Search

In this paper we investigate the effect of parental incarceration on child's negative self-feelings. We compare maternal and paternal incarceration and identify the mechanisms by which parental incarceration affects one's negative self-feelings. We consider emotional and physical closeness to parents, peer deviance and substance use, and one's own deviance and substance use as potential mechanisms to explain the relationship between parental incarceration and negative self-feelings. We use a unique multigenerational longitudinal data KLAMS to test our hypotheses. We find that paternal and maternal incarceration increase negative self-feelings in a similar manner. Most of the increase in negative self-feelings due to parental incarceration is explained by reduced attachment to parents; increased peer deviance and substance use, and increased deviance by the offspring him/herself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anger is a psychological state that is often a reaction to outside stimuli. Some people are more prone to respond to stimuli in anger and frustration than others. We investigate whether and how parental anger influences anger and self-feelings (depressive symptoms, anxiety, and self-derogation) in children. We hypothesize that the anger transmission from parent to child is moderated by the presence of parent and by child's locus of control. In addition, we test whether there is evidence of transmission of parental anger on child self-feelings. We employ data from a longitudinal study of two generations, KLAMS, with parallel measures of emotional distress in both generations. We assess parental anger in their mid-life and children's anger and self-feelings in adolescence (ages 11-18) and in young adulthood (ages 20-24). We find support of transmission of anger from parents to children in adolescence but not in young adulthood. Instead, maternal anger (but not paternal anger) affects negative self-feelings in young adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we focus on the relationship between locus of control and negative self-feelings. We address the paradox regarding whether the internal or external locus of control reduces stress. To solve this puzzle, we compare the short- and long-term effects of adolescent locus of control on negative self-feelings in adolescence and in adulthood. We demonstrate that internal locus of control is negatively associated with negative self-feelings in concurrent studies, but increases negative self-feelings longitudinally from adolescence to young adulthood. The negative concurrent association between locus of control and negative self-feelings confirms the expectations of the extensive stress literature. The positive longitudinal relationship extends the literature and contributes to a possible solution to the logical dilemma that externals should be more protected from long-term effect of failures because, opposite to internals, they do not contribute these failures to themselves. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes continuity in negative self-feelings from adolescence to young adulthood: an important predictor of mental health and deviant behavior. We demonstrate that the stability in negative self-feelings varies by internal and external locus of control. Those with an internal locus of control have stronger stability in negative self-feelings than those with an external locus of control. Furthermore, we show that neighborhood context and the incongruity between personal and neighborhood affluence are important moderators for the effect of locus of control on the continuity of negative self-feelings from adolescence to young adulthood. We find a buffering effect of the external locus of control on the continuity of negative self-feelings for those living in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods. Furthermore, this protective effect of the external locus of control is especially pronounced for those whose family financial situation is incongruent with the economic situation of their neighborhood. We explain this protective effect with the difference between comparing oneself to similar and dissimilar others and with the presence or lack of the opportunity to vindicate others in one's own negative self-feelings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Actors are able to adopt multiple perspectives of their selves, ranging from collective public perspectives to more individual private ideals. Comparisons of these self-perceptions reveal various aligned / misaligned self-conceptions. While sociological theory has argued the relevance of social relations to self-conception, empirical research has not fully explored how social relationships influence conceptions of self. In effect, this article asks and answers a series of empirical questions concerned with the relational bases of self-conception. What network relations and positions facilitate aligned or misaligned views of self? Do social relations influence an actor?s sense of public self, or does it affect their more deeply held private perspectives? And last, do misaligned views of self drive identity-change or shifts in self-conception? In an effort to answer these questions, we use data collected on over 6000 adolescents at six high schools in two consecutive school years. Multi-level logit models reveal an external-internal dialectic of self-conception that begins with network relations setting conditions of social imbalance that give rise to misaligned self-conceptions. Misaligned self-conceptions, in turn, lead actors to change their identities over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we focus on intergenerational continuity in deviance. We try to identify moderating effects that specify situations where intergenerational continuity in deviance does not exist or, furthermore, parental deviance reduces the deviance of next generation. Using prospective longitudinal data we find that moderating effects do not affect intergenerational continuity of deviance in adolescence, but they do affect intergenerational continuity in young adulthood. Acceptance of authority figures increases intergenerational continuity of deviance, whereas there is no intergenerational continuity in deviance if one does not accept parents and teachers as salient authority figures. Furthermore, if a young adult does not accept parents and teachers as salient authority figures and is simultaneously not rejected by them parental deviance reduces the deviance of that young adult. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]