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This thesis explores an internal EU border in Northern Europe during a ‘crisis’ scenario. In the aftermath of the Syrian Civil War, during 2015 Sweden received 160,000 applications for asylum, the third highest total number in Europe. Consequently, Sweden introduced three forms of border controls to restrict numbers, marking a significant shift in Swedish asylum policy. This thesis engages with the notion of ‘political moments’ concerning how occasions of heightened visibilities could be appropriated and brought into the political milieu in Sweden and Denmark during 2015-2016 and subsequently used in the operations of borderwork by state and non-state actors. Borderwork is understood in this thesis in a Rumfordian manner, where state and non-state actors can contribute to actions of bordering and debordering. The thesis analyses Sweden’s border controls, grounded in particular contextualities and operating within a specific EU legal framework. This thesis draws on semi-structured interviews with 53 individuals primarily from the state and civil society in both countries. Complexities within and between civil society and the state concerning borderwork are shown as being interpenetrating, and the state’s pervasive extension is explored through ‘the Snake’ and Posthusplatsen. Emotion as a political resource (which can be appealed to, framed and (re)produced to shape discourses) is analysed and seen vis-à-vis the political left and right as a mobilising force in both bordering and debordering. Finally, and as part of this, the notion of mourning is explored concerning the evocative question: Is this Sweden?

Immer wieder fällt im politisch-medialen Diskurs der Begriff „Parallelgesellschaft“. In Deutschland ist hierbei für gewöhnlich die Rede von türkisch-arabischstämmigen Großfamilien – sogenannten „Familienclans“. Aufgrund sensationalistischer Berichterstattung besteht in der Gesellschaft oftmals Halbwissen, das Distanz zwischen Migrant*innen und der Aufnahmegesellschaft schafft sowie Unsicherheiten erzeugt. Die Arbeit soll einen Einblick in die Migrationsgeschichte der „libanesischen Kurd*innen“ geben und beleuchten, wie Marginalisierung und Exklusion zu Kriminalität beitrugen. Trotz belegbarer kriminologischer Faktoren werden restriktive Zugänge der Politik und populistische mediale Inszenierungen kritisch betrachtet. Das Konstrukt „Clankriminalität“ trägt zur Stigmatisierung und Kriminalisierung einer gesamten Bevölkerungsgruppe bei, was wiederum hinderlich für Integrationsprozesse ist und soziale Segregation fördert. In diesem Kontext wird die Relevanz Sozialer Arbeit und ihr Auftrag als Menschenrechtsprofession ersichtlich. Es ist festzuhalten, dass die Vorstellung einer Parallelgesellschaft nicht den Lebensrealitäten der Migrant*innen entspricht. This thesis with the title “The parallel society of family clans – Reality or construct?” deals with the term “parallel society”, which is often used in the political and media discourse. In Germany, this usually refers to extended families of Turkish-Arab origin – so-called “family clans”. Due to sensationalistic journalism, there is a lot of half-knowledge in society, which creates insecurity and distance between migrants and the host society. This thesis provides an insight into the migration history of the "Lebanese Kurds" and shows how marginalization and exclusion had contributed to crime. Despite verifiable criminological factors, restrictive approaches of politics and populist media presentations must be seen critically. The construct of “clan crime” contributes to the stigmatization and criminalization of an entire population group, which in turn prevents integration processes and promotes social segregation. In this context, the relevance of social work and its mandate as a human rights profession becomes apparent. Furthermore, the idea of a parallel society does not correspond to the real life of migrants.

Bibliographie: John, Sonja: Na Klasse! Gefangnispolitik und Covid-19, Femina Politica – Zeitschrift fur feministische Politikwissenschaft, 2-2020, S. 117-118. https://doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i2.14

Ekonomik, kültürel,sosyal ve politik süreçlerin kent mekânındaki izdüşümü olarak mekânsal dışlamave kentsel eşitsizliklerin ortaya çıktığı görülmektedir. Bu bağlamda kentpeyzajında ortaya çıkan kümelenmeler, 1970 sonrası gelişmiş ülkelerde görülenkentsel hareketler ve aktörler arasındaki ilişkilerin kentsel eşitsizlikleri nasıltetiklediği sorusu önem kazanmaktadır. Kentsel sosyo-mekânsal kapanma ya dainziva biçimleri olarak getto ve banliyölerin yapısal ve işlevselfarklılıklarının altının çizildiği; bu tiplerin aynılaştırılmaya çalışılansöylemlerinin arka planında neler olacağı yönündeki tartışmayı içeren çalışmadabir dizi politik ve medya söylemlerine yer verildi. Sömürge sonrası dünyakentlerinde ileri marjinalliğin mekânları olarak genel kabul gören, şiddet ileyaftalanan, heterojen demografinin emek piyasasından dışlandığı, sistemle sorunluilişkisinin tanımlandığı sürgün yerleri kentsel bir oluşum olarak apaçıkkarşımızda durmaktadır. Gettolaşan Avrupa söylemlerine, Wacquant’ındeğerlendirmeleri paralelinde bakan bu yazının temel endişesi; mekânın sosyalboyutu ve topluluk üzerindeki etkilerini anlamaya yöneliktir. Getto,hipergetto, antigetto kavramları arasındaki farkların neler olduğuna ilişkintartışma La Haine filmi okuması üzerinden yürütüldü. Bu metnin ortayaçıkışındaki süreçte Fransa’da yaşanan “sarı yelek” protestolarının ekonomik,kültürel ve sosyo-mekânsal bagajlarını deşmek düşüncesi yer alır. Mekânsal dışlamanın etno-ırksal, sınıfsalformlarının arkasındaki ilişkiler ağının haritasının çıkartılması; bu çalışmanınhedefini oluşturmaktadır., Spatialexclusion and urban inequalities are seen as the projections of economic,cultural, social and political processes in the urban space. In this context,the question of how the relations triggered the urban inequalities betweenclusters that emerged in urban landscapes and urban movements in the developedcountries after 1970 and actors gets importance. In this study, a series ofpolitical and media reports that include the discussion underlining thestructural and functional differences of ghettos and banlieues as urbansocio-spatial forms of seclusion is described; what is on the backstage of thesetypes of 'sameness' discourses. The exile locations that are generally acceptedas the places of advanced marginality, labeled with violence, excluded from thelabor market and the having problematic relations with the system inpost-colonial world cities clearly stands in front of us as an urban formation.The main concern of this article which looks at the ‘discourses of ghettozationof Europe in line with Wacquant's arguments is to understand the socialdimension of the space and its impact on the community. The discussion of thedifferences between the concepts of ghetto, hyperghetto and antighetto wascarried out through the La Haine film reading. This text emerged from theintention of digging the economic, cultural and socio-spatial baggage ofcurrent yellow vest protests in France. Mapping the network of relations behindthe ethno-racial, class forms of spatial exclusion is the target of this study.

Seit der so genannten „Flüchtlingskrise“ ist die Zahl der „Kinderehen“ in Deutschland gestiegen. Im Juli 2016 gab es in Deutschland 1475 verheiratete Kinder und Jugendliche, obwohl die Ehe rechtlich in der Regel erst ab 18 Jahren gestattet ist. Die Dunkelziffer solcher Ehen liegt jedoch deutlich höher. Denn Bestandteil der Problematik sind ebenso die in Deutschland bereits seit langem – unabhängig von der aktuellen Migrationsbewegung – stattfindenden Eheschließungen von Minderjährigen in unterschiedlichen Kontexten. Hierzu gehören auch islamischen Ehen, die vor dem Staat und der deutschen Mehrheitsgesellschaft meist verborgen bleiben. Das Thema der muslimischen Kinderehe in Deutschland ist dementsprechend vielschichtig und betrifft unterschiedliche Bereiche der Wissenschaft und des täglichen Lebens. Die Arbeit beleuchtet die Problematik daher sowohl aus rechtlicher, als auch aus ethnologischer Sicht und beschäftigt sich sowohl mit den Beweggründen der Betroffenen, als auch mit den unterschiedlichen Formen des Umgangs mit der Thematik. Since the so called “refugee crisis“ the number of child marriages has increased in Germany. In July 2016, 1475 child marriages were registered in spite of the fact that in most cases marriage is only legally allowed over the age of 18. However, the number of unreported cases is suggested to be a lot higher. Regardless of the current movement of refugees, child marriages have been taking place in Germany for a long time in different contexts. Among them are Islamic marriages, that often remain hidden from the majority of the German society. The topic of Muslim child marriages in Germany is a complex matter and concerns different fields of study and aspects of daily life. Therefore, this paper examines the subject from a legal as well as anthropological perspective. It analyses on the one hand the question of motivation of the parties involved, and on the other the different ways of dealing with the issue of such marriages in Germany. peerReviewed

Seit der so genannten „Flüchtlingskrise“ ist die Zahl der „Kinderehen“ in Deutschland gestiegen. Im Juli 2016 gab es in Deutschland 1475 verheiratete Kinder und Jugendliche, obwohl die Ehe rechtlich in der Regel erst ab 18 Jahren gestattet ist. Die Dunkelziffer solcher Ehen liegt jedoch deutlich höher. Denn Bestandteil der Problematik sind ebenso die in Deutschland bereits seit langem – unabhängig von der aktuellen Migrationsbewegung – stattfindenden Eheschließungen von Minderjährigen in unterschiedlichen Kontexten. Hierzu gehören auch islamischen Ehen, die vor dem Staat und der deutschen Mehrheitsgesellschaft meist verborgen bleiben. Das Thema der muslimischen Kinderehe in Deutschland ist dementsprechend vielschichtig und betrifft unterschiedliche Bereiche der Wissenschaft und des täglichen Lebens. Die Arbeit beleuchtet die Problematik daher sowohl aus rechtlicher, als auch aus ethnologischer Sicht und beschäftigt sich sowohl mit den Beweggründen der Betroffenen, als auch mit den unterschiedlichen Formen des Umgangs mit der Thematik., Since the so called “refugee crisis“ the number of child marriages has increased in Germany. In July 2016, 1475 child marriages were registered in spite of the fact that in most cases marriage is only legally allowed over the age of 18. However, the number of unreported cases is suggested to be a lot higher. Regardless of the current movement of refugees, child marriages have been taking place in Germany for a long time in different contexts. Among them are Islamic marriages, that often remain hidden from the majority of the German society. The topic of Muslim child marriages in Germany is a complex matter and concerns different fields of study and aspects of daily life. Therefore, this paper examines the subject from a legal as well as anthropological perspective. It analyses on the one hand the question of motivation of the parties involved, and on the other the different ways of dealing with the issue of such marriages in Germany., GISCA occasional paper ; 19

The intense population growth of romani people as a result of which every tenth Hungarian citizen will be romani within a few years. However, in contrast of the aging Hungarian society romani population represents a youthful group which unambiguously seems more-and-more significant both in political and human resource aspects. It is generally known that a considerable proportion of Romani people inHungarylive on welfare grants. This, besides that the social and economic integration of romani people, the so-called “romani issue” became a hot political issue, also means a serious burden on the society. This is due to the differences in values, their problems in erudition and mode of life, the bias of the majority of citizens against romani people which can be eliminated or at least reduced by accelerating integration processes. The authors believe that the socio-geographical studies of Romani people, besides the remarkable sociological and romological achievements so far, can give an efficient tool for identifying and solving the problems., В статье охарактеризована проблема интеграции цыган как одного из наиболее многочисленных этнических меньшинств в Венгрии. Социальная и экономическая интеграция цыган, так называемая «проблема цыган», стала острой политической проблемой, создающей серьезное давление на общество. Это связано с отличиями в уровне образования, образе жизни, с предубежденностью большинства граждан относительно цыган. Эти проблемы могут решаться или минимизироваться посредством ускорения процессов интеграции. Социально-географические исследования цыган могут предоставить эффективный инструмент для идентификации и решения данной проблемы., У статті охарактеризовано проблему інтеграції циган як однієї з найбільш чисельних етнічних меншин в Угорщині. Соціальна та економічна інтеграція циган, так звана «проблема циган», стала гострою політичною проблемою, що створює серйозний тиск на суспільство. Це пов’язано з відмінностями у рівні освіти, способі життя, з упередженістю більшості громадян щодо циган. Ці проблеми можуть розв’язуватися чи мінімізуватися за допомогою прискорення процесів інтеграції. Соціально-географічні дослідження циган можуть надати ефективний інструмент для ідентифікації та розв’язання даної проблеми.

Bulundukları ülkede yarım asrı çoktan deviren Almanya'daki Türkler artık Almanya'da dördüncü nesle erişmektedir ve kalıcı oldukları anlaşılan Türkler dört nesil sonra `misafir işçi`likten `göçmen` statüsüne yükselmiş, göçmenlikten de `Avrupalı Türk` statüsüne terfi etmiştir. Ancak bu terfi, onları hala, Almanya'da yabancı (Ausländer),Türkiye'de Al(a)mancı olarak adlandırılmalarından kurtaramamıştır. Yeni kuşaklar geldikçe evlatlarının kendi kültürünü ve kimliğini kaybetmesinden endişe eden Almanyalı Türkler kimliklerini ve kültürlerini koruma çabası içerisine girmekte ancak bu noktada da Almanya'ya hala uyum sağlayamadıkları girdabına takılmaktadır. Tarafların uyumdan ne anladıkları ise hala tartışma konusudur. Almanyalı Türkleri uyum konusunda olumlu ya da olumsuz, bilinçli ya da bilinçsiz yönlendiren pek çok araç bulunmaktadır. Bu araçlardan biri de Almanya'daki Türkler tarafından ilgi ile takip edilen medya organlarıdır. İnsanlar üzerinde etkileri olduğu bilinen ve yönlendirme, eğitme, eğlendirme, bilgilendirme gibi pek çok işlevi yerine getiren kitle iletişim araçlarının Almanya'daki Türkleri entegrasyon konusunda ne şekilde yönlendirdiği ise merak konusudur. Ele alınan çalışmada, Almanya'da yaşayan Türk toplumunun kimlik ve aidiyet duygusu desteklenen bir anket çalışmasıyla birlikte belirlenmeye çalışılmıştır. Ayrıca Avrupalı Türklerin kitle iletişim araçlarını takip etme sıklığı ölçülmüş ve kitle iletişim araçlarının Almanya'daki Türkleri entegrasyon konusunda ne şekilde yönlendirdiği ele alınmıştır. Araştırmada Avrupalı Türklerin kimliklerini korudukları tespit edilmiş ve kitle iletişim araçlarının katılımcılar tarafından ilgi ile takip edildiği saptanmıştır. Ayrıca kitle iletişim araçlarının, Türkleri uyum konusunda yönlendirme işlevini yetersiz yaptığı tespit edilmiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Paralel Toplum, Getto, Entegrasyon, Etnik Medya, Avrupalı Türkler. The Turks, whom already been over half a century in Germany, reached to fourth generation, which initially classified as `guest workers` then to `immigrants` however finally upgraded to `European Turks`. Although this upgrade doesn't stop them being seen as outsiders/foreigners (Ausländer) in Germany and `Almanci` back in Turkey. The parents are worried for their kids and the younger generation losing their national identity and culture therefore try real hard to preserve what they have in terms of being Turkish which in return cause the integration and adaptation problem to Germany and German culture and life even though there is an ongoing debater between the related parties over what is exactly integration and adaptation. There are variable means to lead the German Turks towards the adaptation in a good or bad ways, and the main source is the media, which is followed carefully by the Turks in Germany. The media sources is well known for their teaching, leading, informing and entertaining influences on people however the level of media influence over Turkish integration in Germany is unknown and creates curiosity.This paper with using the help of surveys, will evaluate the integrity and identity of Turks who live in Germany. This paper will also study the frequency of European Turks keeping up to date by following the nationwide communication sources and how this influences the adaptation of Turks in Germany. In conclusion, the study puts forward that the European Turks preserve their national identity and also very keen in following the media. However the media sources fail to lead the Turks towards the integration and adaptation.Key words: Parallel Society, Ghetto, Integration, Ethnic Media, European Turks 227

In this article, we analyse immigrant integration against the background of German society’s social cohesion. First, we examine the integration process and policies with regard to the integration of first-generation labour migrants into the German ‘national society’ since the 1960s. Even though these ‘guest workers’ were confronted to ethnic and political exclusion owing to the so-called German integration model, they experienced socio-economic integration and, at the local level, some form of political participation. Secondly, we analyse the policies and the integration process of immigrant youth, specifically those of Turkish descent, into contemporary German society, the social cohesion of which is impeded by social exclusion and urban segregation. Our hypothesis is that – in spite of a long-standing refusal to recognise itself as an immigration country – Germany has to some extent incorporated its migrants and achieved an integration consensus, while paradoxically, national integration models in sever...

Der Beitrag untersucht die Arbeit der Paketzusteller. Ein feldanalytischer Zugriff auf die Regulierung der Arbeit offenbart, dass von der einen Paketzustellung keine Rede sein kann. Vielmehr ist das Feld in drei Welten untergliedert, in denen die Institutionen der Arbeitsregulierung unterschiedliche Rollen spielen: die Welt der global operierenden Logistikkonzerne, die Welt der kleinbetrieblichen Subunternehmen und die Welt der selbstfahrenden Kleinstunternehmer. Die Segmentierung des Feldes ist eine direkte Folge des umfangreichen und primär kostengetriebenen Outsourcings der großen Logistikkonzerne. Zugleich wird die von erheblichen sozialen Ungleichheiten begleitete organisationale Segmentierung von kulturellen Differenzen befestigt. In den beiden Welten der Subunternehmen und der Selbstfahrer breiten sich Ansätze einer Kultur der Patronage aus: Angesichts der aus der Unsicherheit ihrer Positionen resultierenden Unmöglichkeit einer rationalen Zukunftsvorausschau versuchen die Akteure, durch die Unterwerfung unter die Macht der Logistikkonzerne doch eine gewisse Kontrolle über ihre eigene Zukunft zu gewinnen - und tragen dabei ironischerweise zur Reproduktion genau jener Machtasymmetrien bei, die für die Unsicherheit der eigenen Positionen verantwortlich sind., Based on primary interview data, the contribution analyzes the work of couriers in the German parcel delivery industry. In applying a field analysis, it is shown that the parcel delivery industry is far from a homogenous field. Instead it is divided into three relatively closed and highly unequal worlds, each dominated by a distinct economic rationality and characterized by a certain institutional logic: the world of global logistic corporations, the world of small subcontractors and the world of self-employed couriers. Segmentation of the field is primarily driven by large corporation’s voluminous and cost-driven outsourcing. It is, however, reinforced by the particular economic rationality characterizing the worlds of subcontractors and self-employed. These rather powerless actors are incapable of developing a rational-calculative approach to the future. In order to gain some control over their own future they tend to submit to the power of the big corporations. A culture of patronage is proliferating in these worlds which is positively associated with the increase of inequality., AIS-Studien

Seit Jahrzehnten beziehen sich politische, mediale und sozialwissenschaftliche Debatten über "Integration" oder "Multikultur" auf Berliner Stadtteile wie Kreuzberg und Neukölln. Meist basieren sie auf unhinterfragten historischen Konzepten von Nation, Kultur oder Integration sowie auf diskursiven Konstrukten eines "Eigenen" und eines "Fremden". Dieses Buch untersucht solche Diskursmuster u.a. anhand von Interviews mit hochrangigen Berliner Politikern und Funktionären. Es zeigt, wie die Stadtentwicklung Berlins und mehrheitsgesellschaftliche Grenzziehungen gegenüber Einwanderern aufeinander einwirken und zeichnet deren historische Linien nach.

[spa] La autora propone un análisis de los mecanismos identitarios de afiliación y diferenciación utilizados entre los asistentes y asistidos sociales del mundo de la inmigración en la Cataluña de los últimos treinta años y que ha configurado lo que viene a denominar la "sociedad paralela". Con este objeto hará referencia a la génesis histórica del fenómeno y a una serie de variables de tipo económico, cultural y politico subyacentes que constituyen los motores reales de su evolución. Igualmente, considera necesario examinar como se efectúa la producción social del extranjero, asi como su categorización en este mismo escenario, revisando, a su vez, la pertinencia teórica de algunos conceptos aplicados en el marco de los diferentes modelos de integración de los inmigrantes interiores y exteriores. En el proceso de jerarquización simbólica y política inherente a toda dinámica de las representaciones de identidad y alteridad, se construyen las bases sociales del dominio que la sociedad de "acogida" ejerce sobre los grupos foráneos, interiorizando éstos el discurso dominante orientado a confundir diversidad cultural con diferencia esencial y legitimadora de las desigualdades de que son víctima. La conciencia alienada del "Nosotros" en relación a los "otros", que se traduce en determinadas atribuciones sociales de los grupos, se desarrolla en el cuadro de unas fronteras simbólicas cuyos limites solo se moverán en función de los intereses objetivos que la mayoria nacional autóctona tenga de aumentar o disminuir la distancia social respecto a las minorías inmigradas. Por Último, profundizando en la naturaleza de los intercambios entre ambos grupos (distinguiendo la especificidad de los inmigrantes extracomunitarios en el contexto señalado) para extraer las oportunas conclusiones, hace un breve repaso de lo que ha significado el proyecto politico y la identidad cultural del nacionalisrno catalán desde su aparición hasta nuestros dias., [eng] The author analyses the emergence of a parallel society among immigrants who arrived at Catalonia (Spain) on behalf of the recruitment of social services staff and users. The article shows the symbolic and political hierarchies established and the relationship between"us" and the "others". This has consequences in the confronting interests of the autochtonous population, nationalist in great proportion, and foreign immigrants, who are a social and cultural minority . The author finishes her writing by showing the kind of exchanges between both social groups as regards the political project of Catalan nationalism.