Search

Public PreK programs are an increasingly popular policy tool to equalize early learning opportunities. Programs can be universally available or targeted to support children's readiness. At the intersection of early childhood and K-12 education, their hybrid status can be difficult for families to negotiate. Based on interviews completed in 2018, we describe how parents in a universal PreK program decided whether and where their child would attend PreK, comparing parents who chose school sites with those who did not. The part-time nature of the program was a barrier to many families, prompting us to ask whether a program is authentically universal if it is not accessible to all.

With the aim of investigating the relationship between the funding of public basic education and the educational results achieved, this study analyzed a pre-selected set of foreign academic works and identified elements that can be used to encourage debate about the Brazilian model of educational financing. The study used the scoping review technique expanded by elements of the systematic literature of review to analyze the selected foreign studies. The study demonstrated that the availability of financial resources capable of providing an adequate set of inputs, accompanied by an efficient, responsible management process and subject to social control methods, is a crucial requirement for improving educational results and reducing the negative effects generated by low socioeconomic status (SES). It was also observed that although socioeconomic status is an important predictor of educational results, it can be mediated by actions carried out inside and outside school. Additionally, this study demonstrates that educational results need to be measured using indicators other than those obtained through standardized tests, such as: access; school performance; frequency; school dropout; student involvement; completion; progress between stages; improvement in social indicators/social mobility; compliance with the rights provided for in legislation, among others.

In October 2022, New Brunswick Minister of Education and Early Childhood Development Dominic Cardy publicly resigned and widely disclosed his disappointment with Premier Blaine Higgs' leadership. Using Cardy's unprecedented public resignation letter as a primary source, this paper explores the inner workings of neoliberal governance and privatization in public education and critically analyzes data manipulation, governance shifts, and problematic conservative "hands-offism." Applying a rhizomatic methodological framing and theoretically drawing from Bourdieu and Passeron's (1977) conceptualization of symbolic violence and Gilmore's (2008) notion of "organized abandonment," we argue that neoliberal governance and privatization disproportionately affect vulnerable communities and weaken democratic processes. To understand these complexities, we utilize a rhizomatic analysis, simultaneously considering historical and geographical contexts, governance structures, and political narratives. We conclude that neoliberal governance and privatization are inherently symbolically violent, as they are used in tandem to perpetually defund and dismantle public institutions.

Across Canada, school districts have been confronting a backlash to their equity and social justice initiatives. Critics of public education have been arguing that the solution to these controversies is to increase school choice. Using several examples from the United States, this paper argues that the endgame of these strategies is to undermine the legitimacy of public education and increase support for private alternatives. To protect its future viability, the paper also calls on public education advocates to grapple with ongoing marginalization within school systems which make private options increasingly attractive.

For decades, there has been a well-coordinated effort to unmake public education in Canada and around the globe. Neoliberal reformers have undermined public education through increased privatization, marketization, and managerialism. Government austerity measures have shaped policy that falsely necessitates, validates, and legitimizes the privatization of public education. All of these forces that fuel the neoliberal reform movement diminish the collective aims, benefits, and responsibility of/for public education. Instead, the movement encourages systems that ration education. The moves to emulate business models in education systems exacerbate inequities and run counter to the purpose of public education. Indeed, attempts to marketize, commodify, privatize, and dismantle public education are well-organized and coordinated. Yet, in Canada, provincial and territorial fragmentation has veiled the well-organized rhetoric and tactics of neoliberal education reforms. As a result, community and political responses have often been confined within borders. The reformers have been centrally organized, but the resistance has not. Recognizing that provincial and territorial borders can act as barriers to collective advocacy, this special issue is intended to share activities, research, and writing from across Canada about the tactics and impacts of privatization, to recognize the efforts being made to organize a collective response to privatization efforts, and to encourage national conversations beyond borders.

The aim of this article is to examine the reasons for participation in courses that are offered by public education centers within the scope of lifelong learning, and the level of satisfaction of trainees, focusing on Hozat Public Education Center. Since the study aims at determining the reasons why trainees take part in the courses as well as their levels of satisfaction objectively, it was designed on the basis of relational survey model which is a quantitative research model. The population of the research consists of 767 trainees that participated in the courses between the educational term of 2021-2022 (those courses were offered between 01.01.2022-30.06.2022), and the sample consists of 352 trainees some of whom were reachable, and the others that could be selected by simple random sampling method. The data was collected through "Trainee Satisfaction Questionnaire" and "Questionnaire on Reasons for Course Participation" that the Ministry of National Education offers to the trainees in public education centers. As the measurement scores demonstrated normal distributions, parametric tests were used to analyze data. Pearson's correlation coefficient was used to determine the relationship between scores from the surveys on the reasons for participation in courses and satisfaction levels of trainees. Analysis showed that there was a low level of positive correlation between the scores of surveys on participation reasons and satisfaction levels of the trainees (Crobach's Alpha=0.29). There was not a meaningful correlation between the scores of the trainees' satisfaction with the courses and the reasons for attending the courses and trainees' sex, educational levels, professions, or occupations. According to the findings, men and women participate in courses that the Public Education Center offers at a similar rate. However, the satisfaction levels of men and women with the courses, and their thoughts on participation reasons are slightly below average. This finding clearly indicates that public education centers should be enhanced and supported in line with their aims.

This paper examines how public education can ensure equity and diversity by clarifying the "democratic aspects" that can be captured through school-community collaborative activities in Japan and the U.S. As a result of comparison and analysis, it is indicated that in both Japan and the U.S., these activities are conducted in the context of streamlining educational administration. In addition, the participation in school management of diverse people such as local residents, parents, and children is promoted in order to grasp their needs and achieve deliberation on an equal footing. In contrast to Japan, however, these activities in the U.S. put importance on providing health and educational services to disadvantaged families and children. Furthermore, they aim to change not only schools but also communities. Therefore, this paper suggests that "democratic aspects" encompassed by collaborative activities have multiple layers: (1) "compensatory-type" (status-quo satisfaction -oriented democratic aspects), (2) "participatory-type" (deliberation-oriented democratic aspects), and (3) "transformative-type" (status-quo change-oriented democratic aspects). In order to guarantee equity of education that ensures fairness and inclusion to all children, this paper clarifies the importance of having both activities that distribute educational and welfare services on a curve to disadvantaged children and families (compensatory-type) and activities that involve children themselves in the practice, leading to the transformation and creation of the world (participatory and transformative type). The types of activities described above do not necessarily set the transformative-type as the ultimate goal. The three types interact together and pave the way toward a democratic and equitable education that is open to all and respects the voices of minorities.

In the history of Japanese education, the "gender characteristics theory" that men and women naturally have different characteristics rejected not only the "gender equality theory" which came from Western Europe in the early Meiji era, but also the traditional "male chauvinism" of East Asia. According to the theory of gender characteristics, men and women were seen as having "equal value," though not "equal rights." This theory became the main educational philosophy of women's education when the single-sex school system was established in the 1900s, and likewise permeated society as a scientific theory in the 1920s. After World War II, when gender equality became accepted, a coeducational system was introduced toward equal educational opportunities. However, the gender characteristics theory remained the basis for making home economics a compulsory subject for women, as the division of labor by gender expanded during the high economic growth period of the sixties and environs. Coeducation was a system intended for men and women to "respect" each other and "cooperate" (Article 5 of the Basic Act on Education), and gender differences in curricula in coeducational schools were seen as "reasonable" differences to ensure "essential equality" between men and women. Schools were also not considered places of gender inequality. Elsewhere, women's universities and women's junior colleges were established after the war with the expectation that they would play a new role in training women to support the democratic society. However, they also inherited the pre-war vocational school curriculum centered on literature and home economics. When these colleges increased during the period of high economic growth, this prewar curriculum spread further, based on the gender characteristics theory. As a result, women's universities and women's junior colleges were criticized as contrary to gender equality. It was only after the 1985 ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the spread of gender equality that the gender characteristics theory was finally rejected. Today, the raison d'être of girls' education is being questioned again. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women not only rejects the gender characteristics theory and fixed gender roles, but also defines "discrimination against women" as "discrimination, exclusion or restriction based on sex." As the concept of gender spreads, the view that separating men and women is itself "discrimination" is also spreading. If women's education is to continue to exist, its raison d'être will depend on its ability to contribute to the elimination of gender disparities.

Reflection can play a critical role in an educational leader's capacity to sustain and improve their leadership practices. Reflection in the form of writing allows leaders to slow down and carefully attend to their own thinking before facilitating collective thinking and decision-making in those they lead. Though educational leaders are often focused on supporting the development of writing skills in their students, writing is equally important for themselves as leaders. This paper examines the journey of three K-12 practitioners who experience reflective writing as a core curricular component of the Masters in Public Education Management program at Yale School of Management. We offer our perspectives on having dedicated writing time in the leadership development curriculum as well as recommendations for practitioners seeking to infuse reflective writing into their individual and organizational leadership praxes.

This piece documents the collaboration between a team of four University of Pennsylvania students and seven youth partners from across the Greater Philadelphia area who came together to discuss, understand, and take action toward civic issues impacting their communities. As youth arrived at the Civic Engagement Summer Program, a joint Philadelphia Youth Network and Netter Center for Community Partnerships High School Voter Project iteration, alongside adult facilitators, they navigated the complexities of civic literacy discussions and spaces. Together, the adult facilitators and youth participants engaged in dialogue about local government, pervasive gun violence impacting their communities, and voter registration inequities. This piece centers the following inquiries: What happens when educators consider the self-efficacy youth have with regard to addressing civic issues in their communities? What out-of-school civic literacy spaces and experiences might youth need to feel empowered to use their voices? What are the ways in which youths' existing literacies and knowledge inform the way they talk about the issues they wish to address? What role do local universities have in working with youth through educational forums to learn more about the roles voting and local government play in ameliorating community issues, such as gun violence? Furthermore, this piece considers how these questions arose as the collaborative worked toward shared goals together (Plummer et al., 2019). To address these collaborative inquiries, the team highlights five aspects of the Civic Engagement Summer partnership that enabled facilitators and youth to build trust: sustaining community partnerships, highlighting youths' existing funds of knowledge (Moll et al., 1992), cultivating civic efficacy, reimagining critical civic literacy alongside youth, navigating intergenerational relationships and learning, and centering relationships (Campano, Ghiso & Welch, 2018; Plummer et al., 2019). With youths' consent, this article shares the history of the Civic Engagement Summer, and the discussions and experiences sparked by the 2023 iteration.

This article aims to explore the impacts of power dynamics arising from the use of the WhatsApp instant messaging application on the work routines of civil servants within a public educational institution. Utilizing the Foucauldian genealogy of power as a theoretical framework, we endeavor to conduct a critical historical analysis of the mechanics behind socially constituted power relations. Employing a qualitative case study approach, we juxtapose the analytics of power (drawing categories from the Foucauldian genealogy) with the investigative model of technological paradoxes, focusing on 'Control vs. Chaos' and 'Autonomy vs. Addiction', against data collected from interviews to uncover the power effects within this virtual space. Key findings include the observation that managers leverage a 'system of differentiations' to categorize and control subordinates through WhatsApp in a sophisticated and efficient manner. Moreover, the supposed enhancement of productivity through hyperconnectivity leads to compulsive smartphone use among employees, a phenomenon we interpret, following Foucault, as an institutionalized process of worker subjugation. Nonetheless, practices of resistance emerge, contesting these subjugation processes that affect the subject-workers. The institutional 'battle' for increased autonomy and healthier work routines emerges as one of the most potent forms of resistance against the overreach of power effects associated with WhatsApp use in the examined work contexts.

Over its 50-year journey, "Educational Considerations" has been a platform embracing diverse voices in education, aiming to stimulate critical thinking on educational matters. From its inception, it invited input from educators and stakeholders, fostering a broad discourse on educational concerns. This inclusivity attracted contributions from various quarters often overlooked by mainstream academic journals: administrators, teachers, non-profit leaders, etc. Their insights have chronicled important shifts in public education, including the evolving nature of school partnerships. These intentional relationships between K-12 institutions and various stakeholders have become pivotal in shaping educational practice and supporting student success. This article explores how "Educational Considerations" has depicted school partnerships over time, highlighting the insights of authors who have defined the essence of collaborative engagement with public schools in order to improve student outcomes and teacher preparation.

This policy-interested South Australian public education case study problematises how the Chief Executive (CE) and members of the Education Department's Senior Executive Group (SEG) understood system and school improvement from 2018 to 2022. We applied Carol Bacchi's, "What's the Problem Represented to be?"(WPR) policy analysis framework to unearth the policy assumptions underlying the Department's overarching policy ensemble called "World Class," initiated across South Australia's public primary and secondary schools. WPR reveals heightened centralised technologies of command and control directed at teacher and leader work to achieve McKinsey defined World Class status by 2028. We find school improvement policy solutions were engineered through "managerially enforced complexity reduction" techniques within the paradigm of the Global Education Reform Movement (GERM). These techniques impacted policy prescriptions, performance management technologies, school improvement plans, curriculum materials for schools, and promoted NAPLAN as the ultimate measure of the good school, the good teacher, and the good principal. NAPLAN is the National Assessment Program-Literacy and Numeracy used in Australia and takes the form of an annual standardised assessment for students in Years 3, 5, 7 and 9. Most concerningly, we find the policy logics of World Class worked to incentivise inequality across public schools through diminishing the purposes of public education and the professionalism of educators. We conclude arguing for the democratisation of existing departmental structures within iterative inquiry-based approaches to policy formation and practice to better attend to public education purposes.

In 2021, the government of Manitoba made their plans to reform public education overt with Bill 64. Although the legislation was withdrawn as a result of immense opposition from critically engaged Manitobans, the government did not abandon its neoliberal reform plans. Instead, the spectre of Bill 64 now lingers through a variety of new educational initiatives. In response, People for Public Education is working to keep the fight against the privatization of public education alive. Through consciousness raising and by constructing hopeful and imaginative visions of the future, this nascent community advocacy group strives to protect public education from the deleterious effects of neoliberalism. In this article, I reflexively interrogate and critically analyze the emergence, evolving objectives, values, and actions of People for Public Education for the purpose of inspiring future resistance against neoliberal education reforms.

The relationship between private tutoring (PT) and mainstream education is among the complex themes characterizing PT discourses in the literature. This study examined the complications of practices and processes in tutoring and schooling to elucidate different roles played by PT and its relationship with mainstream education. Design/Approach/Methods: This study used qualitative data from a diverse set of 37 PT providers from the State of Maharashtra, India, to delineate their roles and explore their relationship with schooling in this context. Findings: The classification of PT providers' roles into complementary, accommodating, competing, and substitutive ones demonstrated a diverse range of relationships between PT and mainstream education. Further analysis showed that these relationships are dynamic in nature, and the boundaries between them are blurred. Originality/Value: Research in the field of PT has been consistently pointing toward a perplexing mixture of positive and negative outcomes resulting from its relationship with mainstream education. This study transcended the positive vis-à-vis negative binary approach by contributing to the deeper understanding of PT relationships. Furthermore, it exemplified how future studies can disentangle the complexities of such relationships by deploying flexible, context-specific theoretical approaches.

The question whether money matters in education strikes at the foundation of America's democracy - an educated electorate. Despite decades of evidence that money does matter, the question still remains unanswered among many and even answered to the contrary of the evidence. It is important to fully understand that money does matter in American education, American lives, and America's future and to increase awareness of political and social factors that undermine that money matters for all students to learn.

Public school board members are charged with the responsibility and accountability to provide governance-level advocacy for equity and excellence in public education. This qualitative study examined the perceptions of school board members in three K--8 school districts in the midwestern part of the United States regarding the 50+ year Race-Based Academic Achievement Disparity (RBAAD) in public education. Virtual one-on-one interviews, a virtual focus group, and member checks were used to gather data. Utilizing servant and moral leadership as the theoretical frameworks, the findings revealed that school board members are empowered with governance-level authority and the responsibility to address the RBAAD phenomenon, school board members encounter obstacles that challenge their ability to mitigate the RBAAD phenomenon, and school board members contend that opportunities exist to promote mitigation of the RBAAD. Implications for future research and practice are addressed.

This paper examines the "Double Reduction" policy issued by the Chinese government in 2021 by using a Critical Discourse Problematization Framework (CDPF) that combines Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and what's the problem represented to be (WPR) approach. The study points out that the changing discourse of equality and equity in China is crucial for understanding the assumptions and presuppositions that lie behind and shape the "Double Reduction" policy. The analysis of the policy text conveys that the government views the privatization of education in China as being responsible for the lowered quality of public education, the competitive learning environment, and financial and mental pressure on families and parents. However, this study reveals the silent part of the "Double Reduction" policy through the WPR approach, which demonstrates that privatization of education is not the root cause of educational inequality/injustice in China. The work of this critical policy analysis aims to better understand the dilemma of education in China and provide insights to the policymakers, educators, and related stakeholders from the perspective of changing policy discourse.

Critical Race Theory (CRT) has recently been positioned as a serious problem requiring urgent policy response among partisan media outlets. Making a case for pressing policy demands, several policy makers have proposed federal, state, and local level legislation and other measures to restrict how race, racism, or American history in general can be taught in K-12 schools, higher education institutions, and state agencies. Anti-CRT rhetoric in media and policy proposals have also propagated the notion of CRT as being divisive as well as ubiquitous in public education. Given this, it is critical to examine whether policy opinions regarding reactionary legislation is based on a real understanding of CRT. We conduct a conceptual and theoretical inquiry into anti-CRT rhetoric relying on the sociological concepts of moral panics and folk devils. Then, we examine familiarity, knowledge, ideology, policy beliefs, and policy opinions regarding CRT in education using nationally representative survey data. The analysis showed that most parents are not familiar with CRT, and the average parent neither opposes nor supports teaching of CRT. The opposition to teaching of CRT is largely driven by political affiliation and related ideological beliefs and positions.

Ghana is one of the few countries with prior cost-sharing funding approaches to upper secondary education to have rolled out a completely free upper secondary education policy. Whilst the empirical foundation of the emerging body of studies on the policy includes policy makers, implementers and a reliance on policy documents, the perspectives of children who are the key beneficiaries of the policy has remained rarely explored. In this paper, I present children's experiences of access to upper secondary education and how that informs their perspective of the free SHS policy. Using Interpretive Phenomenological Approach as both a method for data collection and analysis, the study argues that children have contrasting views about the ability of the policy to enable equitable access to upper secondary education. Whilst children from wealthy families believe the policy enables equitable access, those from poor homes believe the policy is poor for poor people. Until the policy acknowledges the diversity among children and account for variations in tandem with the context specificity of each student, upper secondary education will remain an elusive goal to several children from poor social backgrounds despite the free and equitable aspiration of the policy.

The landscape of public education has felt a severe impact from the COVID-19 global pandemic. As schools and educators move into this new normal, educators and students will have to come together to reverse the damage caused over the past 3 or 4 years. To complete this goal, educators must understand the perception of students regarding building and maintaining relationships, and vice versa. The purpose of my multiple-methods grounded theory study is to explore and explain how emphasizing student-teacher relationships (STR) can support rebuilding school community in self-contained settings following the COVID-19 global pandemic through focusing on the perspectives and perceptions of the stakeholders in the learning environment. I conducted this study in a small self-contained high school during the 2022-2023 school year with nine students identified with special education needs, mainly with emotional and behavioral disabilities (EBD), and ten educator participants. Results for my study are currently in the preliminary stages, however, early analysis shows a consensus from participant interviews that emphasizing STR shows a moderate to high positive impact on student-teacher relationships, student engagement, academic success, social-emotional growth, decrease of teacher burnout, and more positive teacher attitudes about their students and schools. Key contributors to this shift include, but are not limited to, mutual respect, humanness, humor, relatability, support, and communications as major aspects of the building and maintaining the quality of student-teacher relationships.

The U.S. Supreme Court has heard several cases regarding special education. These cases have resulted in decisions that have addressed issues involving special education programming and procedural issues. On March 21, 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court issued a unanimous ruling in "Perez v. Sturgis Public Schools." This decision, which was the most recent special education case heard by the highest court in the United States, involved litigation in special education. In this brief article, we address the Supreme Court's decision in "Perez" by (a) examining the background of the case; (b) reviewing the decision by the lower courts and the U.S. Supreme Court; and (c) discussing the implications of the case for special educators.

Cosmopolitanism and nationalism are often presented in binary terms, as standing in opposition to each other, especially with regards to education. In this paper, we establish a framework for studying education policy today through the lens of a concept we have developed: 'cosmopolitan nationalism'. Many education systems around the world are grappling with and simultaneously integrating both cosmopolitan and nationalist elements in policy objectives, curricular content and pedagogic approaches. Through an in-depth analysis of three country examples -- China, the US and Israel -- we outline four different manifestations of education policy that can be explained by employing the analytical lens of cosmopolitan nationalism: (i) the increasing prominence and visibility of the International Baccalaureate within these three public education systems; (ii) reforms of specific curricula elements and pedagogies legitimised with reference to approaches assessed as globally leading through international assessments; (iii) efforts to promote national education systems as international beacons of best practice; (iv) creation of alternative education provisions that are promoted globally for very specific purposes and populations. We argue that, given our heterogeneous sample of case study countries, and careful analysis of these, a cosmopolitan nationalism lens offers important insights into education policy-making today which has the potential to be applied in other contexts.

Preparing students to enter the workforce and attracting and retaining good teachers are Americans' top educational priorities for the next administration in Washington, regardless of who wins the upcoming presidential election, the 2024 PDK Poll finds. While eight in 10 or more Americans pick those two items as priorities, other policy priorities also win broad support. Seven in 10--or more--favor an increased focus on addressing student mental health, helping students who have fallen behind academically, and college affordability. The survey was produced by Langer Research Associates for PDK International, with data collected June 21 to July 1, 2024, in English and Spanish, among a representative, random national sample of 1,009 adults.

PDK polls consistently show that parents give their children's schools high marks but are dissatisfied with the performance of public schools nationally. This paradox may be explained by the persistent narrative of failing public schools that has dominated media coverage in the past 50 years. Authors Mark Hlavacik and Jack Schneider tracked the prevalence of the failing-schools narrative in print publications, books, and other media. They found connections between national coverage of education and local education reporting. This national narrative of failing schools uses public schools as a scapegoat, which absolves us of our collective responsibility to each other. A more nuanced and multifaceted narrative of public schools is needed.

Adults' beliefs and knowledge about the state of the U.S. education system drive decisions about policy, funding, program adoption, student participation in programs, and the selection of decision makers to elected positions. Amie Rapaport and Anna Rosefsky Saavedra share national survey data showing that U.S. adults have little knowledge about what is being taught in schools, express neutrality about belief systems undergirding education policy, and report experiences misaligned with hard-data trends on student academic progress in recent years. With adults reporting they learn about issues crucial to our education system mainly from "personal experience," better information has the potential to improve U.S. education.

This study examines how performance-based funding (PBF) for public four-year institutions in the U.S. is associated with the production of short-term certificates. Results indicate that high-dosage PBF is associated with increases in both the number of short-term certificate programs offered and the number of short-term certificates awarded, even though PBF's incentives for the four-year sector typically focus on bachelor's degree attainment. Given the challenges of improving performance on bachelor's degrees, particularly in the midst of insufficient resources and support, institutions may be turning to certificates as alternative sources of revenue to address the financial uncertainty induced by PBF. The findings shed light on the broader impact of PBF on institutional behavior, beyond those directly relating to formalized performance metrics.