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Tensions between constructions of nature and culture are increasingly relevant in the twenty-first century as natural environments near large population centres come under increasing pressure from ...

Innamincka Station, South Australia, built by Henry Colless on the northern bank of Cooper Creek in 1875, was, until recently, believed be the original Innamincka Station. This belief is now challenged by the discovery of three small ruins on the south bank of Cooper Creek and the identification of a little-known pioneering venture of courage and youthful exuberance. Searches through a tangle of archives identified evidence that these humble ruins are the site of an earlier Innamincka Station homestead built by Robert Bostock in 1873. The site also contained a transient postcontact Aboriginal camp containing evidence that the Yandruwandha people maintained their traditional culture through the transfer of traditional lithic technologies to glass following the abandonment of the homestead in 1880. In addition, the analysis of manufactured artifacts associated with other features provided insights into the "station diet" of the pastoralists and the hardships they experienced in this harsh environment.

Archival research into episodes of frontier violence in the Kimberley region of Western Australia indicate that the bodies of Aboriginal victims of massacres were frequently incinerated following the event. This paper presents the results of a scientific investigation of a reported massacre at Sturt Creek where burnt bone fragments were identified in two adjacent sites and documents the archaeological signatures associated with the sites. The methodology used to undertake the project brought together three systems of knowledge: the oral testimonies of the descent group originating from a sole adult survivor of the massacre; archival, historical and scientific research. An archaeological survey defined the two distinct sites containing hundreds of fragile bone fragments; a third site was found to be highly disturbed. Scientific investigations included macroscopic and microscopic examination of selected bone fragments by an anatomical pathologist and a zooarchaeologist and X-ray diffraction analysis of sixteen bone fragments. The anatomical pathologist and zooarchaeologist undertook macroscopic and microscopic examinations of selected bone samples to identify morphological evidence for human origin. It was concluded that three bone fragments examined may have been human, and two of the fragments may have been from the vault of a skull. It was concluded that the likelihood of them being human would be strengthened if it was found that the three samples had been subjected to high temperatures. X-ray diffraction analysis of 16 bone fragments provided this evidence. All fragments showed sharp hydroxylapatite peaks (crystallite sizes 9882nm and 597nm respectively) and all had been subjected to extreme temperatures of either 600°C for more than 80h, 650°C for more than 20h, 700°C for more than 4h or 800°C for more than 1h. XRD analyses were also done on bone samples collected from three cooking hearths at three different archaeological sites. It was found that two of the three samples had been exposed to substantially lower temperatures for a short time period. It was concluded that there was strong pathological and archaeological evidence that the bone fragments were human in origin, but that the evidence was not conclusive. This research also identified archaeological signatures for the identification of massacre sites in similar Australian environments and circumstances.

The Adelaide Hills Face Zone Cultural Heritage Project examined landscape use in an area of the Adelaide Hills of South Australia following European colonization. Protected by legislation that controlled development and agriculture in the area, the Hills Face Zone preserved a relict colonial landscape where a diversity of archaeological sites remained. A range of activities that had transformed the natural environment and created this new landscape were identified, including the creation of home and market gardens, experimental horticultural activities, and the establishment of plant nurseries. Because the knowledge and experiences brought by the colonists from England were of limited use in this new environment, cultural adaptation and innovation played an important part in the transformation of the landscape.

An inexpensive and simple method for identifying individual construction and renovation phases in stone and brick buildings that have evolved over many decades is outlined in reference to an Australian case study. Mortar samples are placed in 10% hydrochloric acid and observed for 24 hours. The rates of disintegration and the morphology and size of the residual sand particles are then compared. The comparison provides information that allows identification of individual construction and renovation phases. The method was developed to assist in the interpretation of historic buildings prior to conservation or demolition. The case study used for this paper is the farmhouse at Hillside, later named Perry Barr, south of Adelaide, South Australia. When the data for this house were integrated with the documented history of the house and with dateable fabrics used in each construction and renovation phase (e.g., bricks, linoleum, and decorative treatments), it was also possible to estimate a date for each individual phase.

Objective: To observe the prevalence, disease associations, and temporal trends in Trichuris trichiura (whipworm) infection in the Northern Territory between 2002 and 2012. Design, participants and setting: Retrospective observational analysis of consecutive microbiologically confirmed cases of T. trichiura infection among members of the NT population from whom a faecal sample was obtained for testing by NT Government health care facilities between 1 January 2002 and 31 December 2012. Main outcome measures: Annual prevalence of T. trichiura infection; age, sex, Indigenous status and place of residence of infected patients; percentage of infected patients with anaemia (haemoglobin level, ≤ 110 g/L) and eosinophilia (eosinophil count, ≥ 0.5 × 109/L). Results: 417 episodes of T. trichiura infection were identified over the 11 years from 63 668 faecal samples. The median age of patients was 8 years (interquartile range [IQR], 3–36 years). Patients were predominantly Indigenous (95.3%; P = 0.001) and from three main geographical areas (Victoria Daly, East Arnhem Land and West Arnhem Land). Infections were associated with anaemia (40.2%) and eosinophilia (51.6%). There was a downward trend in the prevalence of T. trichiura infection diagnosed at NT Government health care facilities, from 123.1 cases (95% CI, 94.8–151.3 cases) per 100 000 Indigenous population in 2002 to 35.8 cases (95% CI, 21.8–49.9 cases) per 100 000 Indigenous population in 2011. Conclusions: T. trichiura is the most frequently identified soil-transmitted helminth infecting patients in NT Government health care facilities. Cases are identified predominantly in Indigenous patients in remote communities. We have observed a declining prevalence of whipworm infection in the NT.

The presence and comparison of the analyses of artefacts located in three surface assemblages on Gordon Downs Station in the southeast Kimberley Region, Western Australia is discussed. The comparative ethnoarchaeological model has revealed changes and adaptations in the use of material culture through three post-contact periods and has provided evidence about the choices that Aboriginal people made when selecting new materials as they became available.

To determine the prevalence and trends of human hookworm infection (HWI) in the Northern Territory over the past 10 years, and to assess the influence of the community children's deworming program (CCDP).A retrospective observational analysis of consecutive microbiologically confirmed cases of HWI in patients diagnosed at NT government health care facilities and the main private laboratory servicing the NT between January 2002 and July 2012.Annual prevalence of HWI (2002-2011); age, sex, Indigenous status, residence, haemoglobin level and eosinophil count of patients with HWI; and proportion of patients within the CCDP target population (children aged 6 months to 16 years, who should receive 6-monthly albendazole).From 64 691 faecal samples examined during the study period, hookworm was detected in 112 patients. There was a downward trend in the annual prevalence of HWI, falling from 14.0 cases per 100 000 population (95% CI, 8.8-19.2) in 2002 to 2.2 per 100 000 population (95% CI, 0.3-4.1) in 2011. Only 16 patients (14.3%) fell within the CCDP target population. Seventy-one patients (63.4%) were living in remote communities, and 94 (84.7%) were recorded as Indigenous Australians.The prevalence of HWI in the NT reduced over the 10-2013 period. HWI predominantly occurs in individuals outside the CCDP target population. Our data support continuation of the CCDP in conjunction with improvements in housing, health hardware and health promotion. Continued use of albendazole in individuals beyond the CCDP may facilitate the eventual eradication of HWI from the NT.

A study on how the Nyininy language speakers of South-East Kimberley resisted exploration and colonisation of their country by the Europeans is presented. They sustained a level of retaliation against the pastoralist and the mid-1880s and 1920's were characterized by violence, chaos and the marginalisation of the Aboriginal people from their country.

Objectives: To improve, by culturally appropriate means, birthweights and growth of children up to three years of age over 14 months in five Aboriginal communities in north-western Australia. Methods: Frequent individual nutritional assessment of infants and children with counselling of mothers and carers and of pregnant women and the introduction of the Aboriginal-controlled Strong Women, Strong Babies, Strong Culture maternal support program. Outcomes compared with those in the same communities for the five years preceding intervention. Results: By international standards, pre-intervention birthweights of full-term infants (37–42 weeks) were only moderately depressed and recovered to exceed standard weight-for-age within two weeks of birth. Growth of full-term infants slowed abruptly after six months. Prevalence and duration of breastfeeding were very high. Prevailing low average birthweight was chiefly attributable to a prevalence of pre-term birth approaching 20%. Intervention was not accompanied by any change in full-term birth weight but was associated with increased weight gain after six months. From 12 to 36 months growth rose by 30 g per month (p=0.001). Average birthweights of pre-term infants were

 The debate concerning the adequacy of the diet of Aboriginal people in the Western Desert of Australia has been contradictory, with some evidence for both an adequate diet and nutritional stress (Gould 1980, 1984, 1996; Veth 1993; O'Connor et al. 1998; Cane 1984; Smith and Smith 1999). The archaeological evidence is, however, limited in its ability to provide information about the full range of the traditional diet in this region, as, according to recent evidence, it was largely vegetarian leaving few bones and only occasional seeds and grinding tools in the archaeological record (Gould 1980, 1986; Veth 1993; Cane 1989; O'Connor et al. 1998). The range of foods obtained was also subject to seasonal variation and the remnants recorded in rock-shelters represent only the very limited wet season diet and were vulnerable to disturbance by predators (Schrire 1972; Walshe 2000). Gould (1996) presented an analysis of the highly fragmented and partly burnt fauna1 assemblages excavated at the Puntutjarpa rockshelter and the Intitjikula rockshelter. Of several possible explanations to account for the extreme fragmentation, he concluded that the most likely explanation was human behaviour, that is, the bones had been deliberately smashed in order to extract the bone marrow which he also interpreted as being evidence of a nutritionally stressed population. O'Connor et al. (1998) reached the same conclusion in the analysis of bone assemblages excavated at the Serpent's Glen rockshelter, also in the Western Desert. The highly fragmented and partly burnt bones were attributed to human behaviour and interpreted as an indication of resource stress. Both the Puntutjarpa Rockshelter and Serpent's Glen Rockshelter are in the Western Desert, although separated by several hundred kilometres. The Western Desert (comprising the Great Sandy, Victoria and Tanami Deserts) has been described as an example of an extreme world environment exploited by traditional hunter-gatherer groups (Eaton and Konner 1985; Cane 1984) and is subject to prolonged drought conditions. Whilst it is likely that dietary stress may have occurred in periods of extreme drought, there is barely sufficient evidence available from the archaeological record to attribute the formation processes to human behaviour or to interpret that behaviour as evidence of dietary stress (Walshe 2000). There is however, evidence demonstrating that the diet of traditional hunting and gathering groups was adequate in both the Holocene and in the recent past. Archaeological evidence relevant to intensification of site use during the Holocene supports arguments for population increase and by implication, a nutritionally adequate diet (Veth 1993; O'Connor et al. 1998). It is also clear from Peile's (1997) account of the complex Gugadja knowledge of health and well-being that they had a very sophisticated understanding of the importance of a nutritionally balanced diet in the maintenance of good health in the recent past. Elphinstone (1971) carried out medical examinations on 111 Australian Aborigines living in the Western Desert near Warburton and near to the Puntutjarpa Rockshelter in 1958 and 1967. His medical reports are among the few which recorded the nutritional status of people living a traditional lifestyle in this region and he confirmed that the people whose health he reported had had no previous contact with Europeans. Nutrition in the desert environment was seen as generally adequate and, apart from two suspected cases of scurvy, no dietary deficiencies were encountered. It was observed however, that nutritional status at the time of examination depended on recency of rainfall. Further evidence that the diet was adequate most of the time was also reported. by Smith and Smith (1999) in an analysis of the nutritional composition of the traditional diet recorded by Gould (1980, 1986). New evidence has now revealed that bone smashing behaviour was also an outcome of culturally determined behaviour which may or may not be linked to nutritional stress. Senior Aboriginal people who had lived a traditional lifestyle in the Western Desert until the 1930s were interviewed as part of a study of the transition from traditional diet to the station diet in the South Kimberley and their food stories were recorded including evidence for this alternative explanation for bone smashing behaviour. Reference was made on two separate occasions to bone being crushed in order to empower the hunters. It was reported that the bones of large animals, preferably kangaroos, were crushed and eaten by men. It was believed that by eating the bones of strong powerful animals their spirit would enter the hunter and make him strong and powerful. Evidence supporting bone smashing as an empowering ritual behaviour is again found in the observations of Elphinstone (1971). He reported that the stools he observed during his visit to the Western Desert contained substantial amounts of fragmented bone (Elphinstone 1971: 296). This would only have been possible if the bones were smashed and eaten, rather than being smashed to extract the bone marrow. Gould's own observations also support the argument linking bone smashing to cultural beliefs. Gould (1996:84) reported that a reason given for smashing bones was "feeling sorry" for the old people whose teeth were poor. He described two waves of bone reduction, breaking the bone and the extraction of the marrow; after the bone marrow was extracted the bones are described as being further reduced to very small fragments. The fate of these fragments fell into two categories: they were scattered around the household camps or they were swallowed (Gould 1996:84). He also observed that even when optimal conditions prevailed, people continued to reduce bones and teeth with no nutritional value (Gould 1996:84). The above examples from the recent past clearly link bone reduction to sets of cultural beliefs and offer an alternative explanation to nutritional stress. The evidence therefore suggests that people were either smashing the bones for cultural reasons rather than nutritional stress, or that both cultural and nutritional reasons existed simultaneously. Although both explanations are speculative, this example illustrates the difficulty of attributing meaning to specific human activities when accounting for cultural formation processes.