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This paper analyses the behaviour of the populist parties in the Spanish Parliament. This involved examining the type of initiatives submitted and the voting patterns in the chamber, as well as the themes in the agendas of two parties, Unidas Podemos and Vox, in the 12th and 14th parliamentary terms. The literature suggests that populist parties engage in defiant and uncooperative behaviour in institutions and proposed differentiated and concentrated parliamentary agendas. However, I argue that this behaviour can be nuanced by contextual, ideological and strategic factors. The analysis suggests that the Spanish populist parties reproduce and amplify pre-existing ideological and territorial divisions in the legislative institution, instead of introducing new logics of conflict (e.g., populism/anti-populism). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Ankara Haci Bayram Veli Universitesi Hukuk Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the last ten years, the activity of the Constitutional Court in the field of parliamentary amparos has grown exceptionally. New and highly relevant cases have been addressed, with characteristics that differ from the previous stage. The Constitutional Court has produced a wealth of very interesting jurisprudence in several areas and has adopted highly controversial rulings. This paper aims to offer a hurried chronicle of what this decade of parliamentary jurisprudence has meant, from 2014 to 2023, by reviewing all the judgments that have been handed down in parliamentary amparos. The overview is followed by some reflections on the most relevant aspects. All of this with the conviction that this prodigious decade has meant the passage to maturity of this typically Spanish mechanism of constitutional justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IgualdadES is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Llevar a cabo la transformación digital de los parlamen­tos con éxito requiere sumarse al modelo de comparti­ción y reutilización de recursos tecnológicos entre las administraciones públicas. Se aborda la posibilidad de que las administraciones parlamentarias gocen de autonomía tecnológica total, reflexionando sobre su naturaleza, para concluir que dicha autonomía no es posible en la práctica puesto que existen interdependencias inherentes a la propia concepción de la tecnología. Se propone, por esto, una serie de recomendaciones para prever que un fallo informático pueda afectar a la actividad parlamentaria, con medidas preventivas y el establecimiento de planes alternativos. Señalando la necesidad de compartir tecnología entre administraciones, se presentan los distintos mecanismos que existen para ello, con ejemplos de las diferentes maneras de compartición: código fuente, infraestructuras, servicios, herramientas y datos. Finalmente, se habla de la posible evolución de la tecnología en la Administración parlamentaria gracias, en parte, a la ayuda de tecnologías disruptivas como la inteligencia artificial y sus recientes aplicaciones.

This work pretends to present nine previously unknown documents related to the preparation, execution, and reception of the first Mapuche-Spanishparliament in Quillín in 1641. These documents differ from those previously published because their authors were high ranking secular leaders. We hope that the addition of these documents will allow for the creation of new areas of study related to the Arauco Indian war and the political intentions of Chile's 17th-century Spanish governors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Bir devlet, yasama, yürütme ve yargı olmak üzere üç temel organdan oluşmaktadır. Devlet iktidarının kontrolsüz bir biçimde kullanılmasının engellenebilmesi açısından bu üç organın eşit güçte olması ideal bir durumdur ancak herkes için geçerli kurallar koyması ve üyelerinin halk tarafından seçilmesi dolayısıyla çok güçlü bir kurumsal meşruiyete sahip olması gibi nedenlerden ötürü yasama organı temel devlet organları arasında özel bir yere sahiptir. Yasama organının böylesi büyük bir güce sahip olması ve bu gücün insan hakları açısından potansiyel bir tehdit teşkil etmesi, yasama organının kuruluşuna ilişkin temel esasların neler olması gerektiği sorusuna büyük önem kazandırmaktadır. Bir parlamentonun kaç meclisten oluşması gerektiği de yasama organının kuruluşuna ilişkin söz konusu temel sorunlardan birisidir. Bir parlamentonun onlarca farklı meclisten oluşması teorik olarak mümkünse de dünya genelinde yasama organlarının oluşumuna ilişkin olarak iki temel sistem uygulanmaktadır. Bunlar: parlamentonun tek meclisten oluştuğu tek meclis sistemi ve iki farklı meclisten oluştuğu çift meclis sistemidir. Nitekim, ülkemizde de hem tek meclis hem de çift meclis sistemleri dönem dönem uygulanmıştır. Makalemizde ise çift meclis sistemi ana hatları itibariyle açıklanmış ve konuya ilgi duyanların temel düzeyde bilgi edinebilmesi amaçlanmıştır.

Nuestras Cortes Generales corren el riesgo de caer en una deriva «suicida» en términos no sólo de credibilidad y percepción social, sino también en atención a la relevancia sustancial de las atribuciones que le son propias. Se observa una progresiva pérdida de centralidad parlamentaria en el desempeño práctico del esquema de reparto del poder diseñado por el constituyente. Para ilustrar esta impresión se analizan dos fenómenos en relación con el ejercicio de las funciones parlamentarias: uno de tipo abusivo; otro de repliegue o abdicación. Se realiza una reflexión crítica a propósito de ambos que culmina con la propuesta de dos líneas de reconducción de la situación con la finalidad última de revitalizar la institución representativa, cuya reivindicación sigue siendo necesaria como condición de supervivencia del Estado social y democrático de Derecho.

This article images the social profile of Andalusian political representatives with the aim of providing an answer to what they are like and how their sociodemographic profile has evolved from 1982 to 2022. The methodology applies statistical analysis to the BAPOLDATA database, which includes all the people who have occupied a seat in the Congress of Deputies and in the 17 autonomous chambers since the constituent legislature. A comparison is also made of the profiles of those parliamentarians who have held a seat in the Andalusian Parliament and of those who have held a seat in the Congress of Deputies for the Andalusian constituencies, showing that the Andalusian Parliament is currently older, with a higher level of education and a female representation of around 50%. In terms of professions, manual workers have practically disappeared, and teachers and lawyers have come to predominate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The thesis defended in this paper is that the erosion that the parliamentary institution has been suffering has been increased in recent times by a series of additional elements or circumstances, which has affected its legal-constitutional position and its very nature. Thus, it is intended to conveniently identify these threats to parliamentarism, measure to what extent they have even penetrated the legal system, highlight which of these measures are contrary to the Constitution and the essence of the representative democracy and highlight the need to operate the necessary reforms so that the parliament recovers the central role that it should never have lost. Finally, and given the limitations and length of a work of these characteristics, the analysis and conclusions of this study are especially focused on the so-called consensual models that include parliamentary democracy, a multi-party political system and a proportional electoral one, among other fundamental elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The widespread use of artificial intelligence is the latest stage of the digital transformation. It is a tool with great potential to change the economy, the way we work or do research. It will also change politics. Its use will affect citizens’ relationship with power. It will also affect their opinion of democracy. If used properly, artificial intelligence can be very useful in improving the legitimacy of democratic systems. If it is misused or simply ignored, disaffection towards democracies will grow. Of particular importance for democracy is its proper incorporation into parliament. Parliament must be active and quickly incorporate artificial intelligence to improve its efficiency, the exercise of its functions and the transparency and participation of citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo analiza los proyectos legislativos referidos a la reforma penitenciaria presentados a la Cámara de Diputados durante las primeras presidencias radicales (1916-1930). La multiplicidad de iniciativas que realizaron legisladores de diferente signo político para reorganizar el sistema carcelario, contribuyeron a poner de relieve la urgencia con la cual debían atenderse las instituciones de castigo. Se reconstruye el contexto en el cual se enmarcaron estos proyectos, los problemas que buscaron solucionar, sus especificidades, así como las coincidencias y diferencias que presentaron. De esta forma, se repone la importancia del Parlamento en el proceso de reforma de las prisiones en Argentina.

Questa nota ripercorre l'evoluzione del regime di carcerazione speciale regolato dall'art. 41 bis, il cosiddetto “carcere duro” (ossia il regime di isolamento), dalla sua introduzione nel 1986 a oggi. L'obiettivo è quello di spiegare al lettore come in discussione non sia tanto l'utilità del 41bis come strumento di contrasto al crimine organizzato quanto le sue specifiche modalità attuative, che possono configurare trattamenti lesivi della dignità dei detenuti.

Questo contributo presenta brevemente il contesto storico del discorso in Parlamento di Diego Tajani, già procuratore generale del re a Palermo, nel quale denunciò l'uso della mafia nella gestione dell'ordine pubblico. In particolare, viene messa in evidenza la commistione tra forze dell'ordine e forze del disordine come fattore-chiave dell'insediamento mafioso in Sicilia nell'Ottocento

The number of female MPs elected by direct vote in Bangladesh's Parliament is abysmally low due to the low level of female candidates in the parliamentary elections. This study addresses the underrepresentation of female candidates in the election following the supply- and demand-side model of Norris and Lovenduski. We focus on the continuing patriarchal social and political culture, dynastic politics, campaign funding, and violence as supply-side factors and political parties and nominations, quotas/reserved seats, and rule compliance as demand-side factors that affect the candidate nomination process in Bangladesh. The article is based on semi-structured interviews with female and male MPs of the Bangladesh Parliament and aspirant female politicians who hold different party positions. The study argues that the patriarchal nature of politics and culture controls the supply and demand-side factors of candidate selection and discriminates against female candidates to vie in the general constituencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ASBU Law Journal is the property of Social Sciences University of Ankara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes legislative projects on prison reform presented to the Chamber of Deputies during the first presidencies of the radical party (1916-1930). The multiplicity of initiatives carried out by deputies of different political backgrounds to reorganize the prison system showed how institutions of punishment should be addressed. The context in which these projects were framed, the problems they sought to solve, their specificities, as well as the coincidences and differences they presented is reconstructed through the article. In this way, the importance of Parliament in the prison reform process in Argentina is highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Constitutional History / Giornale di Storia Costituzionale is the property of Giornale di Storia Costituzionale (Journal of Constitutional History) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El 15 de noviembre de 2017 se constituyó en el Congreso de los Diputados la Comisión para la evaluación y modernización del Estado autonómico. Era un momento especialmente difícil para la organización territorial del Estado al concurrir dos crisis: por un lado, en relación con la integración; por otro, de funcionalidad y eficacia. El objetivo de la Comisión era doble. Por un lado, realizar un diagnóstico; por otro, proponer líneas de reforma. La Comisión no pudo acabar sus trabajos. Sin embargo, es un importante precedente. La pandemia ha demostrado la relevancia del modelo de organización territorial en relación con la eficacia de las políticas públicas. Por otro lado, sigue pendiente actualizar el acuerdo constitucional que posibilitó la integración del nacionalismo. Todo ello debe hacerse en el Parlamento, de acuerdo con los principios propios de la vida parlamentaria: deliberación, publicidad, pluralismo.

This article analyzes the role and the discourses of the Ottoman Greeks in the parliament during the Young Turks’ rule between 1908 and 1918. In this way, it attempts to contribute to the knowledge about the newly established so-called constitutional order in the Ottoman Empire, the parliament and its impact over the socio-political fluctuations which mostly affected the non-Muslims. In order to do it, this work focuses on the speeches, discourses and topics of discussion which were brought to the agenda by the Ottoman Greeks in the parliament. The research is formed upon the parliamentary minutes as well as both Ottoman Turkish and Greek newspapers of the related period. The examination of these sources allows us to conclude that the efforts of the Young Turks for bringing equality, freedom and justice in fact created a reverse effect and further deepened the gap between the Greeks and the Turks; difference in the interpretations of the terms propagated by the Young Turks such as equality, freedom and Ottomanness as a uniting identity, contrary to expectations, accelerated the disintegration of the Empire.

Copyright of Human Review is the property of Eagora Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The power of the state to exclude criminals from parliament is limited by the constitutional and European guarantee of the right to passive suffrage. The main points of friction between the restrictions established in the Spanish legal system will be identified, considering the fundamental principles of the European constitutional heritage. The case law of the Constitutional Court, the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union will then be examined to analyze the difficulties posed by the judicial review of transcendental areas of the political process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Este trabajo analiza la participación de los Parlamentos regionales en el proceso de integración europeo. La investigación parte del estudio teórico de las reivindicaciones de subsidiariedad por parte de los Länder alemanes, al objeto de limitar el creciente proceso de expansión competencial de la esfera comunitaria y así poder superar el déficit democrático de que adolecían algunos territorios. El artículo abre el debate sobre la participación de los entes autonómicos en la toma de decisiones europeas, especialmente en aquellas que les afectan directamente. Para ello se hace un análisis constitucional comparado sobre las Asambleas Legislativas autonómicas, determinando los mecanismos de control de subsidiariedad. En la primera parte se investiga la presencia de las instituciones regionales en la toma de decisiones europeas, seguidamente se profundiza en la naturaleza jurídica del principio de subsidiariedad y su introducción en los estatutos de autonomía. En la parte final del texto se reflexiona sobre la participación de los Parlamentos regionales en la formación de las comisiones autonómicas de asuntos europeos, analizando la obligación del Congreso de los Diputados y del Senado de remitir cualquier iniciativa legislativa de la Unión Europea a las Asambleas Legislativas de las comunidades autónomas.

Ahora que los asideros sustanciales que constituyen los estados del bienestar parecen resquebrajarse, emergen con más fuerza fenómenos sociales que requieren de una respuesta institucional urgente. Aunque no se trata de un concepto nuevo, el sinhogarismo en los últimos años se ha incrementado notablemente, en un contexto mundial de grave crisis económica, social y sanitaria. Por eso, las políticas gubernamentales para afrontar esta problemática están definiendo un nuevo modelo de actuación denominado Housing First, que posibilite el pleno desarrollo humano en hogares dignos y adecuados. En España, el proyecto de ley por el derecho a la vivienda en fase tramitación parlamentaria, introduce elementos determinantes para elaborar dichas políticas, definiendo por vez primera el sinhogarismo y dotando de cierta coherencia a una competencia autonómica sobre la que es necesario establecer un mínimo común denominador estatal. Este avance, de hacerse efectivo, supondrá un cambio determinante para mitigar el sinhogarismo desde una perspectiva más integral del fenómeno.

El estudio tiene como propósito analizar cómo se ejerció la participación ciudadana en los procesos de elaboración de leyes en la Asamblea Nacional del Ecuador durante la pandemia por la Covid-19, en el período 2020. Así mismo, identificar si los mecanismos utilizados facilitaron la incidencia ciudadana en la formulación de 12 proyectos de ley aprobados. Para el efecto, se aplicaron 12 entrevistas a miembros de las comisiones especializadas para el tratamiento de las propuestas legislativas; y, se realizaron 60 encuestas a los asambleístas y a los ciudadanos que intervinieron en los procesos. Además, se realizó un contraste con la normativa legislativa y su internalización por parte de los sujetos obligados y la ciudadanía. Se concluye que, los mecanismos aplicados garantizaron únicamente la comparecencia de invitados y que se alcanzaron niveles básicos de participación. No se logró incidencia en la toma de decisiones, lo que se reflejó en la insatisfacción manifestada.

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de verificar como um suposto “consenso de esquerda” vigente no Parlamento brasileiro a partir da Constituinte de 1988 tem se manifestado nos últimos anos. Por meio do confronto de resultados de pesquisas que adotam metodologias baseadas na autodeclaração dos partidos, na opinião de especialistas e na percepção do eleitorado, observou-se um nítido esfacelamento do chamado “recalque de direita”, principalmente após a ascensão de Dilma Rousseff ao poder, em 2010, e após as grandes manifestações de junho de 2013, culminando na eleição de Jair Bolsonaro em 2018.

This study investigates the role of political parties in women’s representation in the parliament. The main argument of this article is as follows: the approach of political parties ultimately determines women’s political representation and gender composition of the parliament. Political parties’ designation of candidates and their choices in making their lists of candidates directly determines women’s political representation. This article is based on the lists of candidates of thirteen political parties that entered the Turkish Grand National Assembly following a total of eleven general elections held between 1983 and 2018. The article first sheds light on a historical survey of women’s representation in the parliament. Then, it turns to a review of the developments affecting women’s political representation as well as the approaches of political parties concerning women’s political representation from the 1980s onward. Finally, based specifically on political parties and historical eras, this study reveals basic patterns and general trends reflected in the lists of candidates. One of the leading findings of this research is as follows: the approach adopted by political parties in designating candidates and creating their lists determines the level of women’s representation in the parliament. A comparison of political parties made with a view to their lists also demonstrates that there are no big differences between the center-right and the center-left parties. Moreover, nationalist right-wing and conservative parties are the most detached political parties in regards to the idea of gender equality and women’s political representation. Another finding of this study is that political leaders’ gender shapes their parties’ approach concerning gender equality and women policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article is the result of a study of the public policy proposals presented in the Costa Rican Congress to cushion or reverse the socioeconomic and health effects caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. Of all the proposals presented in the first six months of the emergency declaration caused by the virus, in the year 2020, more than half (194 total) try to mitigate one or more of the effects of such an infectious disease. Even in the multiplicity of protection for specific sectors that are sought to be safeguarded (33), there is a marked trend in financial-fiscal regulation and action around productive reactivation. Despite this, a substantial part of the policies proposed to become laws do not have financial support to execute them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O direito de dissolução das câmaras eletivas dos parlamentos foi genericamente consagrado nas constituições liberais europeias do século XIX como uma das prerrogativas dos chefes de Estado no exercício do poder executivo que lhes era atribuído. Em Portugal, a Carta Constitucional de 1826 instituiu um quarto poder – o Poder Moderador – que acrescentou aos tradicionais poderes legislativo, executivo e judicial e que pertencia exclusivamente ao monarca, em acumulação com o poder executivo, do qual era o chefe. Por influência de Benjamim Constant, uma das competências régias no âmbito do poder moderador era a da dissolução da Câmara dos Deputados, que o monarca podia decretar quando o exigisse “a salvação do Estado”. Tratava-se de uma medida excecional que deveria ser utilizada apenas em casos extremos da vida política nacional. Mas esta prerrogativa régia viria a ser banalizada, tornando-se um expediente político utilizado pelos governos para obterem maiorias parlamentares através do recurso a eleições fraudulentas. As práticas políticas afastaram-se significativamente da norma constitucional e as dissoluções da câmara eletiva viriam a desempenhar um importante papel no funcionamento do regime. Neste texto abordam-se as normas constitucionais e analisam-se as dez dissoluções da câmara dos deputados decretadas entre 1834 e 1865, evidenciando-se o enorme intervalo que separa a constituição formal da constituição real, resultando esta das práticas políticas dos agentes do poder e das próprias instituições.

Entre las funciones más novedosas desarrolladas por los parlamentos se encuentra su intervención en la designación de autoridades y cargos públicos, participación que se justifica por el otorgamiento de legitimación democrática a los designados, en el ejercicio de la función de control y como manifestación de la dirección política como misión de las asambleas. En España, la intervención parlamentaria se prevé por la Constitución para determinados órganos constitucionales o de relevancia constitucional, intervención que en la práctica ha suscitado como principal problema el de los bloqueos operantes en la renovación de los mismos. Por otra parte, existe otra serie de supuestos muy heterogéneos establecidos más recientemente por diversas leyes en las que se prevén muy distintos grados de intervención del Congreso de los Diputados o de ambas Cámaras.

El debate parlamentario ha sufrido un proceso de racionalización sin precedentes en las prácticas de las Cortes Generales en las últimas décadas. El binomio mensaje político/verdadera deliberación no debe determinar las exigencias de la actividad deliberativa de nuestro parlamento, ya que el enfoque de la cuestión debe ser multifocal, como lo es la realidad de la actividad parlamentaria en el siglo XXI. Recuperar el valor del debate puede ayudar a reconectar con la ciudadanía y el Reglamento del Congreso de los Diputados contiene los instrumentos suficientes para ello así como permite algunas prácticas que a continuación se proponen.

This research analyze the use of the term ideology in a principal debate of sexual and reproductive rights: the voluntary interruption of pregnancy in Argentina, 2018. It focuses on the arguments against the voluntary interruption of pregnancy made by social and political actors invited to the meetings of the parliamentary commissions. A qualitative study was carried out on 410 arguments representing the opposition field. The paper presents two emerging dimensions of the analysis called anti-scientific (gender) ideology and imperialist (gender) ideology. From these dimensions, analytical readings are proposed on the potentialities that would generate the use of this term in contemporary sexual politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)