Search

Tribunali militari e Corti d’assise straordinarie sono i principali organismi giudiziari incaricati in Italia di definire concretamente, nell’attività di giudizio in singoli processi penali, criteri e entità della punizione degli ex nemici. I principali artefici, di conseguenza, di una giustizia penale dai caratteri speciali, chiamata – al di là delle intenzioni degli uomini che la compongono – a offrire risposte in senso politico alla fame di giustizia espressa dalla società civile. Principali protagonisti dunque di una giustizia ‘straordinaria’, che parallelamente piega all’eccezionalità delle contingenze prassi e organismi ordinari, come i tribunali militari (la cui propensione alla distorsione di giudizio in senso politico merita, però, di essere osservata nel lungo periodo); o amplifica competenze e, addirittura, inventa inediti soggetti pubblici incaricati del giudizio, come le Corti d’assise straordinarie.

Il saggio prende in considerazione le critiche di Mario Mirri alla storiografia della "zona grigia", della "guerra ai civili" e delle "memorie divise", identificata da Mirri come "revisionismo di sinistra". L�Autore ripropone la difficolta della Resistenza, nelle sue varie accezioni, a fondare un�identita nazionale per una classe dirigente, e suggerisce una piu stringente e limitata utilizzazione della categoria di "resistenza civile", distinguendola dalla lotta per la sopravvivenza.

It comes as no surprise that a historical institute of the calibre of the Istituto nazionale Ferruccio Parri, which manages a network of 66 local institutes, publishes its own journal. What is less predictable is the fact that, over the years, this journal - ‘Italia contemporanea' - has managed to become a point of reference within the scholarly debate in Italy, and now hopefully also abroad as we are about to launch this English-language ‘Yearbook'.

Since the 1960s the Resistance has held pride of place in public ceremonial, political debate and to a point also in historcial writing in Italy. The emphasis on its popular and national character transformed the Resistance into the struggle of the whole country to rid Italy of the German invaders and the small number of Italian fascists who remained their allies, but in ways that took no account of the complexity of people's reactions and the different ways in which Italians experienced the years immediately after the fall of fascism. In the last decade, however, numerous accounts have been published that contradict the images of the Resistance that for 30 years have constituted the ‘official’ memory of the Italian Republic. As a result, the Resistance offers a classic example of the ‘public use of history’, in which historical interpretation has served primarily to justify party political, instutitional and idelogical ends. It is now clear, however, that the supposed unity against fascism was m...

Victoria C. Belco, War, Massacre and Recovery in Central Italy 1943–1948 (2010), xi + 574 (University of Toronto Press, London, Toronto and Buffalo, £60.00/$95.00). Victoria Belco presents the resu...

The Mafia, State and Society in Sicily (Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries) Paolo Pezzino According to recent historical research, the Sicilian Mafia is a strongly structuralized criminal organization, of which power results of its ability to use violence, to control a territory and to develop links with political institutions and public agencies. The article examines the way in which this organization was formed in the Nineteenth century (since the end of feodalism in Sicily) and the reasons of its expansion until now. The article stresses the process of adaptation of the Mafia to the social and economic modernization of Sicily, and the evolution of the relationships between the Mafia and politics (which is one of the most important cause of such an adaptation)., La mafia, l'Etat et la société dans la Sicile contemporaine (XIXe et XXe siècles) Paolo Pezzino Les travaux les plus récents sur la mafia sicilienne la décrivent comme une organisation criminelle fortement structurée, dont le pouvoir provient de son enracinement territorial, de l'utilisation de la violence et de sa capacité à tisser des liens avec le monde politique et les institutions publiques. L'article étudie la manière dont s'est formée une telle organisation, à partir du XIXe siècle et de la fin de la féodalité en Sicile. Il examine ensuite les facteurs de son expansion jusqu'à l'époque contemporaine. L'article montre comment la mafia s'est adaptée aux transformations économiques et sociales de la Sicile et insiste sur les évolutions des relations politico-mafieuses, qui sont une des raisons principales de cette adaptation. Il propose par-là une critique de l'approche « culturaliste » de la mafia, courante jusqu'à il y peu dans les débats politiques et les travaux savants, au profit d'une approche « organisationnelle » du phénomène., Pezzino Paolo. La mafia, l'Etat et la société dans la Sicile contemporaine (XIXe et XXe siècles). In: Politix, vol. 13, n°49, Premier trimestre 2000. Les mafias, sous la direction de Jean-Louis Briquet . pp. 13-33.

Let us, in conclusion, return to the controversies about Spike Lee’s film, from which I started. I do not here intend, for lack of space, to enter into the merits of the debate about the film. Succinctly, I maintain that every artist should be free to rework, and also literally to invent, or to distort, the historical reality of the facts, preferring his “own” style, suitable for the messages he is interested in communicating. If then the dramatic fiction that caused such a stir— the invention of the figure of the partisan traitor—has produced a good film or not (and, previously, a good novel), and if it has shown respect or not for the feelings and expectations of the survivors, who had warmly welcomed the director to Sant’Anna, is a question that does not concern the logical reasoning of the subject I have been dealing with in this book. I would like to point out, among other things, how the problem of the transmission of more or less distorted historical knowledge through the media—cinema, television, the press, the Internet—is a question that goes well beyond the controversies contingent on the film in question, and on the Italian Resistance, and concerns the nature of those who mould the collective memory—namely, the widespread perception of the events of the past—following the crisis of the agencies that were traditionally the depositaries of such an important task: the school system, and therefore above all the state institutions, but also the political parties and their ideologies.

The start of the Resistance in this area, as in others, was difficult. Small groups of anti-Fascists and disbanded soldiers of the former army found themselves in inaccessible zones, making contact with the anti-Fascists who had remained in the villages and trying to organize some sort of liaison with them. A group of men, later called “Hunters of the Apuan Alps,” gathered in the zone of Ruosina (Seravezza) around pilot officer Gino Lombardi, born in 1920, a student at the University of Pisa. An anti-Fascist by family tradition (his father was a Socialist), he had been a member of Catholic Action, and his formative influences found expression in the varied political allegiances of his men, so much so that it provoked suspicion in other partisan commanders, in the bordering zones, who had Communist leanings. The group, originally composed of about ten people, grew after the various announcements of calls to arms—by the Repubblica Sociale Italiana (Italian Social Republic)—which increased the number of draft dodgers who went into the hills, and so the group came to include over 20 people.

After the massacre, in spite of its enormity, there was no serious attempt on the part of the institutions to prosecute the perpetrators, nor even to reconstruct what had happened. The village practically did not exist anymore, its already poor subsistence economy was destroyed, its families definitively disrupted. What had been one of the most serious massacres committed in Italy was practically ignored: When the Deputy Police Inspector Vito Majorca was instructed by the Prefect of Lucca “to gather all possible information suitable for reconstructing the facts and the circumstances,” it was August 1946, well over two years after the massacre.

Reconfigurable technologies are getting popular as an instrument not only for verification and prototyping but also for commercial implementation of Multi-Processor System-on-Chip (MPSoC) architectures. These systems, in particular Network-on-Chip (NoC) based ones, have emerged as a design strategy to cope with increased requirements and complexity of modern applications. However, the increasing heterogeneity, coupled with possibility of reconfiguration, makes security become one of major concerns in MPSoC design. In this work, we show a solution for FPGA based designs against one of the most widespread types of attacks - code injection. Our response to tackle this challenge is given in form of Stack Protection Unit (SPU) embedded into processing cores. MicroBlaze soft-core processor serves as a case study for verification of the proposed solution in FPGA technology.

There have been many reflections on the relations between the judge and the historian which have concentrated on the differences between these two figures: but what happens in cases where an historian collaborates openly with a judge as an expert consultant? What happens when an investigative office, or a court, asks an historian to reconstruct an event which is subject to a judicial procedure, or when he or she has to pronounce the ‘last word’ on an event or a document? Or, in another possible scenario, what happens when a community asks an historian to pronounce on what happened in the past, in order to ascertain which, between two contesting memories of the representation of an event, is the one which corresponds to what ‘really happened’? In these cases historians are sought out to establish the truth–their professional skills as ‘truth experts’ are called upon. And there is an extraordinary faith that the truth will be discovered. The author reflects on these issues, using as a starting point his own personal experiences as a consultant in some recent Italian war-crimes trials.

The article presents the results of a research group which has, over the last few years, carried out a careful contextualization of the massacres of civilians in four Italian regions (Apulia, Campania, Tuscany and Emilia-Romagna) during World War II. The research enables us to go beyond references to the irrationality of evil, the unchangeable core of violence in human nature or terror as an end in itself, which do not contribute much to an analytical interpretation. The aim has been to place these massacres in a more precise historical context by reconstructing the power structures, the logic and the cultural conditioning which made them possible, the behaviour and aims of the various protagonists, the complex evolution of the survivors’ memories and the ways in which the community memory has been taken up, or expelled, by the anti-Fascist paradigm of Republican Italy.

Dieser Artikel versucht, die gegenwärtigen Eigenschaften der Mafia zu erfassen, indem er diese in einer historischen Perspektive und inmitten der Geschichte der organisierten Gewalt wiederansiedelt. Anstatt das Bild der Mafia als einer unbezwingbaren und mysteriosen Kraft zu akzeptieren, zeigt der Autor, der sich auf gerichtliche und polizeiliche Quellen stützt, dass sir zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts geboren ist, nach der Abschaffung des Feudalwesens und dem Versuch der Bourbonen, einen zentralisierten Staat zu verwirklichen. Sie habe sich auch in engem Kontakt mit der Wirklichkeit der Gefägnisse gebildet., The aim of this article is to understand the main features of the mafia by setting it in a historical perspective — the rise of organized violence. The author does not accept the idea that the mafia is an invisible and mysterious force. On the grounds of judiciary and police records, he explains that the mafia is born at the beginning of the XlXth century, after the drop out of the feodality and the Bourbon's attempt to raise a centralized state. Mafia would also have been developped by close links with prisons., Cet article tente de comprendre les caractéristiques actuelles de la mafia en la resituant dans une perspective historique et au sein de l'histoire de la montée de la violence organisée. Plutôt que d'accepter l'image de la mafia comme force invincible et mystérieuse, l'auteur, se basant sur les sources judiciaires et policières, montre qu'elle est née au début du XIXe siècle, après l'éviction de la féodalité et la tentative des Bourbons de réaliser un Etat centralisé. Elle se serait également formée en contact étroit avec la réalité des prisons., Dit artikel tracht de huidige kenmerken van de maffia te begrijpen door ze terug te plaatsen in een historisch perspektief, in het kader van het opkomen van het georganiseerd geweld. Eerder dan het beeld van de mafia als een onover- winnelijke en geheimzinnige macht te aanvaarden, toont de auteur aan dat zij ontstaan is in het begin van de XIXe eeuw, na de val van de feodaliteit en de pogingen van de Bourbons om een staat met sterk gecentraliseerde bestuursvorm tot stand te bregen. Daarbij steunt zich op bronnen uit de kringen van gerecht en politie. De organisatie zou ook ontstaan zijn in nauw kontakt met de alledaagse realiteit van de gevangenis., Pezzino Paolo. La modernisation violente en Italie : perspective historique du crime organisé. In: Déviance et société. 1991 - Vol. 15 - N°4. pp. 419-437.

L’istintiva refrattarietà espressa dalla magistratura ordinaria verso i rischi di sovrapposizione con il giudizio politico, compensata da una costante propensione al formalismo giuridico, contribuisce nei processi del dopoguerra a modulare con accenti di particolare rigore la valutazione dei giudici delle Corti d'Assise Straordinarie sugli imputati protagonisti della giustizia straordinaria fascista: colpevoli all’interno di un complesso gioco di specchi di evidenziare le fragilità dello stesso corpo professionale, mettendo in scena quello che viene percepito come un intollerabile «atto di dileggio della cultura giuridica nazionale e dei principi del diritto penale».