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Nearly a year after its formation, the Nation Alliance, consisting of six opposition par­ties ("Table of Six"), finally started to act like a full-fledged electoral alliance against the ruling bloc under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The six opposition leaders have long been criticised for failing to take concrete steps towards embodying a viable po­lit­ical alternative to the People’s Alliance of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) since they publicly signed the joint manifesto for Turkey’s transition into the "Strengthened Parliamentary System" in February 2022. Although the alliance has yet to announce its joint presidential can­didate, it has manifested an unprecedentedly comprehensive joint platform in nine policy areas, including the rule of law, public administration, social policy, economy, and foreign policy. The 200-page joint document provides a comprehensive overview of what changes Turkey can be expected to go through in the short and medium terms should the Nation Alliance manage to defeat President Erdoğan's ruling bloc in the up­coming elections, which will probably take place on 14 May 2023. Even though it would not immediately offer a solution to various issues in Turkey-EU relations, a pos­sible opposition victory could bring bilateral relations back to an institutional frame­work, whereby both parties can cooperate in a productive way to work out their problems and focus on common interests. (Autorenreferat)

"Administrative Textsorten, darunter prominent das Protokoll, stehen im Zentrum jeder Bürokratie, sie sorgen für das Funktionieren von Wissenstransfer innerhalb von Institutionen über Zeit und zwischen Akteuren. Was sie festhalten, ist relevant: Sie sind Quellen für die Forschung, sie sorgen in unterschiedlichen Verhältnissen aber auch für Organisationsgedächtnis, Verbindlichkeit und Transparenz innerhalb und zwischen Institutionen, Verwaltungseinheiten und der Gesellschaft. Das Panel nimmt die Verantwortung der Überlieferung von Protokollen ins Zentrum und fragt, wie Daten und Applikationen verfasst sein müssen, um der Gedächtnisfunktion von historischen "open governmental data" gerecht zu werden. Primäres Ziel des Panels ist die Entwicklung gemeinsamer Best-practice-Mittel bei der Edition von protokollartigen Texten, insbesondere im Hinblick auf die Möglichkeiten von Mapping oder Harmonisierung der Datenmodelle der Projekte (etwa im Hinblick auf Metadatenerstellung oder APIs für Datenaustausch/Harvesting sowie Anbindung an Open Data-Portale). Daneben erwarten wir Hinweise zu wiederverwendbaren Werkzeugen, die sich in der Bearbeitung (nicht nur) dieser Textsorte bewährt haben." Ein Beitrag zur 8. Tagung des Verbands "Digital Humanities im deutschsprachigen Raum" - DHd 2022 Kulturen des digitalen Gedächtnisses.

Gerd Möll: Mit Geld spielt man nicht: Glücksspiel und "Glücksspielsucht" im parlamentarischen Diskurs. Kulturen der Gesellschaft, Bd. 52. Bielefeld: transcript Verlag 2021. ISBN 978-3-8376-6071-5

Political groups in the Chamber of Deputies and similar groups in the lower chambers of foreign parliaments Abstract The aim of this paper was to present the historical development of political groups within the framework of Czechoslovak and Czech parliamentarianism, in that the emphasis was placed on the legal regulation of political groups within individual rules of procedure, taking into account their actual application in practice. Although the legal regulation of political groups was very stark and sketchy in the First Republic, it proved to be the case that it was precisely during this period that political groups were key actors in the National Assembly. While today's political groups do have an irreplaceable role in the constitutional system of the Czech Republic, they do not achieve such dominance in the lower chamber of parliament as was the case at the beginning of Czechoslovak statehood. However, the hegemony of the First Republic's political groups was brought about by a departure from certain electoral and constitutional principles, particularly as regards the free mandate. The parliamentary system in the First Republic was based on close cooperation between representatives of political parties at the National Assembly, in that this cooperation took place at the level envisaged in the rules of...

Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich mit den Auswirkungen der Corona-Krise auf die Arbeitsweise des Wiener Landtages. Die Autorin untersucht jene Punkte, die sich in der Arbeitsweise des Landtages und seiner Mitglieder krisenbedingt verändert haben. Dabei stellt sie fest, dass das formelle Recht (die Bundesverfassung, die Landesverfassung und die Geschäftsordnung des Landtages) im Wesentlichen unverändert geblieben ist, es aber dennoch zu teils einschneidenden Änderungen in der Arbeitsweise gekommen ist. Das betrifft insbesondere die Etablierung einer „Expressgesetzgebung“, den Verzicht beziehungsweise freiwillige Einschränkung auf parlamentarische Rechte. Das Spannungsfeld zum freien Mandat wird detailliert dargestellt. Fragen wie jene, ob Abgeordneten die Teilnahme an Sitzungen pandemiebedingt überhaupt verwehrt werden darf, werden erörtert. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden weitergehende Fragen, wie die Veränderung der Arbeitsteilung in einem Landtagsklub auf der einen Seite und die Themenverengung, die die Krise mit sich gebracht hat, auf der anderen Seite, besprochen. Ein besonderes Augenmerk legt die Autorin auf die Thematik der Verkürzung von oppositionellen Rechten und Möglichkeiten. Die Auswirkungen auf das Interpellationsrecht werden ebenso untersucht wie der erschwerte Kontakt zu den BürgerInnen. Letzterer ist der Autorin ein wichtiges Anliegen, zumal die Pandemie Grundrechtseingriffe in vielfältiger Gestalt mit sich bringt. In einem fundierten Ausblick weist die Erstellerin der Arbeit auf Möglichkeiten hin, wie in Zukunft in Krisensituationen, in denen das Zusammenwirken des Landtages erschwert ist, verfahren werden kann. Kritisch beleuchtet wird die ExpertInnenabhängigkeit der Politik ebenso wie die Tatsache, dass der Öffentlichkeit die Teilnahme an Sitzungen des Landtages und an Veranstaltungen verwehrt wurde. Zahlreiche Interviews belegen in der Praxis das, was die Autorin theoretisch ausgeführt hat. Die Auswertung erfolgte nach gängigen wissenschaftlichen Methoden. Der Bogen der Interviewten spannt sich hierbei von SpitzenpolitikerInnen, wie dem damaligen Vizebürgermeister von Wien, über Abgeordnete bis hin zu leitenden MitarbeiterInnen der operativen Klubverwaltung. In der Arbeit wird auch auf die theoretische Bedeutung der normativen und empirischen Demokratietheorien beleuchtet. Gerade in der Krise wird uns bewusst, welche Eingriffsmöglichkeiten der Staat gegenüber jedem/jeder Einzelnen hat. Die Bedingungen und die Intensität dieser Eingriffe können je nach Betrachtungsweise differenzieren. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist die Darstellung der Baugesetze der Bundesverfassung von besonderer Bedeutung. Im Lichte der Krise wird auch ein Augenmerk auf die Resilienz gesetzgebender Organe, die auch in Zeiten, in denen ein körperliches Zusammentreten nicht möglich ist, handlungsfähig sein müssen, gelegt. This paper deals with the effects of the Corona crisis on the functioning of the state parliament. The author examines those points that have changed in the functioning of the state parliament and its members as a result of the crisis. She finds out that the formal law (the federal constitution, the provincial constitution and the state parliament's rules of procedure) has remained essentially unchanged, but that there have nevertheless been changes, some of them drastic, in the way the parliament works. This applies in particular to the establishment of "express legislation," the renunciation or voluntary restriction of parliamentary rights. The conflict with the free mandate is also described in detail. Questions such as if members of parliament have might been denied to participate in meetings at all due to the pandemic have been discussed. Against this background, more far-reaching questions have been discussed, such as the change in the division of labor in a state parliamentary club on the one hand and the narrowing of topics brought about by the crisis on the other hand. The author pays particularly attention to the issue of the curtailment of oppositional rights and opportunities. The effects on the right of interpellation are examined, as is the more difficult contact with citizens. The latter is an important concern for the author, especially since the pandemic entails encroachments on fundamental rights in a variety of forms. In a well-founded forecast, the author points out several possibilities how to proceed in the future in crisis situations in which the cooperation of the state parliament is impeded. The dependence of politics on experts is critically examined, given the fact that the public has been denied the opportunity to participate in sessions of the state parliament. Numerous interviews prove in practice what the author has theoretically elaborated. The evaluation was carried out according to standard scientific methods. The interviewees ranged from top politicians, such as the deputy mayor of Vienna at the time, to members of the state parliament as well as senior members of the operational club administration. The paper also focuses on the theoretical significance of normative and empirical theories of democracy. Especially in times of crisis, we become aware of the possibilities of intervention the state has vis-à-vis each individual. The conditions and the intensity of these interventions might differ depending on the point of view. Against this background, the presentation of the building laws of the Federal Constitution is of particular importance. In the light of the crisis, attention is also paid to the resilience of legislative bodies, which must be able to act even in times when physical meetings are not possible. vorgelegt von: Angela Schütz Masterarbeit Wien, FH Campus Wien 2021

The presented thesis deals with the New Right in Germany and its current reception of the Conservative Revolution of the Weimar Republic. The thesis primarily focuses on the German New Right, which it aims to define by its references to ideological and political stances of the right-wing conservative and extremist movement of the Weimar Republic - the Conservative Revolution. Based on a detailed textual analysis of selected articles from the New Right's journal Sezession, the thesis presents the elementary worldviews of the New Right as well as its rhetoric and strategies. Furthermore, it is demonstrated how the New Right perceives the central ideas of the Conservative Revolution (anti- enlightenment, anti-liberalism, anti-democracy, anti-parliamentarism, advocacy of an authoritarian state concept and promotion of a homogenous society) and how it implicitly or explicitly employs these ideas for its argumentation. The thesis proved that the worldviews of the Conservative Revolution nowadays still function as an ideological reservoir of the New Right, meaning also that the New Right is theoretically little innovative and takes over and passes on a large part of the ideas of the intellectuals of the Conservative Revolution, which are currently one hundred years old.

Diese Arbeit handelt von den Möglichkeiten, wie Parlamente ihre Kapazität zur Erfüllung ihres politischen und rechtlichen Auftrags zur demokratischen Steuerung der menschlichen Gesellschaft zurück erlangen können. Im Brennpunkt der Untersuchung steht dabei die Frage, wie die österreichischen Landtage angesichts der aktuellen Herausforderungen und der raschen Veränderung ihrer Umweltbedingungen ihre Steuerungsleistung verbessern können. Exemplarisch wird dazu der Salzburger Landtag analysiert und zukünftige Reformschritte auf ihre Umsetzbarkeit und Wirksamkeit untersucht. Als aktuelle Reformprojekte wurden die Social Media Auftritte des Landtags als Online-Plattform untersucht. Aus den daraus gewonnen Erkenntnissen soll auf die Machbarkeit zukünftiger Beteiligungsprojekte und deren Nutzen für eine Verbesserung der demokratischen Governance des Salzburger Landtags geschlossen werden. This paper is about how parliaments can recover their capacity to fulfill their constitutional function of democratic governance with a focus on Austrian regional parliaments (Landtage). The Social Media presence of Salzburg State Parliament (Salzburger Landtag) is analyzed as an example and the findings are used to draft future projects of reform to enhance democratic governance outcomes. Masterarbeit Universität Salzburg 2020

From Medieval to Tudor times, the doctrine of the King’s Two Bodies was fundamental in government and the reproduction of social order. The doctrine held that the body of the monarch is simultaneously mortal and immortal. In terms of the hegemony of the power regime, this was given by God. It has long been assumed that the rise of Liberal Plebiscitary Parliamentary Democracy put an end to Royal absolutism. This paper uses the political thought of Carl Schmitt and Ernst Hartwig Kantorowicz to examine if this assumption is valid. The paper argues that the doctrine of the King’s Two Bodies survives in greatly translated form. The highest achieved celebrities today have two bodies, the one (biological and incorrigible), the other (mediated and incorrigible). The paper uses data from the posthumous existence of the highest achieved celebrities to substantiate this proposition. In turn, this leads to the beginnings of an enquiry into what the role of achieved celebrity in Liberal Plebiscitary Parliamentary Democracy, i.e., a society based on the principle of homogeneous equality, might be.

Zusammenfassung Die konstitutionelle, reprasentative Demokratie muss sich neuerdings wieder verstarkt der Behauptung von der Suprematie des Volkswillens entgegenstellen. Diese Debatte wird in Italien seit dreisig Jahren gefuhrt und mundete in mehrere, zumeist gescheiterte Verfassungsreformen. An ihnen offenbarte sich nicht selten die schmale Grenze zwischen Systembruch und notwendiger Erneuerung, zwischen direkter Ausubung der Volkssouveranitat und plebiszitarer Herrschaft. Der Reformprozess zeigt einerseits, welche Anpassungsleistung eine rigide Verfassung in der Gestaltung des demokratischen Prozesses aufbringen muss und darf, und inwieweit es andererseits einer Verfassung moglich ist, ihre Geltungsbehauptungen und ihre Dauerhaftigkeit durch Verfahren und institutionelles Gleichgewicht selbst abzusichern. Fortschreitende plebiszitare Tendenzen, bis zu Anzeichen einer delegative democracy, ging dabei einher mit einer impliziten Erhohung der verfassungsimmanenten Grenzen. Schlusselworter: Verfassung, Demokratie, Revisionsverfahren, Parlamentarismus, delegative democracy ----- Abstract Constitutional and representative democracies are nowadays facing critics again which suggest the supremacy of the people’s will. In Italy, since at least the late 1980’s, this debate lead to several constitutional reforms, the last in 2016, undertaken by the Renzi government. Nevertheless, most of them haven’t pass the revision process yet. Those reforms are pointing out the thin line between necessary renewal and system change as well as between direct expression of the sovereign will and plebiscitarian government. On the one hand, the Italian case reveals how a rigid constitution may and has to adapt the democratic process to new requests, on the other hand, it illustrates the constitution’s ability to guarantee her prevalence and permanence, determining special procedures and institutional balance. In this process, in Italy, the advance of plebiscitarian attitudes, to the point of showing characteristics of a delegative democracy, is accompanied by tendencies to increase the constitutional restraints. ----- Bibliographie: Heber, Maike: Konstitutionalismus und parlamentarische Demokratie auf dem Prufstand. Italiens Verfassung zwischen Uberwindung, Erneuerung und Erhalt, ZPTh, 2-2017, S. 159-177. https://doi.org/10.3224/zpth.v8i2.03

Ludmila Zacharčenko Russian constitution and political regime after 1993 Abstract Topic of this bachelor's thesis is the Russian constitution approved in 1993 and the Russian type of regime. Thesis aims to find out the reasons for the approval of the new Russian constitution, the way how it influenced the political development in the country and classification of the constitution from the point of view of the typology of political regimes. Above all, it is a comparison of the powers of state authorities, both in terms of constitutional and political practice. The hypothesis of this work is - The Russian Constitution shows elements of democratic regime, but political practice is more consistent with a hybrid or undemocratic system. The thesis analyzes the type of regime that emerged in the country following the approval of the Constitution in 1993 and whether it was more or less formal, or whether the type of regime in Russia was actually applied in real political practice. In connection with the history of Russia, I also deal with the consolidation of democracy and the problems associated with post-communist transformation. This work is processed like a case study based on qualitative research methods. From a methodological point of view, the thesis is based on a new institutionalism that focuses on the...

Indonesia presents an extremely rare quasi-experimental research case: the constitutional reforms and the transition to full presidentialism have effected a presidentialization of political parties that is largely in line with the changes predicted by the model of Samuels and Shugart [2010. Presidents, parties and prime ministers: How separation of powers affects party organization and behaviour. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press]. Especially the rise of the new president and his difficult relationship with his own party are testimony to this. But a closer look reveals that the model has to be adapted to Indonesian politics. Presidents have tools to forge grand coalitions and to overcome the dualism to an extent. The size and history of political parties as well as wider socio-economic changes, that is an increasing oligarchization of party organization, have to be considered. Moreover, highly personalized vehicle parties serving the interests of a presidential candidate have emerged. It follows that institutional and structural incentives combined have produced a party system consisting of different party types.