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In this paper we examine and critique adaptive management (AM) practices for protected areas (PAs), in pursuit of practices that can account for more-than-human relations. Engaging with empirical research from Australian PAs, we reflect on the formation of PAs as "exceptional places" where Nature is implicitly/explicitly to be controlled. We find that AM practices harness the spatial and temporal characteristics of the PAs to deliberatively construct a static and timeless scene, creating a particular vision of Nature. This metaphoric vision is captured "like a postcard." It reinforces and justifies static protectionism as Nature conservation, arraigning a series of material objects that are meant to assist with maintaining that image: that "reality." Using sentipensar as an exemplar, we explore and highlight relational and everchanging human-nonhuman engagements to contest the ontological dimensions of a static Nature and ideas of control and power associated with the binaries of Nature and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes an original perspective on the origins and formation of the modern welfare state, arguing that the openness of national economies had a critical influence upon the kind of social insurance policies each country would adopt before World War I. If we classify Western national economies into two typical types, the free-trade open economy (FOE) and the protectionist closed economy (PCE), depending on their trade policy, we can make two hypotheses. FOE, which is under heavy pressure from international competition, is more sensitive than PCE to the increase in employers’ cost. Therefore, hypothesis (1) is: PCE would precede FOE in introducing social insurance which involves considerable cost increases for employers. Hypothesis (2) is: if FOE dares to undertake a social insurance scheme, they would likely create social insurance that relies on general tax revenues to mitigate cost increases for employers. On the contrary, PCE can undertake social insurance schemes that involve considerable cost increases for employers more easily than FOE, as protective tariffs countervail their cost increases to some extent. Through the comparative analysis of all major Western countries, this article demonstrates the validity of these hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Utilizing feminist discursive analysis, this article examines the public rhetoric and activism of the anti-immigrant group, the Dustin Inman Society (DIS), in order to analyze how and to what ends the DIS mobilizes the memory of a dead, White child in service of anti-immigrant animus. The article demonstrates that by positioning the rhetorical figure of the Child as an oracle of the national future, the DIS frames its anti-immigrant activism as nothing less than a struggle for the survival of the next generation of (White) Americans, of a sacred American-qua-White culture, and of the nation itself. This rhetorical, ideological, and affective framing of the White Child justifies and legitimizes a particular kind of ethnonationalist male protectionism against both the 'illegal invasion' of Latina/o immigrants and a feminized federal government. The DIS's racist and gendered rhetoric simultaneously contributes to rising swells of White ethnonationalism and travels along preexisting channels of racism and White (masculine) supremacy that are carved deep into US society. This analysis reveals much about the complex interrelationships between White masculinity and ethnonationalism, xenophobia, and nativism, and about how these rhetorical framings aid in the (re)definition of American citizenship as racialized, able-bodied, genealogical, and above all, White. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond the alluring promise of an enhanced social safety net for Russian citizens, President Vladimir Putin's constitutional amendments of 2020 betrayed a distinct preoccupation with fortifying Russia's international standing and crafting a new national identity. By Putin's own account, these amendments were necessary to steel the country against the malevolent action of international conspirators committed to Russia's downfall. As this Article posits, these specific constitutional changes systematically entrenched an exceptionalist vision of Russian sovereignty and a civilizational identity that left the country constitutionally untethered from international norms and institutions, saturated in religious fervor and visions of imperial glory, and poised for war. Following a brief introduction, the first main part of this Article explores how enshrining constitutional supremacy, territorial integrity, and the doctrines of peaceful coexistence and noninterference sought to control the impact of international law and to revive Soviet-era legal norms used to dominate neighboring states. The second part turns to the constitutionalization of a new civilizational identity steeped in a heady--if selective--history of imperial entitlement, traditional values, and the protection of compatriots abroad. It argues that these provisions signaled a clear intention to break from Russia's previous constitutional orientation in favor of confronting a perceived threat posed by unbridled Western "ultraliberalism" bent on destroying Russia's national identity and security. Unpacking how the twin ideas of sovereignty and civilizational identity have embedded themselves in Russia's constitutional structure facilitates drawing a direct connection between the amended constitution and Kremlin foreign policy objectives. It further demonstrates how these principles equipped the Kremlin with constitutional succor in justifying its war of aggression against Ukraine. The Article concludes by situating the constitutional amendments within the larger trend of "autocratic legalism" and urging the international community to recognize the Kremlin's constitutionally embedded motivations for war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, we have witnessed a significant turn towards commercial protectionism as a response to what some perceive as clear discontent provoked by the current process of globalization. Our work will focus on two of the most emblematic events symbolizing this trend: the presidency of Donald J. Trump (2017-2021) in the United States and the Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom. Trump marked a turning point in U.S. trade policy, advocating an "America First" approach that included imposing tariffs and renegotiating international trade agreements. On the other hand, the 2016 Brexit referendum and the subsequent UK's departure from the European Union in 2020 represented a paradigmatic case of regional protectionism. Therefore, we will explore how Brexit affected trade relations between the UK and the EU, as well as its position on the international stage. Along these lines, we will discuss the broader implications of these two dynamics in the context of the globalization crisis: Do these movements pose a sustainable challenge to the existing global economic order, or are they temporary responses to specific issues? What lessons can be drawn from these experiences for the future management of trade conflicts?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The desire for trade propelled the growth of data privacy law across the world. Countries with strong privacy laws sought to ensure that their citizens' privacy would not be compromised when their data traveled to other countries. Even before this vaunted Brussels Effect pushed privacy law across the world through the enticement of trade with the European Union, Brussels had to erect privacy law within the Union itself. And as the Union itself expanded, privacy law was a critical condition for accession. But this coupling of privacy and trade leaves a puzzle: how did the U.S. avoid a comprehensive privacy law yet retain access to trade? The Article explains U.S. exceptionalism as resting on its enormous economic leverage, which enabled it to negotiate sui generis regimes to ensure access to foreign data. Even those accepting this historical account as account might yet argue that privacy should not be subjected to trade law disciplines. "Privacy is not bananas," as the great Spiros Simitis famously proclaimed. But food safety is also a human right, and trade law has shown that we can protect human health even when we consume food produced abroad. Similarly, we can protect privacy even while enabling trade in digital services. Trade disciplines need not undermine privacy, but rather help ensure that claims of privacy protection are not merely disguised protectionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theorists of the transnational cleavage, defined as a political reaction against European integration and immigration, also regularly conceptualise international trade preferences as a component of this contemporary societal divide. Yet empirical analyses of this cleavage focus on the former two topics, while trade and the transnational cleavage has not been systematically investigated. Making use of a new item in the 2019 Chapel Hill Expert Survey that measures party support for protection of domestic producer groups versus support for trade liberalisation, we examine the applicability of explanations for European integration positioning for the topic of trade. The results show that party positions on international trade correlate with parties' underlying two-dimensional ideology: parties of the economic left and culturally conservative parties support trade protection. The findings advance previous studies on the transnational cleavage and party positioning on trade, and demonstrate the continued importance of economic factors in driving patterns of trade protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The federal market is a cornerstone of every federal polity. It would be difficult to imagine American federalism without the internal free trade constitutionalized by the Dormant Commerce Clause (DCC). This Article provides a criticism of the Supreme Court's DCC case law and proposes a new approach that takes economic reality into account. The Article demonstrates that the Supreme Court's DCC case law, owing to its countenancing unnecessary restrictions of trade, fails to fulfill the constitutional function one may attribute to a federal market. First, it seems the Supreme Court replaced the inquiry that fits the Constitution with one that it felt comfortable with. Although the case law promises to suppress state protectionism, in fact, it deals merely with naked protectionism and, thus, gives states a very wide playing field to shelter local economic interests. Second, the Supreme Court's case law is inconsistent in the sense that it does not do what it promises to do. The Court promises to suppress state protectionism but, instead, it invalidates only those measures that are outrageously protectionist; it examines existential necessity but ignores the question of extensional necessity. Furthermore, it promises a two-step analysis that distinguishes between the restriction of trade and its justification, but the analysis usually does not get to the second step, since only those measures are pronounced restrictive in the first place that could not be sufficiently justified in the second place. The paper proposes a substantive sliding-scale approach that takes economic reality into account. This implies that the current two-limb test should be replaced with a three-limb test providing for an increasingly closer scrutiny of symmetric, asymmetric, and discriminatory impact. It demonstrates that the idea of suppressing state protectionism implies two requirements of necessity. The first one, labeled by this Article as "existential necessity," requires that completely unnecessary restriction of trade be ruled out. The second one, baptized as "extensional necessity," filters out restrictions that go beyond what is necessary and turns on the existence of less restrictive regulatory alternatives. This calls for the comparison of policy options in terms of trade restrictiveness and effectiveness but involves no genuine value choice. The proposed doctrine's novelty lies in the introduction of extensional necessity, which is patently overlooked in the Supreme Court's current case law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan is among the most protectionist economies of the world and highly protective trade regimes thus calls for an investigation of the determinants of this protectionism. The current study intends to examine the macroeconomic determinants of protectionism in the case of Pakistan employing the Granger Causality test and Impulse Response Function covering a time period from 1988-2018. The results of the Granger Causality test reveal that unemployment & GDP Granger cause the tariff rate and there exists a unidirectional relationship between these two variables with the tariff rate. Contrary to this, the tariff rate is granger caused by the trade balance. Terms of the trade is found to have a bidirectional association with the tariff rate, while there is no evidence of a causal relationship between the tariff rate and inflation. The results of Impulse Response functions reveal that an increase in unemployment and a higher TOT, both are found to be positively associated with an increased level of protectionism. However, a higher level of GDP or economic growth leads to reduce the protectionism thereby reducing the tariff rate. The results of the study are quite pertinent in identifying the core factors inducing a high level of protectionism in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research on the global diffusion and harmonization of antitrust (competition) laws mainly focused on the motivations of countries newly adopting or reforming their national laws. This article instead inquires about the motivations of the powerful states promoting these laws internationally, primarily focusing on the United States. It finds that trade protectionist --rather than globalist-- interests and ideas prompted the United States' promotion of strong international antitrust norms in the 1990s. Analyzing Congressional documents and debates in the 1980s, it shows that American import-competing companies framed foreign industrial policies as cartelization to legitimize their demands for trade protections within the dominant framework of free markets and domestic antitrust laws. The political salience of this narrative in Congress contributed to the preparation of the 1988 Trade Laws and the 1990 trade negotiations with Japan, which formalized the United States' preference for strong international antitrust norms during the 1990s. These findings highlight that, ironically, 'anti-market' reasons can also motivate 'pro-market' norm diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This research explores online advice to parents for managing children's Internet and social media use to understand what courses of action are recommended for parents. Background: Parents often play a protectionist role in parenting, including trying to limit their children's Internet use to reduce harms. However, little is known about the advice parents are provided about how to make these decisions. Methods: We conducted a content analysis of 73 websites offering advice to parents on guiding their children's Internet use. These websites are sponsored by professional associations as well as magazines, blogs, and others. Results: Privacy, monitoring, limiting use, parent–child communication, and safety were the most common topic areas. We find that sites emphasize the risks of being online roughly twice as often as the opportunities. Only approximately two fifths of the websites addressed the permanence of online sharing or how this may impact future college admissions or employment opportunities. Conclusion: Advice given to parents focuses on protecting children (privacy, safety, monitoring) much more than teaching children how to navigate social media platforms for their benefit. Implications: Given the proliferation of social media and the Internet and how online behavior affects opportunities, it is increasingly important to understand what guidance parents are provided to teach children how to develop digital cultural capital in a technologically advanced world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world is currently gripped in a food crisis of historic proportions that is threatening tens of millions of people in the poorest countries of the world with famine and starvation. Sparked by the war in Ukraine, this crisis is being made worse by nations imposing export restrictions on food in a misguided attempt to curb soaring domestic food prices. Export restrictions are "beggar-thy-neighbor" policies that prevent increases in domestic food prices but at the expense of raising world prices, exacerbating the crisis. Although nations have turned to the World Trade Organization (WTO) for help in removing these export restrictions, the WTO is currently an organization in disarray that lacks the legal tools and the political will to effectively address this global crisis. Unlike the WTO, many free trade agreements (FTAs) such as the United States-Mexico-Canada Trade Agreement and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (EU), contain effective legal tools to curb export restrictions on food. At the moment, FTAs are proliferating all over the world and have now displaced the WTO as the most effective means for eliminating or overcoming export restrictions on food. It is now up to the EU and the United States, the principals of the world's most robust FTAs, to take the lead in demonstrating how FTAs can be used to effectively to combat a catastrophic food emergency. This Article proposes an innovative solution through the use of FTAs by the United States and the EU to create a free trade conduit for food exports to meet demand in world markets without a spike in prices in a time of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes 'nearly mobile' as a productive concept to illustrate the im/mobility experiences amongst Asian skilled migrants in England during a global health crisis. The concept of 'nearly mobile' describes how mobility practices and aspirations have been heavily restricted during national lockdowns, while still remaining fluid and relational, with both debilitating and empowering potentials. The ambiguity of 'nearly' offers both frustration and hope, when the desired 'mobility as normal' seems just out of reach. The concept of 'nearly mobile' offers two main dimensions. First, it highlights how migrants navigate through 'shock precarities' by safe-zoning - utilising and spatialising voluntary immobility to create unique work and living spaces based on daily assessments of risk and responsibility. Second, 'nearly mobile' reflects a continuous yearning for a return to normality, where forecasting and imagining become practical ways of seizing opportunities that emerge amidst crisis and uncertainty. We propose 'nearly mobile' as a productive framework for revaluing im/mobility in times of rising localism, protectionism, and the normalisation of transnational biopolitical regimes, which underpin a possible 'new normal' beyond the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women have more protectionist trade preferences than men do. We assess whether this well-documented relationship between gender and protectionism in the mass public carries over into a relationship between women's political representation and (a) party platforms, and (b) governments' trade policy choices. Looking across countries and over time, we demonstrate that with an increase in women's representation, political party trade policy positions become more protectionist. For government trade policy choices, we identify more nuanced results. The protectionist effect of women's representation is limited to the most visible products: consumption goods. Women's representation has no effect on intermediate inputs, where firm demands for trade liberalization are more pronounced and policy makers are thus constrained in implementing a protectionist agenda. These findings contribute to scholarship on the descriptive–substantive representation link, add a new dimension to our understanding of trade politics, and demonstrate the importance of applying a gendered lens to international political economy research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid the increasing trend of protectionism in international commerce and the expanding intricacies of the global economy, public-private partnerships (PPPs) have emerged as crucial institutional structures to facilitate collaboration between the public and private sectors. This article emphasizes the importance of PPPs in the reduction of protectionism and the resolution of asymmetric dependency among states. PPPs have the capacity to foster sustainable and innovative domestic economic growth. Given the current state of global uncertainties and crises, PPPs continue to serve as a potent mechanism for facilitating infrastructure development, stimulating economic revitalisation, attracting investment, and fostering innovation. The article systematises information about PPPs - identifying the advantages and disadvantages; describing the principles of successful PPPs; and analysing the legislative changes and reforms aimed at improving the infrastructure sector of Ukraine. This article uses the basics of general scientific methodology and applies economic and statistical methods of analysis and a systematic approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of public opinion in shaping Australian foreign policy. It emphasizes the need for an informed public and discusses the changing global landscape, with the decline of globalism and the rise of nationalism and protectionism. The article highlights the challenges Australia faces in navigating this changing world and the role of the recently released foreign policy White Paper. It emphasizes the importance of engaging the Australian public, including the new generation of policymakers and the diverse society, in foreign policy discussions and decision-making. [Extracted from the article]

One of the primary goals of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is to establish a single market for goods and services in order to achieve economic integration in Africa. Experts opine that the AfCFTA can be a game changer for improving intra-African trade and may pave the way to economic diversification and inclusion. To maximize the potential of the AfCFTA, African nations must eliminate or minimize trade and non-trade barriers that can undermine the AfCFTA's true intention. Nigeria is the largest economy in Africa; therefore for the AfCFTA to flourish, Nigeria must implement targeted industrial, structural and policy changes to facilitate the achievement of the AfCFTA's objectives. This article addresses protectionist cabotage as a non-tariff trade hurdle to AfCFTA aims, as well as the need for Nigeria to abolish or liberalize its restrictive regime on domestic cabotage trade. It proposes that Nigeria should take the lead in campaigning for a regional cabotage regime and eliminate its protectionist policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community wealth building (CWB) is a strategy for local economic development that aims to (re-)circulate wealth within the places that produce it – a kind of de-globalisation of capital. CWB has come to prominence in the UK due to its implementation in Preston and endorsements from the Corbyn-led Labour Party. However, CWB has come under criticism for promoting protectionism. As a way into the political economy of CWB, this article analyses this criticism. We do so by bringing the policy debate in the UK into dialogue with political economy literature on protectionism and nationalism. We show that protectionism is as much a political weapon or slur used to discredit interventionist development strategies as it is an analytical concept at home in technical economic discourse. On this basis, we argue that CWB is not protectionist neither in its policy proposal nor in its wider worldview. However, CWB does limit itself to the local without a clear redistributive mechanism between municipalities and so risks siloing local areas from one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protectionist measures often have target countries, and public support for such measures depends on who the targets are. We identify such target effects on protectionist sentiments and examine the effects of information in tempering protectionist sentiments in East Asia. Using an original survey experiment in China, Japan, and South Korea, we test how providing information about the costs of protectionism changes public attitudes toward targeted protectionist measures. We found that providing a target country identity increased public support for protectionism by 8.6%. Providing cost information, on the other hand, reduces support for protectionism by 10%. We also found that information and target effects persist in the presence of the other: Receiving cost information reduces support for both general and targeted protectionism but does not necessarily mute the target effect. Similarly, when reputation and retaliation costs are associated with protectionism, knowing a target country identity still increases public support for protectionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent do psychological factors determine individuals' support for trade? Previous studies find that predispositions such as nationalism, patriotism, xenophobia, and isolationism predict opposition to imports. However, it is unclear whether this relationship holds when trade is framed in ways other than imports and for international institutions (IIs) governing trade between countries. In this study, I use a cross-national dataset to test whether the relationship between psychological factors and trade/II attitudes is conditional on the frame used (imports vs. consumer choice vs. neutral), the dimension of trade (principle of free trade vs. IIs governing trade), and the level of political integration of trade-related IIs (deep vs. shallow). Controlling for self-interest factors and other covariates, I find that, while xenophobia consistently predicts protectionism regardless of the frame and dimension, and patriotism mostly predicts trade/II support, the effect of nationalism and isolationism highly depends on the frame used. Moreover, the negative effect of xenophobia and isolationism on support for trade-related IIs increases as they become deeper. The findings in this study call for a greater exploration on how the interaction between elite framing and psychological predispositions affects attitudes towards trade and other globalization issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accelerated development of smart manufacturing is taking place all over the world, but the definition of the theoretical foundations of its stimulation, as well as the unequivocal understanding of "smart manufacturing" concept still has an untapped research potential. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to determine the theoretical foundations of stimulating the development of smart manufacturing in Ukraine based on local protectionism. The systematization and arrangement of concepts related to the Fourth Industrial Revolution (Industry 4.0) allows not only to clarify the concept of "smart manufacturing", but also to distinguish the concepts of "smart production", "smart maintenance", "smart manufacturing" and define the place of the latter in the system of interconnected concepts. Smart manufacturing is a part of smart production that concerns the production of tangible goods through the use of Industry 4.0 technologies embodied in smart services. Based on the definition and role of smart manufacturing, it becomes clear that smart manufacturing cannot exist without "ordinary" manufacturing, as well as conceptual directions for stimulating the development of smart manufacturing are distinguished, relating to: (1) sphere of smart services, generated by Industry 4.0 technologies; (2) sphere of smart production; (3) sphere of smart distribution; (4) sphere of smart exchange; (5) sphere of smart consumption; (6) sphere of production of smart products by smart manufacturing; (7) sphere of production of smart products by "ordinary" manufacturing; (8) sphere of production of "ordinary" products by smart manufacturing; (9) sphere of production of "ordinary" products by "ordinary" manufacturing. Given the reduction of national manufacturing in Ukraine, the development of services to ensure the smartization of manufacturing actually insures the smartization of foreign manufacturing that produces goods that are then imported into Ukraine. Therefore, it is advisable to stimulate the development of smart manufacturing in several directions at the same time: (1) stimulation of the manufacturing as a whole; (2) stimulating the development of smart services and tools for smartization of manufacturing; (3) stimulating the introduction of smart services in manufacturing; (4) stimulation of demand for products produced by the domestic smart manufacturing. There are two centers of smartization of manufacturing in Ukraine: (1) traditional manufacturing, as it invests in its own smartization; (2) a small business that creates smart services. The state, which in recent years has turned into an important player in the field of IT services, currently is not working purposefully on the smartization of manufacturing. In Ukraine there is also a contradiction between the need to harmonize the domestic economy with the EU market and the arrangement of favorable conditions for the development of smart manufacturing. This contradiction has the potential to be resolved on the basis of local protectionism theory through the expansion and improvement of the practice of applying special economic regimes (for instance, technology parks), and as well as the implementation of institutional and organizational solutions that simultaneously correspond to the provisions of both liberal and protectionist schools of economic theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present a new Measure of Aggregate Trade Restrictions (MATR) using data from the IMF's Annual Report on Exchange Arrangements and Exchange Restrictions. MATR is strongly correlated with existing measures of trade restrictiveness but more comprehensive in terms of country and time coverage. Our measure is available for an unbalanced sample of up to 157 countries during 1949–2019. We use our new MATR to re-examine how trade restrictiveness varies with the business cycle. Our results confirm that trade restrictions are typically a-cyclical but there is an important difference across income groups: aggregate trade restrictions are a-cyclical in advanced economies but are counter-cyclical in EMDEs, especially in response to increases in unemployment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of the ASEAN-Japan Forum on Synthetic Rubber in 1973 is said to be the beginning of the partnership between ASEAN and Japan. Half a century has passed since then, and the politics, economics, and societies of Japan and ASEAN countries have dramatically changed. Furthermore, the international and regional circumstances surrounding them are also significantly transforming. They are facing new challenges, such as the escalation of great power rivalry between the United States and China, the rise of protectionism and economic statecraft, the retreat of democracy, the middle-income trap, widening economic and social disparity, aging societies, growing environmental problems, and so on. How can these challenges be overcome through the new partnership between ASEAN and Japan? What should be specifically considered and implemented? With these issues in mind, four specialists exchanged their views at a roundtable discussion held at the International House of Japan on May 2, 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attempts are being made to promote greater liberalization of international trade through the participation of numerous states in global agreements and organizations. In various economic integrations, efforts are made to integrate markets for products and services as if there were no state borders. On the other hand, the liberalization of foreign trade policies may not always align with countries' interests, leading to the implementation of protectionist measures. Despite the disapproval of international trade organizations, it can be argued that states primarily seek to enhance their own welfare by implementing protectionist policies. This study aims to ascertain the impact of protectionist measures implemented in import regulations on economic growth. For research purposes, the tax rates applied to the import of commercial goods and the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) were identified as essential variables. A model encompassing 56 countries was constructed and subjected to analysis using the Panel ARDL approach. Based on the study's findings, it can be observed that the implementation of higher customs tax rates, which is commonly perceived as a protectionist strategy, negatively impacts long-term economic growth. The study presents a comprehensive analysis of the effects of tax rates imposed on various product categories on economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structural globalization has been both a cycle and an upward trend as periods of greater global integration have been followed by periods of deglobalization on a long-term stair-step toward the greater connectedness of humanity. Since 2008, the world-system may once again be entering another phase of structural deglobalization as the contradictions of capitalist neoliberalism, environmental degradation and uneven development have provoked different kinds of anti-globalization populism, rivalry among contending powers, trade wars and policies and social movements intended to mitigate the effects of anthropogenic climate change. This plateauing and possible downturn in economic connectedness is occurring in the context of U.S. hegemonic decline and the emergence of a more multipolar configuration of economic and political power among states. The combination of greater communications connectivity and greater awareness of North/South inequalities, as well as destabilizing conflicts and climate change, have provoked waves of refugee migrations and political reactions against immigrants. The result has been a period of chaos that is similar in some ways (but different in others) from what occurred during the last half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. This study investigates the question of whether the world-system is indeed once again entering another period of economic deglobalization and compares the current period with what happened in the 19th and 20th centuries to specify the similarities and the differences. We conclude that, based on changes in the level of economic connectedness since 2008, it is still too soon to tell for sure if the world-system is entering another period of deglobalization, but the important similarities between the recent period and earlier periods of deglobalization make it likely that the system is now in another deglobalization or plateau phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the paper is to present a methodology for measuring contemporary protectionism - based on data from Poland. In light of the difficulties in assessing all trade barriers, an approximation was proposed: the regional barometer of protectionism (RBP). Recognizing that 21st century protectionism is observable only to a certain extent, the research is based on data that reflect the level of this phenomenon - i.e., media releases as well as Global Trade Alert data. In constructing this barometer, the TOPSIS method (a Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to an Ideal Solution) was used. The RBP constructed (for 2009-2020) is the first regional barometer of protectionism. The results of the research reveal the level and dynamics of protectionism in the case of Poland. This RBP improves the methodology of foreign trade analysis by providing a thorough basis for further research into both the effects and causes of protectionism; this paper presents initial explanations for the latter. Furthermore, after the barometer of protectionism is constructed, trade barriers may eventually be included in further research for models designed to explain Polish trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the provisions of the United Kingdom-Australia Free Trade Agreement (UKAFTA) and UK-New Zealand FTA (UKNZFTA), particularly their labour clauses. Also cited are the potential effects of said clauses on labour rights and protectionism, and the reasons why said clauses promote minimalism as a dominant pattern.

Abstract The aim of this study is to analyze the most widely used import substitution instruments of CIS and identifying the most prospective directions for import substitution developing in the economy of post-Soviet states. Due to implementation of a multi-stage comprehensive research project based on a quantitative approach, the aim of this study was achieved. The present study showed that three main import substitution instruments for CIS are import duties, non-tariff methods of foreign trade regulating and domestic policy instruments to support national producers. In addition, based on the correlation and regression analysis of the time series model, strong correlations between import by export coverage ratio and the productive capacity index of structural changes were found for almost all the countries studied. This indicates the reverse effect of protectionist import substitution mechanisms on a domestic market development. The reasons for the choice of management mechanisms by the public administration of most CIS countries, which lead to a purposely negative result, could not be studied within this work. Additionally, the results may be useful in practical work of anti-corruption organizations for the suppression and prevention of the corrupt state-criminal networks in the field of import substitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using critical discourse analysis, this study examines how high-impact journals in the field of social work discursively construct criminalized mothers and their children. Findings reveal a discourse that reflects and reproduces dominant and pervasive narratives of motherhood and childhood, constructing criminalized women as failed mothers and their children as a priori defective, at risk, and therefore vulnerable and in need of early intervention and protection. We argue that the discourse on criminalized mothers embedded in these journals capitalizes on affective constructions of both motherhood and childhood to engage in a form of carceral protectionism. Carceral protectionism helps make legible the deployment of both punitive and paternalistic responses to criminalized mothers and their children. We show how mothering, above all other factors, is framed as foundational to the life trajectories of children. In this way, the at-risk child comes into being through the construction of the unfit mother. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Product regulation has become a principal means of intervention in international trade. There is a debate, however, on its intent. Gründler and Hillman (2021) propose that half of regulatory restrictions on imports may protect producers, when formally the regulations are intended to protect consumers. The idea that regulation might protect producers rather than consumers goes back to Peltzman (1976) for the regulation of price and appears as a political trade-off in choice of a tariff in Hillman (1982). We provide a theoretical analysis that underpins the puzzle in intent of regulatory restrictions on imports, allowing for ex-ante or ex-post inspection by the regulator (before or after the product is purchased). Our results suggest that under certain circumstances all firms, even importers, prefer ex-ante inspection, which is surprising, given that ex-ante inspection discriminates importers. We also show that ex-ante inspection may be harmful for public safety, because it harms local producers' incentive to make effort, and therefore must be complemented by ex-post inspection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is history's most advanced illustration of regional integration. However, it is still facing many economic, political and security challenges that pose considerable problems for the future of the union. These challenges include differences over some policies among the member countries like the Eurozone and Schengen Area, Russia's war on Ukraine, terrorism, tribalism, the rise of the anti-EU Political Parties in different member countries, demographic change, tribalism, migration and refugee issues, the rise of global protectionism and technical competition with China and the United States. Moreover, the cultural diversity in the region has also a significant and lasting impact on the future of the European Union. This research analyses the obstacles and challenges that threaten the future of the European Union while evaluating multiple aspects of the political, economic, security and cultural. Understanding patterns of anticipated costs and benefits is crucial when thinking about the future of the European Union. It is possible to build a greater Europe with robust EU management, progressive leadership, and a stronger European Parliament than the national parliaments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that the war in Ukraine and the instrument of sanctions should be framed into a long trend – from globalization and the international imbalances it generates, to the subsequent “de-globalizing” movement –, which had a paramount role in the preparation for the war. The protagonists of the conflict are more properly identified with the two blocs of states whose economies are anchored either to the United States or China, respectively the major debtor and the major creditor of the world. In this context, the distinction between sanctions and protectionist policies is increasingly blurred, while both are growingly intertwined with defence policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism has experienced a resurgence across Europe since 1980, and one common explanation for this resurgence is that the backlash to European integration aids radical right parties, which prioritise cultural protectionism in the form of anti-immigration and anti-ethnic minority appeals. In contrast, this article argues that, through the policy-making avenues available to certain parties, but not others, European integration encourages a different form of nationalism in highly regionalised countries: ethnoregionalism, which seeks either greater autonomy or independence for a sub-national unit. By examining how nationalist parties combine both cultural protectionism and ethnoregionalism, and the relative saliency that they attach to each, this article provides a novel way to disentangle the EU's different potential effects on nationalism. Through a quantitative analysis of party manifestos across 33 European countries for 1980–2019, this article finds that European integration has a significantly stronger effect on the saliency of ethnoregionalism than cultural protectionism. Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at: [DOI]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a well-known fact that Africa continent is grappling with developmental challenges. The main objectives of this paper therefore are to examine the impact of neoliberalism on these developmental challenges and to encourage African leaders to take a bold and radical departure from the norm in order to chart a new course of development which will take the continent out of the woods of economic retardation and development deficit which envelope the region now. Drawing on the case study which centre on African realities and experiences, the paper discovered that the claim that neo-liberalism is the undisputable means of attaining economic development in Africa is an illusion. On the strength of this, the paper expands on the theory of assimilation with its concomitant smart or strategic protectionism through the adaptation of foreign technology, promotion of education and encouragement of entrepreneurship as means of genuinely engendering economic development in African. The research adopts qualitative and case study methodology. Similarly, the work embraces inductive research approach as the research process systematically focuses on finding answer to the question Of, What effective step can African governments take in order to candidly overcome the challenge of underdevelopment? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2022 announcement of the European Union-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement was seminal for both sides. For New Zealand, the deal is projected to be worth up to an extra NZ$1.8 billion per annum by 2035. What is less evident is the motivation for securing the deal for Europe - New Zealand is only the EU's 50th most important trading partner and accounts for 0.2% of its total trade. This article outlines three major benefits for the EU. Firstly, it symbolises that the EU's neoliberal trading agenda is continuing in the face of perceived increased protectionism. Second, the deal includes a seminal clause of holding each partner to account in climate change responsibilities - a detail that should garner support from EU citizens. Finally, closer EU cooperation with New Zealand may add to the EU's legitimacy in the Indo-Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explain recent trends of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the developed world, and specifically in the case of the European Union (EU). It includes an empirical analysis of FDI in two distinct EU country groups and finds that the profit rate plays a significant role in determining FDI patterns. It is shown that relatively less developed Eastern EU members have a higher profit rate and thus have established themselves as an attractive FDI destination within the EU. Additional factors that influence FDI are market size, long-term FDI attractiveness, and trade protectionism. Finally, a sectoral analysis of FDI and trade shows that increased FDI in less developed Eastern EU members is mainly of an export-oriented type. JEL Classification: F14, F15, F21, P16 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethnic economies change over time. Generally, it is believed that in the beginning, because immigrants do not possess sufficient class resources, immigrants utilize ethnic resources more, and later--once class resources are formed--they tend to utilize more class resources. In generational terms, because the younger generation face lower linguistic and cultural barriers they might arguably leave ethnic economies behind and enter the mainstream economy. However, the ethnic economy in São Paulo displays a different picture. Second-generation Koreans are still involved in the ethnic economy and the resource utilization pattern is not a simple linear progression from ethnic to class. Based on these observations, this research aims to analyze how the Korean ethnic economy in São Paulo has changed over time in terms of resource utilization patterns and attempts to interpret the change within the context of Brazil as a Global South country. The fieldwork revealed that unlike other cases of ethnic economies, ethnic resources are reutilized in a different form and the issues of informality and trade protectionism that are prevalent in the Global South are related to the change in the Korean ethnic economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populist, protectionist, and progressive opposition to globalization are renascent among voters and politicians, but which of these ideologies have successfully inspired interest group mobilization? To answer this question, we collect original data on thousands of groups' participation in highly organized coalitions opposed to US trade policy and globalization. Examining the types of groups that compose coalitions, variation in activation across issues, and coalitions' written statements, we find that their motivations are mainly progressive, focused on the environment, human rights, economic justice, and reducing corporate power. We also focus on progressives' labor union allies, showing that their participation in anti-trade coalitions is driven by both sincere progressive and classic protectionist motives. Thus, a progressive–labor alliance espousing mainly demands for fair trade, not plain protectionism, dominates public activism against US trade agreements. This interest group opposition has no match on the political right, suggesting that the recent efflorescence of populist anti-globalization may not last, even as progressive fair traders use their superior mobilization to endure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the turn of the twenty-first century, why did country after country in the developing world open their economies to the global market? This paper argues that increases in democracy were more likely to lead to trade liberalization when governments violated workers' basic rights to act collectively. Democracy empowered pro-trade domestic groups and therefore had the potential to lead to trade liberalization, but respect for labor rights empowered protectionist labor unions to launch protests and strikes that hampered such reforms. This paper supports these arguments with a multimethod approach that combines quantitative analysis of data from 126 developing countries from 1985 to 2010 with qualitative case studies of Argentina and Mexico. In general, the empirical evidence suggests that democracy and labor repression often worked together to facilitate the process of trade liberalization in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]