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Recent scholarship has traced the impacts of the Haitian Revolution around the Atlantic world, yet there has been almost no scholarly attention to the legacies of the Haitian Revolution in Africa. This article examines circulations of the history of the Haitian Revolution in the newspapers of Sierra Leone and Nigeria between 1890 and 1920. Influenced heavily by the narrative and poetic styles of the nineteenth century, West African intellectuals usually adhered to a Romantic emplotment of the revolution. They also drew on this history to inform their own nationalist and Pan-Africanist politics. I argue that the particular form of the newspaper allowed West African intellectuals to weave together a unique range of materials as they crafted their narratives. By combining their political ideas with works by prominent nineteenth-century writers, they reframed their pasts and imagined their futures anew. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Pan-Africanism is experiencing a resurgence amongst young people in post-1994 South Africa. In this article, I explore how people across different generations interpret the legacy of a critical figure in South African history, Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe. The participants in this research and I represent a sliver in the changing interpretations of Sobukwe's legacy in South Africa after 1994. I have chosen an epistolary form as the key organising framework to share my ethnographic research, mirroring Sobukwe's own prolific letter writing practice throughout his life. The article presents letters written by two participants in my research to Sobukwe, followed by a response letter from me. This forms a dialogical conversation between me, the researcher, the participants in my research and Robert Sobukwe. The research essay contains elements of auto-ethnography, allowing me to engage closely with how Sobukwe has impacted my own thinking about justice in South Africa. I focus on education, a key tenet in Sobukwe's pan-Africanist vision. The article shows the ongoing erasure of Black liberation fighters from contemporary South Africa and the impact of coloniality in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a discursive attempt to contextualize Nigeria's anti-gay law (Same-Sex Marriage Prohibition Act, SSMPA) at the heart of the country's political economy and thus argues that the SSMPA is a calculated and targeted political move implemented in the face of both national and global events for the purposes of preserving the country's sovereignty and securing political interests. This work examines how neoliberalism—both ideology and practice—as a governing rationality served as the backdrop for the enactment and legitimization of the SSMPA in Nigeria. Conclusively, this article proposes queer coalitions, an active government, and pan-Africanism as necessary cultural, social, and economic interventions for the emancipation of Africans, particularly queer Africans, from the whims of neocolonial actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attacks on African immigrants in South Africa have generated a lot of media attention both within and outside the country. This issue has not yet garnered enough critical attention in the field of literature, especially poetry. The purpose of this research is to analyse selected poems from Epiphanie Mukasano's collection Kilimanjaro on My Lap (2010) that discuss the hardships of African immigrants in South Africa. For the purposes of this study, this research uses migration theory. The research finds that racism and xenophobia are to blame for the country's immigration issues in the poems selected for the study. Asserting that the majority of immigrants are seeking protection due to upheaval in their home countries, Mukasano implores those who commit abhorrent acts of xenophobia and racism to have mercy on the immigrants. Consequently, Mukasano's answers to xenophobic assaults in the selected poems are addressed in this study. Mukasano makes an attempt to persuade the perpetrators of racism and xenophobia in South Africa that Pan-Africanism ought to be seen as a brotherhood rather than an enemy. Poems by Mukasano generally focus on the critical observation of people and their attitudes towards immigrants in general, regardless of their status, as well as the challenging consequences faced by black people. Protest poetry by Mukasano is vocal and engaged in challenging the status quo. Her tone, style, and use of poetic forms, which show how she gets her message across, show that she accomplished this successfully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba in order to valorize Black and African creative expression and intellectual thought. Topics discussed included the Topics discussed include the effect of the poem on the (Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC's event, the marginalization of African women in Pan-Africanism, and discourse of anticolonial struggle for final emancipation and self-determination.

The article offers poetry criticism of the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba. Topics discussed include (Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC's project that aims to valorize Black and African creative expression and intellectual thought, the marginalization of African women in Pan-Africanism, and discourse of anticolonial struggle in the neocolonial context of the 1970s for final emancipation and self-determination.

The article focuses on African women who have been marginalized in the performance, planning, and documentation of Pan-Africanist projects, following the series of Pan-African Congresses held from 1919 onward. Topics discussed include by the republication of the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos," ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos") by Mariama Diop nee Ba at the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC) and the historical relevance of the poem with festival.

The article focuses on the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba in order to valorize Black and African creative expression and intellectual thought on account of the Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC event. Topics discussed include effect of the poem on people attending FESTAC, marginalization of African women in Pan-Africanism, and discourse of anticolonial struggle for final emancipation and self-determination.

In this article, the author discusses the online representation of the African women in Pan-Africanism in the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba on social media platforms such as Instagram. It explains a term mediated ancestrality as a connection of younger generation with ancestors (poets) whose works being adapted to a digital communication technology such as twentieth century African literature, extending it into digital platform.

The article focuses on two poems including "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba and another by Younousse Seye, which aimed at African women in Pan-Africanism.It mentions that these poems were circulated at the Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC event in 1977 and Pan-African Festival of Algiers (PANAF) in 1969. Topics discussed include creative expression and intellectual thought of neocolonial African women.

The article focuses on the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba in order to valorize Black and African creative expression and intellectual thought on account of (Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC event. It discusses an era of Nigeria's geopolitical ascendance in the wake of a 1973 oil embargo, in reference with the Lagos of 1977. It focuses on Nigeria's deviation on shaping the global notions of black culture.

The emergence of African diasporic communities in the Americas, especially in the United States, is one of the legacies of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, which brought millions of enslaved Africans from their ancestral homeland in Africa to the so-called New World. For many scholars, the African diaspora is not only one of the largest diaspora communities in human history, but there have also been shared efforts, on the part of Africans in Africa and those in the diaspora, to reconnect through Pan-African ideas and movements for several decades. To better understand the ongoing desire to strengthen the connection between Africa and its diasporic communities in the Americas, especially on the changing trends of the discourse on global African political thought and movements, this article draws on African-centered conceptual ideas with emphasis on African ethos and cultural commonalities for the discussion. The article underscores the central argument that the nature and trends of global African thought and movements appear to be consistent with the common or shared African cultural commonalities idea in Africa and the African diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since achieving political independence in the 1960s, Anglophone Caribbean nations have faced the urgent task of exploring cultural independence. In the socio-cultural sphere, Black nationalism dominated, with Pan-Africanism and Rastafarianism exerting significant influence. In literary creation, writers and intellectuals sought to unearth local popular religions and folk traditions to produce literature that was distinctively Caribbean. In this quest, rituals—especially those involving religious possession—emerged as pivotal tools for writers to explore historical traditions and reflect on identity formation. Ritual plays, in particular, vividly represented these dynamics within the socio-cultural context. This paper examines the interaction between Black nationalist movements and ritual plays during this period, highlighting their significant role in shaping Caribbean identities. It reveals that ritual plays such as Dream on Monkey Mountain, Couvade, and An Echo in the Bone challenge Pan-Africanism promoted by Black nationalist movements. Instead, they employ ancestor possession rituals and elements from multiple religious rituals to construct a native Caribbean identity. These plays underscore the central role of Afro-Caribbean traditions while also highlighting the region's diverse cultural heritage and the localized nature of Caribbean identity. Furthermore, they broaden the use of religious rituals in recalling and understanding traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to interpret Africa's armed conflicts through the lens of fourth-generational warfare (4GW) and "clash of civilizations", exposing the predicament that withholds the full attainment of Pan-Africanism ideology. In the study, the understanding of 4GW in conjunction with Africa's conflict situation is solidified through the views of prominent academic researchers. Considering the fact that Africa is cosmopolitan in nature, the study draws from Samuel Huntington's Theory of Clash of Civilizations to explain the true nature of Africa's armed conflict, thereby bringing into the picture factors such as religion, ethnicity, race, differences in political ideology and resource scarcity. As part of the explanation of the concepts, the paper identifies areas of attention so as to ensure the full attainment of Pan-Africanism ideological goals--politically, economically and socially. Regional Integrated Peace and Development Model (RIPDM) is a proposed solution to Africa's 4GW and Clash of Civilizations, which is a step towards the accomplishment of Pan-Africanism goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reggae music, a genre that was created in Jamaica in the late 1960s, has become popular across the globe for promoting positive representations of Ethiopia and Africa due to reggae's connections with the Rastafari movement. Ethiopian reggae musicians, through their interactions with Rastafari, have served as cultural ambassadors for a type of pan-Africanism that incorporates elements of Rastafari beliefs and promotes transatlantic solidarity. Some Ethiopians who emigrated have encountered Rastafari and reggae music while living outside of Ethiopia. Some Rastafari have left the Western world behind to repatriate to Ethiopia, believing it to be their homeland and Promised Land, leading to opportunities for cultural exchanges within Ethiopia. Ethiopian musicians work across cultural and linguistic barriers to engage with Rastafari and pan-Africanism through their social interactions and approaches to reggae performance conventions while navigating differences in worldviews. Based on ethnographic research with reggae musicians in Ethiopia, I argue that Ethiopian musicians use different composition and performance techniques to narrate and build on the historical connections between Ethiopia, Jamaica, and Rastafari in ways that articulate and promote a type of transatlantic solidarity informed by pan-African discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The General History of Africa/L'Histoire Générale de l'Afrique was a significant project published by UNESCO between 1964 and 1998, aiming to decolonize African history and emphasize the importance of African civilizations. The project involved scholars from various backgrounds and was completed in eight volumes, available in multiple languages on UNESCO's website. The project faced internal debates and criticisms but made valuable contributions to scholarship by incorporating new methodologies and advocating for the inclusion of African history in academic discourse. [Extracted from the article]

The notion of nationalism as a rallying force for national consciousness and liberation in Africa is a long-standing prism. In South Africa, it is historically conceived as a mechanism for promoting the unity, right, and emancipation South Africans from colonialism and subsequently, the apartheid regime. Contrary to this positionality on nationalism, contemporary South Africa finds itself more divided along racial lines nearly three decades (28 years) after the end of the apartheid regime. This paper, using historical and descriptive analysis from qualitative data, assessed the perceptions and impact of nationalism in South Africa. It explored the changes in meaning of nationalism over time as well as the impact of such changes on post-apartheid struggles in South Africa's development. The findings of the paper showed that the continuous economic divide between the rich and poor as well as the incapacity of government to meet individual, household, and community needs and expectations has engineered over time, a lack of trust in government as saviour or mediator. There is also the rekindled mutual suspicion and hostility along racial line despite the projection of a =rainbow nation.' The paper concluded that an approach on constitutional patriotism, which encourages norm changes and loyalty shift from ethnic/national loyalty to national value and loyalty, would fit a multicultural setting as South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the dynamics of knowledge co‐creation through the lens of documentary filmmaking with forced migrants in South Africa. Drawing on empirical research done in South Africa in 2022, both narration and the documentary film became potent modes of knowledge co‐production, illuminating how cultural productions contribute to shaping our understanding of forced migration and its associated challenges. Emphasising the prevalence of anti‐migrant rhetoric in South Africa and the prevalence of violence meted out against (forced) African migrant workers, this article identifies parallels with global discourses surrounding migrancy, where false nationalisms vilify migrants as scapegoats for societal issues. Central to the overarching claim of the article is the integration of border theory as an epistemological framework. We centralise the “bodily border” as the ultimate marker of differentiation where violence is enacted through the frameworks of “recognising strangers” and can be as severe as death. We unpack the makings and framework of the nationalist discourse in South Africa that targets (forced) African migrants—one rooted in citizenship without content, lacerated Pan‐Africanism through colonial borders, and bodily borders, among others. We then examine the documentary film as a cultural text, a structured narrative that blends factual storytelling with artistic representation, highlighting its role in co‐producing migrant knowledges. Therefore, the documentary film functions not only as a visual and narrative counterpoint to dominant anti‐immigration discourse but also as a co‐constructed medium for exploring and articulating the complex notions of home experienced by African (forced) migrants in South Africa. Consequently, the article argues that integrating border theory into the process of knowledge co‐creation not only deepens our understanding of forced migration but also acts as a catalyst for reshaping societal narratives, fostering a more cohesive and integrated vision of Africa.

Abstract: Drawing on interviews and archival and published materials, Gyamfi reinterprets Anani Dzidzienyo’s significance as a Black Studies scholar and activist. Dzidzienyo was a pioneer in academic African diaspora studies who institutionalized the inclusion of Africa and Brazil. For fifty years, Dzidzienyo created Black Studies and Afro-Latin American programs, designed Afro-Brazilian courses that expanded Portuguese and Brazilian Studies, and supported freedom struggles in Africa and Brazil. In so doing, he built a transnational network of scholar-activists and institutions. Yet, for all this, scholars have mostly neglected Dzidzienyo’s work and wide influence on multiple fields of study and liberation movements.

This article attempts to recover the antinomies and contradictions of the life and work of Grenada-born Samson Uriah Morris (1908−1976), an educationalist, anti-colonialist and Black political activist, whose life was dedicated to both the movement for civil rights in Britain and the broader anti-colonial and Pan-Africanist struggle. His life ranged from the Caribbean to the United Kingdom to Kwame Nkrumah's Ghana and then back to Britain where he eventually became the deputy general secretary of the Community Relations Commission and Assistant High Commissioner for Grenada. Despite his role in the anti-racist struggles of the inter-war period he was seen as a somewhat conservative figure by a new generation of Black radicals in Britain by the late 1960s. The authors chart Morris's biography, setting it against changing political forces, and suggest that he made an important contribution to the struggle against racism and imperialism and the project of 'intellectual decolonisation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uncovers the life of Lionel Francis, one of the people who ousted Marcus Garvey from the leadership of the United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and who would eventually lead the UNIA. Although described by Garvey's biographers as a medical doctor from Trinidad, this article reveals that Francis was never a doctor but began his working life as a miner and a preacher in the South Wales coalfields, enduring racism and personal struggles before emigrating to the United States following the 1919 racist riots in Wales. There he became a major leader of the interwar Pan-African movement in the United States and was centrally involved in the ousting of Garvey and the fragmentation of the UNIA. During the second world war, Francis moved to Belize and became a populist yet anti-independence politician. His life straddled Trinidad, Wales, the United States, and Belize, reflecting the shifting politics and migratory patterns of the African diaspora, making him an exemplar of the lived reality of the Black Atlantic in the first half of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the first generation of Pan-Africans formed at the beginning of the 20th century mainly by black Americans and Caribbeans, the second generation is formed with black Africans. These black Africans are inspired and influenced by the founding fathers of Pan-Africanism. Marcien Towa (1931-2014) is one of them. The philosopher is a key figure in the intellectual history of Africa who has contributed ardently, alongside other renowned intellectuals, to the writing of the modern history of Africa. His fight very legitimately was to wash the Africans of opprobrium (the stereotyped images of Africa and its inhabitants created by the colonizers). Through his criticism of Senghorian negritude, he makes a remarkable contribution to the reflection on the movement, a considerable contribution to the ideology of Pan-Africanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Culture serves as a complex needlepoint for societal customs and actions, reflecting aspirations across political, economic, and social domains. This article examines the crucial function of culture in reinvigorating south-south cooperation in Africa. Qualitative research methodologies were employed to analyze scholarly literature, policy documents, and reports. Theoretically, it adopts an inclusive framework that combines constructivist and liberal perspectives. This framework aims to expose the fundamental principles, values, and ideologies that underpin the South--South collaboration in Africa. Moreover, it highlights the profound influence of Africa's historical narrative, which spans the precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial eras, in fostering a collective sense of responsibility and stewardship towards the continent's development trajectory. Additionally, this article emphasizes the transformative role of religion and spirituality in shaping a new African identity conducive to progress and unity. Finally, it underscores the essential role of Africa's creative sector in cultivating the African Renaissance through collaborative South- South initiatives extending across the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2013, after extensive consultations with stakeholders, the African Union (AU) adopted Agenda 2063 to address underdevelopment and coloniality in Africa. Agenda 2063 is a continental strategic framework that seeks to attain inclusive economic growth, integration, peaceful Africa, and self-determination and is underpinned by Pan-Africanism. Pan-Africanism is an ideology set to attain national liberation, economic independence, and a united African continent. Therefore, Agenda 2063 seeks to attain the objectives of Pan-Africanism and calls for Africa's right to development. However, as per the Second Continental Report on the Implementation of Agenda 2063 (2022), there is minimal implementation of Agenda 2063's First Ten-Year Implementation Plan (2014-2023) by AU members. Therefore, the paper seeks to critically analyse Agenda 2063 as a continental development programme. The analysis is twofold: on the one hand, it determines whether the aspirations of Agenda 2063 are realistic and attainable; on the other hand, it determines whether the implementation of Agenda 2063 will lead to attainment of Pan-Africanism. The paper uses a qualitative and analytical-explanatory approach to collect data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Julius Nyerere was one of the founding fathers of an independent African state, namely, Tanzania (formerly Tanganyika). Like other African leaders of new African states, such as Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, and Kenneth Kaunda, he worked tirelessly to transform his country and obliterate colonial vestiges. Furthermore, like his contemporaries, he dreamed of bringing forth a new Africa that would reflect the Pan-African ideals that he cherished. This conceptual article revisits Nyerere's philosophy and examines its relevance to Africa today. In the past decade, there have been continuous debates in South Africa as to how institutions can be decolonized, and Nyerere was among the first to talk about decolonization of higher education institutions in Tanganyika, as well as Africanization of public services. The article examines how his philosophy draws from Pan Africanism, education, African socialism, and African Renaissance. As the article examines these, it reveals how a transforming Africa can glean from Nyerere's principles. The article's conclusions demonstrate that there is still much that can be extracted from Nyerere's philosophy; the unity he talked about, as a strategy of uniting Africa by utilizing his Pan Africanist ideals; the critical consciousness in education; the idea of community in society; as well as a need for Africanizing public institutions for better service. More than five decades after he first raised this philosophy, the decolonial debates resonate with his ideas. In fact, all African states should explore how they could revive Julius Nyerere by living his philosophy. His philosophy embraced strategies of not only building a new society but living and preparing for an African Renaissance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration ethics debates remain deeply Eurocentric in their assumptions and focus. Due to the dominance of a universalising, liberal perspective, the thought and experience of the global south continues to be excluded, except as 'senders' or 'transiters' of people. Not only does the debate thereby misrepresent the majority of the world, it also necessarily excludes that majority from having anything useful to say about ethical approaches to immigration. In this way, it offers a partial, parochial, local theory that mischaracterises itself as international and universal. By making common cause with decolonising approaches from Latin America, this article seeks to challenge this Eurocentrism by drawing on an example of African immigration ethics: postcolonial Tanzania's 'open door' era. Here, the combination of the OAU's expanded definition of a refugee, alongside the 'traditional' indigenous values of Julius Nyerere's pan-Africanism and native socialism (ujamaa), made for a generous, if highly restricted welcome for hundreds of thousands of people. This reveals the need for immigration ethics to dispense with the search for 'universal' norms that are limiting and exclusionary. Instead, it should explore pluriversality: the importance of local, creative, relational responses to mobile populations that are ongoing in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Biafran allegations of genocide against the Nigerian government during the Civil War, pro-Biafran groups emerged in the United States to pressure the American government into political intervention in the form of recognizing the Biafran republic. In response, African-American Civil Rights hero James Meredith counter-balanced the pro-Biafran groups, and advocated for one Nigeria in the United States. By analyzing public speech, correspondences, fact-finding mission reports, congressional hearing testimonies, and oral interviews, this paper examines Meredith's pro-One Nigeria (Pan-African) activism during the Nigerian Civil War, and promotes a nuanced understanding of the international dimension of the Nigerian Civil War. This study proposes an episode of transnational history of the global black liberation movement of the long sixties, and demonstrates that Meredith's pro-one Nigeria activism during the Nigerian Civil War was influenced by his background as a Civil Rights leader and his pan-African ideology. Plain Language Summary: This article examines the role and activities of James Meredith as an "American defender" of One Nigeria, advocating for One Nigeria in the United States during the Nigerian Civil War. His pro-Nigerian activism was a direct response to the mobilization by the pro-Biafran groups in the United States demanding the American government intervention in the Nigerian Civil War in the form of political recognition of the former Eastern Nigeria, which renamed itself the Biafran Republic. An African-American Civil Rights icon, Meredith framed as a neocolonial destabilization agenda in postcolonial Africa the pro-Biafran groups' pressure for the American government's recognition of Biafra as a sovereign republic. He connected the African American Civil Rights Movement with the struggle against neocolonial control in postcolonial Africa, situating both within the global black movements of the long sixties. Meredith's battle with pro-Biafran groups in the United States and his advocacy for one Nigeria aligned with the pan-African goals of foremost continental pan-Africanists, including Kwame Nkrumah. A foremost continental Pan-Africanist, Nkrumah not only campaigned against the balkanization of African countries but also advocated for the United States of Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The picture of holding the same money in our hands across borders has time and again served as a symbol of unity, while its divisive potential often disappears behind a veil of hope. Real monetary solidarity—the necessary flip side of Pan-African trade and development—requires more than a simplistic plaster of neoliberal currency unions. The time is now to counter the US dollar dominance, and discussions of South-South monetary solidarity are many—from the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS), the West African eco, the East African Monetary Union (EAMU), to a potential sur in Latin America and a move away from the petrodollar system. This contribution outlines a continuum of monetary unification systems and stresses the fundamental nature of political commitment to solidarity across monetary, productive, social, and political frontiers in order to achieve monetary unification as a stepping-stone to Pan-African unity.