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During the final decade of the Dutch colonial era, Indonesia witnessed a heated conflict over the relationship between Islam and nationalism. This paper examines several opinions within the Indonesian Islamic movement during the conflict, considering the influence of the Arab Middle East. Around 1930, behind the conflict with secular nationalists, a movement of Islamic groups sympathetic to nationalism emerged, resulting in a fierce debate from the latter half of the 1930s. At the end, those who accepted nationalism while demanding an Islamic movement and an Islamic state became the mainstream position. The rise of Indonesian Islamic nationalism was influenced by the Arab Middle East via Cairo-educated Indonesians and the writings of Arab Middle Eastern intellectuals. However, the acceptance of the influence depended on regional factors. It took some time before those writings became a contentious issue in Indonesia, and Indonesian Muslims selectively utilized the writings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recalling the Crusades emerges as a very signficant aspect of the image of the West in the Arab thought of the second half of the twentieth and the first decades of the twenty-first centuries. This article explores the roots of the this modern anti-Crusader rhetoric in the period between the world wars, both of which drastically altered the imaginary and self-perception of the populations of the Middle East and North Africa. It traces the main patterns of using the Crusades in Arab social thought and politics in this period, analyses why such references were used in various contexts and demonstrates their connections with the heritage of the major intellectuals, littérateurs, and public figures of the Arab cultural revival (al-nahḍa). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intellectual settlements in Ömer Seyfettin's novella "The White Tulip". The subject of this article is the novella The White Tulip by Ömer Seyfettin (1884–1920), one of the most important novelists of Turkish literature. The novella was published in 1914 and is set in Seres town occupied by the Bulgarians during the First Balkan War. In the article were made to reveal the meaning layer of the novella, in which the author, as an Eastern nationalist, reckons with the earlier manifestations of Eastern nationalism in Turkey. At a deeper layer, there are also the author's reservations about the nationalist ideology of the Committee of Union and Progress, which began to take on an increasingly radical and racist character on the eve of the WWI. In this context, it seems as if two opposing tendencies coexisted in Seyfettin's thought: on the one hand, he tries in The White Tulip to arouse a "national feeling" in the reader by means of very provocative images of violence, and on the other hand, to set moral boundaries for Turkish nationalism so that it does not take on a predatory character. Streszczenie. Przedmiotem rozważań niniejszego artykułu jest nowela Biały tulipan autorstwa Ömera Seyfettina (1884–1920), jednego z najważniejszych nowelistów literatury tureckiej. Nowela została opublikowana w 1914 r. i jej akcja toczy się w mieście Seres okupowanym przez Bułgarów podczas pierwszej wojny bałkańskiej. W artykule starano się ujawnić warstwę znaczeniową noweli, w której autor jako nacjonalista wschodni rozlicza się z wcześniejszymi przejawami wschodniego nacjonalizmu w Turcji. W głębszej warstwie istnieją także zastrzeżenia autora wobec nacjonalistycznej ideologii Komitetu Jedności i Postępu, która w przededniu I wojny zaczęła przybierać coraz bardziej radykalny i rasistowki charakter. W tym kontekście jakby dwie przeciwstawne tendencje współistniały w myśli Seyfettina: z jednej strony stara się on w Białym tulibanie wzbudzić u czytelnika „poczucie narodowe" za pomocą bardzo prowokacyjnych obrazów przemocy, a z drugiej — wyznaczyć moralne granice dla tureckiego nacjonalizmu, tak by nie nabrał on drapieżnego charakteru. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pan-Islamism is an ideological movement that emerged as a reaction to colonialism, political fragmentation, and modernization, with the aim of uniting Muslims throughout the world. In the 20th century, Pan-Islamism exerted a significant influence in West Java, particularly through the dissemination of Pan-Islamic values through Islamic boarding schools and madrasahs. This study aims to understand how the ideology of pan-Islamism has been integrated into the education system in West Java and its impact on the formation of religious and social identity of the Muslim community. By using a qualitative approach method through library research, looking for answers in various documents, articles, related literature. As a result, it has been concluded that the ideology of pan-Islamism has provided an impetus for the renewal of the Islamic education system in West Java, that the ideology of pan-Islamism not only expands their curriculum, but also gives rise to global unity of Muslims, strengthens the position of the Muslim network, and renews teaching methods. Pesantren such as Persis are real examples of how pan-Islamist principles can be applied in education to produce a generation of Muslims who are knowledgeable in religion and common sense. This study enhances the understanding of how Pan-Islamism influences West Javanese education and encourages Muslims there to unite. These findings are very important for further research on how educational reform and religious ideology correlate in the history of Indonesian Islam.

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is an irony of history that since texts transcend the intentions and purposes of their authors, their meaning and significance are often contested anew as they enter new historical contexts; even historical texts are thus subject to reading and criticism over time. This article discusses the posthumous fate of Henry Stubbe's own text on Islamic history, The Rise and Progress of Mahometanism—seen by some to represent a Copernican revolution in the study of Islam. The fate of this work is a clear example of the critical contingencies and fluctuating fortunes experienced by a corpus of texts. The continuing existence of a text as an object open to reconfiguration and re-evaluation is termed its after-history (Nachgeschichte) or afterlife (Nachleben). This notion of the afterlife of an object as a period of critical appreciation and political appropriation aptly defines the fate and fame of The Rise and Progress of Mahometanism. The present study seeks to explore the narrative surrounding a publication authored by Stubbe in the 17th century and finally published by Hafiz Mahmud Khan Shairani, with the critical support of Ottoman intellectual Halil Halid Bey, nearly two centuries later. Its objective is to investigate how the life and contributions of a figure whose work has transcended generations was resurrected within the political backdrop of the 20th century, as evidenced in the columns of Ottoman newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article briefly presents the activity of the Russian Muslim leader Abdurashid Ibragimov as a pan-Islamic mediator in Japan. Largely due to his activities at the beginning of the 20th century, the idea of cooperation with Muslim peoples was strengthened among the pan-Asian circles of Japanese intellectuals. It is concluded that the Japanese state Muslim policy (kaikyō seisaku), conducted in the 1930s and 1940s, was formed with active cooperation with Muslim intellectuals, including A. Ibragimov.

The paper analyzes the establishment of the Young Muslims organization, which was formed in Sarajevo at the dawn of World War II, based on previously unpublished archival materials from the association of Young Muslims 1939, private archives, the State Archives of Serbia, Military Archives, and other relevant sources. The analysis shows the identity and ideological direction of the organization as well as its relationship to the Bosnian ulema, the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the idea of the nation, the Ustasha ideology, the Communist movement, and other ideological currents present in the time when the organization was founded.

One of the most important developments in modern Islamic missionary activism was the establishment in 1972 of the Libya‐based World Islamic Call Society (WICS, originally the Islamic Call Society) which acted as a leading think tank advocating Muslim unity and Pan‐Arabism throughout the Qaddafi era. Despite the severe challenges facing post‐revolutionary Libya, WICS remains active today, albeit with reduced global visibility. This article demonstrates the ways that WICS's endeavors in publishing were innovative in the Northern African Arabic context, notably when it comes to the al‐Muṣḥaf al‐Jamāhīriyya (1983) and the various Qur'an translations it produced, and argues that its activities are a neglected yet critical aspect of modern Islamic missionary endeavors at the nexus of Pan‐Islamism and Pan‐Arabism. Through exploring WICS's historical background, the individual actors affiliated with it, and its primary publishing projects, the current study sheds light on an overlooked chapter in modern Islamic missionary activity. It also explores the contextual factors that have influenced the success of its Qur'an translations beyond issues of religious identity, offering new insights into the intersection of politics and religion that underlie many modern translations of the Qur'an. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to shed light on the evolving perception of the Sino-Muslim intellectuals on Pan-Islamism as they engaged with the Islamic world. Scholarly literature examining the relationship between Sino-Muslim intellectuals and the Islamic world often discusses the role of Chinese Azharites in the 1930s. However, the engagement of Sino-Muslim intellectuals with the Islamic world prior to the emergence of Chinese Azharites is rarely explored. This paper aims to address this gap by examining the process of Sino-Muslim intellectuals' engagement with the Islamic world in the early twentieth century, using magazines, books and travelogues published by Sino-Muslim intellectuals and official archives as primary sources. It argues that their level of engagement with the Islamic world depends on their acceptance of Pan-Islamism, an idea that emerged in the late nineteenth century advocating for the political unity of the Islamic world. Notably, the engagement of Sino-Muslim intellectuals with the Islamic world was not always as harmonious. Prior to the end of World War I, most Sino-Muslim intellectuals were sceptical of the idea of Pan-Islamism, which hindered the relationship between Sino-Muslim communities and governments. Nevertheless, after World War I, thanks to the efforts of certain Sino-Muslim intellectuals, they not only embraced this idea but also actively participated in various issues in the Islamic world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the instrumental role of Dashnaktsutyun, also known as the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, in the geopolitical strategies of the British Empire during the early 20th century. Initially emerging as a nationalist movement within the Ottoman Empire, Dashnaktsutyun was co-opted by external powers, particularly Britain, to serve broader imperial interests in the Eurasian region. The study delves into the organization’s activities in the Ottoman, Russian, and Iranian territories, highlighting how its operations, under the guise of Armenian nationalism, were significantly influenced by British geopolitical objectives. The paper also explores the complex interplay between nationalist movements and international power politics, particularly in the context of the Great Game between the British and Russian Empires. A critical analysis of Dashnaktsutyun’s role during key historical events, such as the Soviet invasion of Armenia in 1920, reveals a prioritization of foreign directives over national resistance, impacting the trajectory of Armenian history and reflecting the broader dynamics of early 20th-century imperialism. This study serves as a cautionary tale of how nationalist movements can be redirected by external influences, often at the expense of their foundational principles and the welfare of their people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the early 1960s and the 1980s, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia commissioned a series of large-scale architectural projects as part of an ambitious building programme drawing on both local and foreign sets of resources and expertise. Building from a reading of planning documents and commentaries produced by the government of the Kingdom alongside archival material from several US architecture firms, this article resituates these architectural projects as part of two of the government's larger political agendas: economic development planning and Pan-Islamic solidarity. By doing so, the article reveals the multifaceted character of these projects and the complex role of architecture in the Saudi government's nation building activities. It further shows how these architectural projects became a means of engineering internal and international political economies in a manner that helped establish and shape larger long-lasting patterns of transnational architectural production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on Saudi involvement in the Cold War emphasizes key developments under King Faisal. This article demonstrates the merits of extending the study of the Saudi role in the Cold War to earlier periods. Examining the career of a little-discussed migrant scholar both prior to and in the early years of the Cold War reveals important precedents that shed light on Saudi Arabia's strategic policy at the height of the Cold War. Barely remembered as the Saudi author of a Salafi da'wa pamphlet, Muhammad Sultan al-Ma'sumi al-Khujandi's (1880–1961) legacy stands as testament to the fluidity of reformist Islamic discourses in the early twentieth century. Al-Khujandi's biography is first established before subjecting two aspects of his legacy to closer analysis. First, his authorship of some of the earliest examples of Muslim anti-communist literature in Arabic, providing templates widely replicated during the Cold War. Second, the abortive attempt to instrumentalize his stature in the service of state-legitimation by drawing on preexisting cosmopolitanisms. Though his overzealous commitment to "puritan" Salafism initially curtailed this potential, it soon proved key in his redeployment as an asset in the earliest Saudi experiments in Cold War pan-Islamic solidarity, establishing another template much replicated during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The abolition of the Caliphate in 1924 had profound global repercussions that were felt far beyond the territorial boundaries of the former Ottoman Empire. This event provoked intense and ambivalent responses among the community of Muslims in Weimar Germany. To date, this reaction has received little attention. Defeat in the war deprived Germany of its colonies, but Berlin became an important point on the map of emerging transnational anti-colonial networks and the centre of the intellectual and political life of Muslims in Europe. In the Islamic space of Berlin, there was an active search for new normative values and a vocabulary that would correspond to the realities of the post-Ottoman Muslim world. A more detailed and nuanced picture of Muslim reactions in Germany to the abolition of the Caliphate can shed more light on the history of Muslim émigré activism and the creation of a Muslim space in Europe during this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article subjects the varied meanings that Bengalis gave to their imaginations of Japan during the Swadeshi Movement (1905–11) to close scrutiny. It does so by contextualising it within the attempts made by Hindus and Muslims to use religion as a way of travelling globally. I use social hierarchy and embodiment as analytical perspectives to frame the ways in which invoking Japan provided opportunities to forge broader spiritual linkages and, in doing so, negotiate their histories as separate from colonial modernity. Further, this article problematises the categories of local/global and indigenous/foreign that are used to isolate these mobile acts of thinking, reading, negotiating and aspiring that were simultaneously located both beyond and within the nation. In turn, it suggests 'imaginations' and 'invocations' as a fruitful site of studying such fluid histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that contrary to some popular perceptions, the ideological shift in Iqbal dates not from 1930 (when he apparently moved towards the acceptance of the two-nation theory at the Allahabad Session of the Muslim League) but to his stay in Europe from 1905 to 1908 (after which he made a complete and abrupt shift from Indian nationalism to revivalism and Pan-Islamism). This shift is powerfully expressed in the political and cultural imaginings of both his Urdu and Persian poetry. His poetry becomes suffused with the ideas of revivalism and Pan-Islamism in counter-position to those of composite nationhood and territorial nationalism on which the Indian national movement was premised. The shift is embodied in poetic imagery and metaphor incompatible with the modern idea of nationalism, especially the dominant idea of Indian nationalism. Iqbal's later thoughts concerning Islam's relations with non-Muslims in India and elsewhere promote an adversarial historical and cultural narrative of Islam. Though triggered by a passionate rejection of the West and its modernity, the shift manifested not just in a critique of the West but also of all non-Islamic cultures and civilizations. Iqbal's narrative of Islam is teleological and triumphalist. Far from being defensive about the charges of intolerance and aggression levelled against Islam by its critics, he proudly invokes imagery of the sword and the conquest in the history of Islam, while bemoaning the decline of its political power in the modern era. Iqbal's quest is for a supposedly pure Islam of the past and its revival in the twentieth century in the form of a redefined, reconstituted and revitalized Umma which cuts across boundaries of nations, continents and ethnicities. Few poets in the history of the modern world have had such influence as Allama Iqbal, and fewer still have made such fundamental shifts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pan-Islamism was the Ottoman Empire’s plan to limit and contain Russia’s expansionism. Their purpose was to bring the local Khans under one banner in the name of Islamic Unity to resist against Russia’s colonial policies. Ahmad Khan Donboli (1176-1200AH/1786-1762AD), the ruler of Khoy, in the Azerbaijan region, was an influential and powerful figure. Despite being a Shiite, the Ottoman government saw him as a valuable asset for the purposes of the Pan-Islamism and thus approached him. This study aimed to unravel Ahmad Khan’s position and role in Ottoman government’s regional policy and shed light on the dimensions of their collaboration. The present study also intended to answer the following questions: How much did Ahmad Khan cooperate with the Ottomans? What was the ruler of Khoy’s purpose from collaborating with the Ottomans on their Pan-Islamism policy? Using historical Persian manuscripts, documents printed in the Ottoman Empire, and Ottoman historiographical resources, this study attempted to answer the above-mentioned questions by an analytic-descriptive method. The findings indicate that the cooperation between them was beyond mere exchange of ambassadors and correspondence and had move to a whole new level of joint military and intelligence collaboration against Islam’s enemies. Also, it was found that Ahmad Khan intended to upgrade his status from a local ruler to a claimant to the throne and to establish himself as an independent ruler in the absence of a powerful central government.

After the communist regime seized power in Albania in 1944, the vilification, humiliation, persecution and execution of clergy of all faiths, including Muslim, Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox, were conducted publicly. Religious estates were nationalized in 1946, and around the same time, religious institutions were closed or converted into warehouses, gymnasiums, workshops or cultural centers. In the communist constitution of 1976, Albania became the first constitutional atheist state in the world. In Article 37 of the Constitution was stated "the state does not recognize any religion". Albanians were forced to deny their religion, change their belief system and adopt the new socialist way of life that praised secular gods such as the Communist Party and its leaders. The image of the party leader replaced religious icons. Young people were encouraged to follow worldly pursuits, including offering their life for communist deities. With the fall of communism, Albanian clerics and foreign missionaries encouraged the revival of religiosity in the country. Because in Albania, religious institutions and clergy did not exist for more than 3 decades, foreign actors played a major role in the return of religion to social life and among young people. Post-communist Albania represents a quintessential case study of importing religion into a formerly atheistic country that lacked qualified clergy, religious institutions and strong religious beliefs. In the permissive post-communist Albania, people, especially young people, attributed different meanings to religion and religiosity. Mere investigations and surveys of faith communities along traditional lines would fail to provide useful insights into the significant transformations that have impacted the religious field in Albania after the fall of the communist regime and the current challenges faced by new and "traditional" denominations. The post-communist religious context is dominated by two opposing currents: The first trend is marked by the legal organization of religious practice in the public space, which grants freedoms and equality to the "traditional" religions recognized by the state, but autonomous and independent from it. The other trend is shaped by the rituals and practices of believers from abroad who are pushing for the creation of new autonomous religious communities. This paper is not investigating religious "communitarianism" along traditional lines but rather examines salient religious identification and societal relationships and discusses their implications. This analysis rests on survey data and free-flowing and open-ended interviews conducted mainly with students of the Political Science Department of the University of Tirana and of the European University of Tirana, as well as research of different social networks. The article is divided into three parts, which present the following: literature insights, the historical background of Albania's secularization and current religious trends and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author implements the constructivist approach to study the discourse of imaginary geography and its main concepts based on the analysis of the facts of the discourse – the main ideological texts that form the imaginary geography of Turkey in the 19th-21st centuries, and significant events like the publication of maps. The author considers the imaginative geography as a representative and performative discourse of power connected with historical memory and nation-building. The article demonstrates how Turkey, relying on the Turkic and Islamic ideological dominants, uses the technologies of force (G. Fields). State and media mapping is going along with the construction of architecture in territories inhabited by Turks and Muslims, which is carried out at the state level. The analysis showed that at this stage imaginative geography becomes a tool for promoting Turkey’s national interests not only in the post-Ottoman, but also in the post-Soviet spaces. It justifies Turkey’s active foreign policy and legitimizes it in the eyes of people inhabiting this imaginative geography. The inclusion of a religious component expands this geography to a worldwide reach. Through an imaginative geography, relying on the political ideas of Turkism that developed in the twentieth century and underwent Islamization, Turkey projects a new regional configuration, where its role becomes the leading one. Turkey’s active foreign policy includes maintaining its central position through a set of tools, such as humanitarian policy, constructing an imaginary geography and fixing it through the concepts of “geography-destiny” and “geography of the heart”, visualization through mapping. The author comes to the conclusion that although the example of Turkey in the use of imaginative geography is not unique, it demonstrates an example of the successful implementation of the technologies of force and should be taken into account when developing Russia’s foreign policy strategy.

Pan-Islamism had resonated strongly with Muslim political leaders of the Indian sub-continent, including those inspired by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, credited with coining the term. These political leaders included prominent members of the All-India Muslim League, who were at the forefront of the Indian Muslims' struggle for a separate homeland that led to the creation of Pakistan in 1947. It is therefore no surprise that Islam and pan-Islamism became key features of the new state of Pakistan; however, domestic and geopolitical realities demanded a different approach to addressing the country's key national interests, i.e., security through economic development. This article analyzes Pakistan's policy on the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to understand how far Islamabad has advanced its national interests through the OIC. Based on the interviews of elites and key opinionmakers in Islamabad, this paper argues that pan-Islamist ideals in Pakistan's foreign policy were confronted by reality soon after Pakistan's creation. The geopolitical realities of India have kept security concerns paramount and all-consuming. Consequently, pan-Islamism has been pragmatically used by Pakistan, especially within the OIC, for not just ideological reasons but also for material and diplomatic gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his article, “Three Ways of Policy”, Yusuf Akçura, one of the founders of the ideology of Pan-Turkism, summarizes the political discussions in Ottoman society in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In this article he analyzes the doctrines of Ottomanism, Pan-Islamism, and Pan-Turkism. The author argues that the doctrines of Ottomanism and Pan-Islamism have exhausted themselves and are failed policies for the Empire. Additionally, he expounds the effectiveness of the policy of Pan-Turkism and formulates its conceptual principles. The purpose of this article is to analyze the main doctrines presented in Akçura's fa-mous work. The mainly focuses was on the ideology of Pan-Turkism and the author's ob-servations connected with it. In this context, we have considered the idea of Turkic unity, which is still relevant today. He presents two important circumstances: first, he talks about other Turkic peoples and brings the ideas of Turkic unity to the political agenda. Second, Akçura understands earlier that the multiethnic Ottoman Empire must become a nation-state, which the author connects with Pan-Turkism. Akçura's Pan-Turkism ideas continue to be viable because even today the ideas of Turkic unity have an important place in Turkey's domestic and foreign policy agendas.

This article describes the evolution of self-consciousness of the peoples of the North Caucasus from the XV century to present time. Given the relationship between the development of ethnic identity with the Soviet nation-building. Shows the importance of religion in the identity of the Highlanders. Authors overview modern attempts to form a new identity of the population, based on the Islamic world outlook.

Lala Lajpat Rai is increasingly viewed in historiography as a "Hindu nationalist" with a strong affinity with Savarkarite Hindutva. This article demonstrates that during the Khilafat movement, Lajpat Rai articulated a secular Indian nationalism that was sensitive to Muslim religiosity and Indian Muslims' extraterritorial sympathies toward the caliphate and the Muslim world. Pigeonholing the entire thought of Lajpat Rai as "Hindu nationalism" obscures a historical-intellectual juncture when a Hindu political figure like him enthusiastically supported pan-Islamism as necessary for Indian nationalism. This article complicates scholarship that portrays Hindu responses to the Khilafat movement as consisting solely of fear and counter-consolidation. More importantly, by unveiling Rai's Khilafat-era nationalism, it uncovers the intellectual and political possibility of firmly holding a Hindu identity and articulating conceptions of Indian nationhood that are at ease with Islam and the wider Muslim world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dynamic of nationalism’s theoretical position has facilitated the unfolding complexities throughout history; and it still triggers an intellectual debate among the contemporary scholars. Carved out as a formidable socio-political force, nationalism today stands out as a substantial brand of resistance that defies all odds. This study has employed the qualitative method of analysis to build a framework to explore the ideas and thoughts of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani pertaining to the concepts of Islam and nationalism. Furthermore, this study argued that Afghani’s conception of Islam and nationalism was an effective tool in balancing the principles of modernity. In similar vein, Afghani’s core ideas and its underlying values suggested some different trajectories of fundamental synthesis of the nationalism and Islam. To elucidate further, Islam is viewed as a dominant force that perpetuated the development of Afghani’s comprehension on nationalism. This study culminates that Afghani’s concept of nationalism is the fundamental source of social unity that has consolidated the backbone of Islamic movement within the framework of Pan-Islamism by emphasizing the concept of unity and ummah. Keywords: Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Nationalism, Pan-Islamism, Social-unity, Western thought

The economy in Indonesia is currently not doing well. This can be seen from indonesia's economic growth data which is minus to 5.32 percent, which causes the Indonesian economy to become fragile and requires us to continue to think about how to stabilize the economy again. So a strong analysis and an intelligent way of thinking are needed in overcoming this problem. This study aims to offer a concept from one of the Islamic authorities, namely Jamaluddin Al-Afghani, with his Islamic reform, namely Pan-Islamism in overcoming political economic problems that occur in Indonesia. By using descriptive analytical methods and qualitative approaches that contradicthis thinking, namely Pan-Islamism with several other Islamic scientists' thoughts and coupled with using data from previous studies. Finally, this article presents the concept of political economy which is believed to be able to create a better Indonesian economy. Some of the principles emphasized are the need for the Islamic world to unite together against foreign forces in the crucible of Pan Islamism, because the source of weakness of the Islamic world is the weak solidarity of Muslims. Then Muslims must unite both in political and economic terms, the Leader of the State must spread his call and ideas about reform and renewal in all aspects of life, whether political, economic, social and cultural, are comprehensive for all Muslims around the world where Individuals help each other. So that it can be applied to achieve the political renewal of human economy in this era.

This study examines Islamist understanding of change in the international system by inquiring into the conception of the international in Turkish Islamist tradition. It relies on a discourse analysis of Islamist journals' entire corpus in Turkey from the 1940s to the 2010s. Its founding premise is that the Islamist prescription of change in the international system revolves around the notion of Pan-Islamism. This study first builds on an examination of the five ideological grounds of Pan-Islamism: dogmatic, historical, conjunctural, pragmatic/practical, and emancipatory. It further discusses the embodiment of Pan-Islamism at its two ends: pluralist/thin and monist/thick visions of Pan-Islamism. The analysis brings forth four main findings: First, notwithstanding its persistent claims to authenticity, the Pan-Islamist proposal is a synthetic conception of the international, combining authentic concepts, e.g. the umma, with such conventional concepts as balance of power, understood primarily in terms of alliances and blocs. Second, it does not purport to a significant questioning of the ordering principles of international relations, notably sovereignty and territoriality. Third, the Pan-Islamist proposal is, for the most part, power- and hegemony-oriented, amid its overinflated normative baggage and self-proclaimed anti-imperialism. Fourth, it mainly offers a change in the international rather than a change of the international, therefore discrediting any emancipatory potential it has claimed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abdürreşid İbrahim, a leading Muslim scholar originally from Russia, embarked on his journey to Japan in 1908 to meet with his contacts from Kokuryūkai (Black Dragon Society). On his way back, he spent around ten days in the Korean Empire. İbrahim, who was convinced of the "barbarism" of the West, found quite a few examples in Korea to build upon his theory of "Eastern civility," just as he had found during his time in Japan. He met with a range of people, from porters to the Korean Empire's Interior Minister, and wrote about them in his travelogue titled Âlem-i İslam [The World of Islam]. This paper argues that İbrahim was particularly sympathetic to Koreans because he saw their position in a world of imperial hierarchies as analogous to that of Muslims in the Russian Empire. In Korea, İbrahim's anti-Westernism is coupled with his vision of a Pan-Asian world order led by Imperial Japan. Âlem-i İslam is significant because it is the only account of the Korean Empire's final years written by a Muslim intellectual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reveals the peculiarities of implementing «neo-Ottoman» Imperial model of modernization and development in the Republic of Turkey. The article highlights such trends as the growth of centralization and authoritarianism in the system of state power, the desecularization of public life, expansionism in foreign policy. Paying close attention to the inal claim the author seeks to show mostly the extroverted nature of the Turkish model of modernization, including the achievement of success through the mobilization of the resource base of states and regions once the part of the Ottoman Empire.

Soft power is a new concept in international relations and its history has been a question of interest in recent years. The term has been also widely used in the studies of Turkish foreign policy in the last two decades. This study aims to demonstrate that the use of soft power in Turkish foreign policy was not new and has a history of its own which dates back to the Ottoman Empire. The study will not present a historical study of its own that focuses on a certain event or phenomenon but bring together examples of how the Ottoman Empire has used means of soft power in its relationship with other states. By comparing these examples over time, it hopes to call attention to how Ottoman soft power has changed over time depending on the shifts in the international balance of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the ideas, connections, and projects of two South Asian figures who are generally studied separately: the Indian pan-Islamist Muhammad Barkatullah (1864–1927) and the Sinhalese Buddhist reformer Anagarika Dharmapala (1864–1934). In doing so, I argue that we can understand these two figures in a new light, by recognizing their mutual connections as well as the structural similarities in their thought. By focusing on their encounters and work in Japan, this article demonstrates how Japan—particularly after defeating Russia in the Russo-Japanese War in 1905—had become a significant site for inter-Asian conversations about world religions. Importantly, exploring the projects of Barkatullah and Dharmapala makes visible the fact that, from the late nineteenth century until the outbreak of the First World War, religion played a central role—alongside nationalism, race, and empire—in conversations about the possible futures of the international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore the role of religious discourses and practices in the diasporic Kurdish-Turkish conflict and investigate the ways in which presentations of the political conflict has been disseminated and reproduced via Turkish mosques located in Europe and the United States. Through extended ethnographic research, I examine the imagination of Turkish political theology and the exclusion of the Kurds from the imagined transnational Muslim ummah for which Turkish Islamist discourse promotes the Turkish state as the flag-bearer. I demonstrate that the existence of the Kurds, by virtue of their exclusion from this imaginary worldview, unravels the limitations of Turkish pan-Islamist discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of History / Habaršy Tarihi Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article discusses the importance of Makkah in the pan-Islamic and reformist thought of Afghani. Afghani framed his ideas within the context of his calls for universal Islamic unity, brotherhood and cooperation. As part of his thought, Afghani advocated that the status of Makkah as the Muslim spiritual qiblah or direction be enriched and expanded into the realms of social relations and intellectual awakening as well, thus also becoming a Muslim emotional, social and intellectual qiblah. Afghani juggled his qualified support for the Ottoman Caliphate with his reformist ideas, some of which went down well neither with the upper political echelons nor with some religious leaders in Istanbul. Afghani put forward the idea of establishing an international network of Muslim scholars, activists and even ordinary people, with Makkah functioning as a nerve centre and its annual hajj season an opportunity for regular meetings. He furthermore suggested that mosques and schools throughout Islamdom be converted into centres of teaching, propagating and facilitating Islamic unity, and that Makkah function as the unifying factor and guidance. The discussion of the article is tripartite concentrating on the meaning of Islamic unity in Afghani’s thought, the relationship between the Ottomans, caliphate and Makkah, and the role of Makkah at once as the focal point of Islam and a catalyst for pan-Islamism.

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the historical developments and the debates revolving around the formation of an Ottoman–Iranian alliance in the Ottoman Empire in the aftermath of the 1908 Revolution. It argues that although neither the idea of an alliance between the two states nor the attempt to establish it was new, the way it was discussed, justified, and promoted in this period was different. The previous attempts by the Ottomans were led by the state as part of a broader pan-Islamist project (ittihad-ı İslam) that adopted a heavily religious tone. On the other hand, the main proponents of the alliance during the constitutional period were mostly transnational/international figures and religious scholars, who framed the issue within the context of Ottoman–Iranian relations, focusing on immediate pragmatic, strategic, and ideological concerns, such as protecting the sovereignty and security of the two countries against European imperialism through constitutionalism. Rather than focusing on reconciling the disputes between the Sunnis and Shi'is, and presenting this alliance as the first step towards the formation of a broader Islamic union as Abdülhamid II did in the nineteenth century, these people emphasized brotherhood and solidarity between the two constitutional governments, and tried to establish a strategic partnership based on shared borders, experiences, ideals, and enemies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]