steps of offer, approval, implementation and supervision of the budget, will have a direct effect on the proper budgeting and good governance. Article 52 of the constitution, has enumerated competent authorities for offer and approval the budget bill and has emphasized on the accordance with the procedures prescribed by law in this process. With collecting information in a library manner and adopting a descriptive-analytical research method and focus on the phrase "accordance with the procedures prescribed by law" in Article 52, this paper has analyzed the limits of the authority of executive branch and especially the legislature in finalizing the annual financial plan of the country .In response to the question, what does the basic legislator mean by the above-mentioned phrase and has the legislative body so far adopted a permanent and upper-level legal statute as a budgeting framework? The result of this paper is that the "statute about reforming the country's budget structure" is the newest legal framework that governs on the budgeting process, which the institutions are obliged to offer, approve, implement and supervise the budget based on the provisions of this statute. In addition to the legal criticism of maximum parliament intervention in the executive's budget initiatives, the author has mentioned the idea of the adaptive competence of legislature in adapting the budget bill with the above- mentioned statute and has analyzed its capacities and defects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Espacios is the property of Talleres de Impresos Oma and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 2019 proposal that New Zealand create a parliamentary budget officer should be revived, but with certain changes. First, the parliamentary budget officer should not be asked to estimate the cost of political parties' electoral platforms, since that is not a proper function of an officer of Parliament, and the political sensitivity and resource intensiveness of such costings could interfere with the officer's ability to help Parliament hold the executive to account. Second, the parliamentary budget officer should have a broader scope to comment on public finances than was envisaged in 2019. Third, the creation of a parliamentary budget officer should be accompanied by consideration of other ways of strengthening Parliament's effectiveness in scrutinising public finances, such as having a member of the opposition chair the Finance and Expenditure Committee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vote of no-confidence is the primary mechanism through which the principle of government accountability to the legislature – the defining feature of parliamentary democracy – is achieved. Yet, no research has been devoted to its influence on the relations between the government and the mechanism's main users – the opposition. This article attempts to fill this lacuna by theorising how restrictiveness in the vote of no-confidence influences the opposition's strategies vis-à-vis the government in legislative voting. We delineate the influence of the vote of no-confidence on the opposition via its preference to pursue more cooperative strategies, as opposed to conflictual ones, distinguishing between the two stages of the vote of no-confidence – initiating and voting. We empirically explore the relation between the vote of no-confidence and the voting behaviour of 59 opposition parties in 16 countries, showing that greater restrictions on both stages of the vote of no-confidence correlate with less conflictual opposition behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Czech Republic is one of the several countries in the world and the only unitary democratic state allowing regions to initiate legislation without limits. Despite this, a study of Czech regional initiatives has yet to be written. Therefore, this paper delivers a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon. The results show that the activity and success rates of the regions differ substantially. The probability of a regional proposal is positively affected by the region’s legislative strength in the Chamber of Deputies and the opposition status of the region’s governor. In contrast, it is negatively affected by the distance from Prague. The chances of adopting the regional initiative substantially decrease if a proposal suggests a shared rule instrument compared to self-rule ones. Overall, the article argues that while regional legislative activity in (con)federal states is affected mainly by regionalist strategic politics, the process in the unitary state is more result-oriented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 1650, the General Assembly of Barbados proclaimed Charles ii as rightful sovereign, a year after the abolition of monarchy in England. By combining specialized bibliography and historical sources, this paper analyses the pressure-stepped strategy, ranging from economic sanctions to maritime force, adopted by the Council of State aiming to reduce the rebellious island to obedience. This article examines, thus, the implications that the control over Barbados entailed within the context of the protectionist laws enacted by the Rump Parliament in the early 1650s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article questions what social scientists mean by the term 'Member of Parliament' ('MP') and explains that they tend to associate it with a universal conception of parliamentary representation. The author starts to present the rationale behind this presupposition, which lies in the resistance of legislative studies to interpretive approaches, and shows its limits. He then defends the necessity of extensive scientific knowledge of deliberative assemblies to distinguish the vernacular meanings of the notion of 'MP' from its analytical meaning. Finally, he takes the example of his own research in France to show the concrete difficulties of a singular conception of parliamentary representation and to expose the virtues of using empirical-based ideal types to overcome them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the behaviour of the populist parties in the Spanish Parliament. This involved examining the type of initiatives submitted and the voting patterns in the chamber, as well as the themes in the agendas of two parties, Unidas Podemos and Vox, in the 12th and 14th parliamentary terms. The literature suggests that populist parties engage in defiant and uncooperative behaviour in institutions and proposed differentiated and concentrated parliamentary agendas. However, I argue that this behaviour can be nuanced by contextual, ideological and strategic factors. The analysis suggests that the Spanish populist parties reproduce and amplify pre-existing ideological and territorial divisions in the legislative institution, instead of introducing new logics of conflict (e.g., populism/anti-populism). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this research paper is to highlight the fundamental requirement of a robust and efficient parliament in the smooth functioning of any parliamentary system and the performance of Pakistan's parliament in the distinctive decade of 1988-1999. This decade was democratic in its nature but not in practice and the multiple four democratic regimes in a single decade gave a severe setback to democracy. Analyzing the multiple transitions of different governments helps to understand the conundrum of sustaining democracy in Pakistan. This study employing qualitative approach with analytical method of research to examine how the institution of parliament functioned and evolved during this decade. It is found out that influence of military over politics, redundant use of Article 58-2-B of the constitution by the presidents, limited autonomy and effectiveness of parliament and political rivalries resulted in the fall of this democratic decade and paved the way for another martial law. The study recommends institutionalization of parliament in an effective manner that encourages and enhanced the democratization, thus independence of parliament is mandatory, and there should not be undue interference from the executive branch. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Ankara Haci Bayram Veli Universitesi Hukuk Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the most persistent challenges in the study of regional politics in Italy is the lack of systematized data and information about the composition of regional legislatures and governments and the profiles of elected officials. In this paper, we describe the ITREGPARL dataset, a new comprehensive dataset of Italian regional politics comprising 6077 regional politicians from 1993 to 2020. It includes information about regional councillors, regional ministers, presidents and vice-presidents of the regional council, regional presidents and vice-presidents. Along with socio-demographic characteristics – gender, age, previous profession, education – it includes data such as experience and incumbency, number of mandates, length of service and partisanship. It also includes region-level variables, such as geographical area, type of gender quotas and the regional authority index. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poet, teacher, and parliamentarian (1882–1892–1911), Manuel de Arriaga (1840–1917) was also Vice-Chancellor of the University of Coimbra and President of the Portuguese Republic. He stood up for democratic principles and he cultivated dialogue and republican values. His thought and actions reflect the ideas of federal republicanism, philosophical eclecticism, secular spiritualism, scientism, and a critique of positivism. His fellow party members remembered him as a leader, a political player, and a politician of the people. As a parliamentarian, he discussed relevant issues such as education and teaching, electoral reform, constitutional reform, penal reform, foreign policy, and regional problems. His parliament speeches highlight his skills as a 'fighter for the Republic'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Humanities Journal of University of Zakho (HJUOZ) is the property of Humanities Journal of University of Zakho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)