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At the beginning of the profession in the early 1900s, planning considered uniquely rural places and communities through the lens of regionalism. Yet today it tends to regard all spatiality as part of the urban environment and non-city-dwellers as part of the urban population. To understand this shift, we examine the history of rural regional development planning over the past century up to the Great Recession. We then apply the lessons to consider what a 21st century reinvention of rural planning might entail, particularly the possible recovery of the comprehensive, reformist approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many countries have looked at schools as spaces that can impart requisite skills for future jobs through competency‐based education (CBE). Yet, there is limited comparative research evidence showing countries' implementation progress. The research design adopted for this study is a meta‐narrative. Stufflebeam's (2000) context, input, process and product evaluation model is used to reflect on the education systems of two countries, Rwanda and Zimbabwe, and the enactment of their competency‐based curricula. Data from the literature was analysed using a combination of thematic, content and narrative approaches. The findings of the study established four epistemic areas that influenced the growth of the CBE movement—competency‐based training, progressivism, competency assessment programmes and the 21st‐century CBE movement. Further results showed that the extent of support for education, literacy levels and proficiency in the language of instruction were some of the context‐determinant factors influencing CBE implementation. Despite some success stories, challenges in the areas of assessment, teaching and ICT integration were reported. The study made two recommendations. Firstly, countries can enhance effective implementation through the provision of guiding frameworks for continuous professional development to empower teachers on the knowledge and skills for a CBE. Secondly, there is a need to re‐examine the CBE approach to country‐specific contexts to assess relevance to prevailing national needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the end of the nineteenth century, the view of labour as control of the environment for human benefit was being re-evaluated. In the United States, the conservation movement of the Progressive era (1890–1920) brought new attention to the problem of the 'wise use' of resources. Progressive social movements also developed a concern with holistic health and social conditions in rapidly industrialising cities. This paper argues that the formation of the new allied health science of occupational therapy in the early 20th century can be understood as a response to the health and conservation implications of changing relations between labour and resources. An analysis of published sources on the aims of occupational therapy in the Progressive era concluded that the early stage of the profession was structured by dominant Western narratives about humans and nature. Those narratives included the trope of redemption or transformation through labour and the importance of conservation as a response to the squandering of resources, both natural and human. I argue that the early development of occupational therapy was significantly influenced by environmentalist discourse as a therapeutic response to industrialisation and emerging Anthropocene awareness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the evolution of mass petitioning within the woman suffrage movement in the United States, with a focus on the decade leading up to the ratification of the 19th Amendment (1920). Its central argument is that suffrage activists skilfully and imaginatively refashioned what was a venerable form of mobilization. In their hands, the petition served a range of purposes beyond enacting legislative change. It was a fulcrum for public parades and pilgrimages that grabbed public and press attention. In the form of the initiative petition, it was a tool to put the question of woman suffrage directly before voters. When aimed at individual lawmakers, and even in the face of a deadly pandemic, petition campaigns served to swing crucial votes. Focussing on the petition helps us to rethink certain aspects of the suffrage movement. It draws our attention to the role of rank-and-file activists on the ground. Furthermore, while reinforcing the importance of racial division, it challenges the notion of a movement split into radical and conservative wings. Whatever their differences, both sides understood the value of petitioning in an era of mass democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the end of the nineteenth century, the view of labour as control of the environment for human benefit was being re-evaluated. In the United States, the conservation movement of the Progressive era (1890–1920) brought new attention to the problem of the ‘wise use’ of resources. Progressive social movements also developed a concern with holistic health and social conditions in rapidly industrialising cities. This paper argues that the formation of the new allied health science of occupational therapy in the early 20th century can be understood as a response to the health and conservation implications of changing relations between labour and resources. An analysis of published sources on the aims of occupational therapy in the Progressive era concluded that the early stage of the profession was structured by dominant Western narratives about humans and nature. Those narratives included the trope of redemption or transformation through labour and the importance of conservation as a response to the squandering of resources, both natural and human. I argue that the early development of occupational therapy was significantly influenced by environmentalist discourse as a therapeutic response to industrialisation and emerging Anthropocene awareness.

Ülkemiz din eğitiminde insana bakış, teolojisini İslam’a, felsefesini ilerlemeci-hümanist çizgide olan modern eğitim anlayışına dayandıran yaklaşımlara göre şekillenmektedir. Dolayısıyla din eğitiminde insanın ontolojisinin teorik arka planını, İslam düşüncesi ile ilerlemeci-hümanist geleneğin insan tasavvuru oluşturmaktadır. İslam düşüncesinin temelinde varlık âleminin merkezine cüz’i iradesi oranında özgür ve sorumlu bir insan tasavvurunun yerleştirildiği görülmektedir. İlerlemeci-hümanist paradigma ekseninde yürütülen modern eğitim sisteminde ise insana bakış, onun ilgi, ihtiyaç ve deneyimlerini merkeze alarak, bireyin kendini tanımasını ve kendini gerçekleştirmesini temel amaç olarak görmek şeklindedir. Bu durumda din eğitiminin insana bakışının eklektik bir ontolojiye dayandığı söylenebilir. İslam düşüncesinin ve günümüzün modern eğitim anlayışının insanı anlamaya, tanımaya ve eğitimi insanileştirmeye yönelik çabaları büyük bir bilgi birikimi olarak görülse de insanın kendi varlığına yönelik farkındalığı her iki yaklaşımın da eksik yönleri olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Bu durumda din eğitiminde insanın varoluşuna yönelik farkındalığın nasıl sağlanacağı, temel kaynaklarının, referanslarının ve insana bakışın hangi zemin üzerinden inşa edileceği sorusu, din eğitiminin ontolojisi için temel bir problemdir. Araştırmanın amacı, din eğitiminde insanın ontolojisine bakışı, İslam düşüncesinin ve modern eğitim anlayışının eksik yönlerinden yola çıkarak ele almak ve bunu varoluşçuluğun temellerini atan Kierkegaard’ın somut insan anlayışına ulaştıran varoluş süreçleri temelinde şekillendirmeye çalışmaktır. Çalışmada kişinin birey olarak varoluşunun farkına varmasında din eğitiminin nasıl bir ışık tutacağının cevabı da aranmaya çalışılmıştır. Çalışmanın sonucunda din eğitiminde insanın ontolojisini yatay ve bireysel düzeyde değil, dikey ve metafizik olanla ilişkili bir zemin üzerinden oluşturmak gerektiği görülmüştür. Din eğitiminde bunu gerçekleştirmek, bireyin aklını ve kalbini tatmin etmek, öğretilenlerin yaşamda bir karşılığının olmasını sağlamak, öznel ve içsel dindarlık anlayışını oluşturmakla mümkün olacaktır.

Philip Sherrard and Theodosius Dobzhansky, both Eastern Orthodox intellectuals, would have agreed on little. While Sherrard rejected modern science, especially evolution, Dobzhansky was one of evolution's leading figures. But Sherrard saw climate change coming and warned of it, whereas Dobzhansky was perhaps too easy in his liberal progressivism. Despite their major differences, however, Dobzhansky and Sherrard both shared a hostility towards reductionism and a mechanistic view of the universe. In studying their ideas and incorporating ecology into the conversation, we can consider different ways to view evolution and climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delineates the socio-historical imagination underpinning the works of Miraji, one of the pioneers of Urdu poetic modernism. It argues that the 'modernism' attributed to Miraji's poetry is best understood as the culmination of, as well as a veritable departure from, a specific diachronic movement internal to the history of modern Urdu literature. Presenting the idea of 'naturalness' as one of the principal catalysts of this internal movement, this paper demonstrates how Miraji attempted to reorient the trajectory of modern Urdu poetry by adopting an equivocal poetic language, which challenged the moral, social, and political imports of this politico-aesthetic discourse of 'naturalness'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Progressive education is a stream in educational science that developed at the beginning of the 20th century. This stream seeks to provide freedom for students to explore their talents and abilities independently. Progressivism emphasizes the psychological and sociological aspects of the educational process, meaning that students are seen as active subjects in learning activities, not passive objects who must receive all the material taught. The role of the teacher in this stream is as a facilitator, guide, advisor or learning director. Learning places more emphasis on solving real problems in the students' environment, not just transferring knowledge. Progressivism has given its own color to the implementation of education in Indonesia today, especially in efforts to create a learning atmosphere that is free, democratic and student-centered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Teachers' implementation of and attitudes to school reforms and overriding pedagogical ideals have long been a topic of debate and research. In this article, we centre on teachers' descriptions of how progressive teaching was conducted as well as on the teachers' reasons for implementing such teaching in the 1940s. This study is based on written material consisting of 360 elementary school teachers' accounts of their teaching collected in 1946. The material was collected by a government investigation of how progressive teaching was conducted in Sweden. The accounts offer detailed descriptions of how pupils were activated and how elementary teachers at the time could use the community as a teaching resource. The article is inspired by a prosopography approach, in which the basic assumption is that it is possible to extend knowledge of social processes and societal development by studying the group profile of members of various institutions such as political or professional organisations. The analysis is based on John Dewey's and Larry Cuban's perspectives on progressivism. We found that, according to teaching the theme of pupils participation was frequently reported in 59% of the accounts, while student interaction (35%) and extended classroom (16%) were less reported. The teachers motivated their teaching on the basis of general ideals, as democracy. Also important were practical circumstances such as available teaching resources as well as physiological aspects as student's interest and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Ilahiyat Researches / Ilahiyat Tetkikleri Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Ilahiyat Researches / Ilahiyat Tetkikleri Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Direct democracy appeared in the United States back in the colonial period. However, when the country became sovereign in the late XVIII century, the founding fathers gave preference to representative democracy in order to prevent the mob rule. This research traces the history of various institutions of direct democracy in the United States. The late XIX – early XX centuries saw an era of progressivism in the United States: civil society struggled against negative social, political, and legal phenomena. Implementation of referendums, general direct elections, recalls of officials, etc., into the legal system seemed a perfect solution. In the early XX century, these institutions were enshrined in the legislation of some Western states and proved rather effective. The so-called second wave of direct democracy occurred after 1950s, and institutions of direct democracy became even more widespread. This process reached its peak in the late XX – early XXI centuries. As a result, they predominate in the current US legislation. The USA are currently going through a further rise in direct democracy, which is even more implemented into the legal system. The American experience of direct democracy is of considerable interest to Russia as it may help to improve the domestic state mechanisms of making socially important decisions.

This essay offers a conspectus of Said's work as a whole. It focuses on why Said chose four writers in particular to lionize and engage with. These writers are Jonathan Swift, Giambattista Vico, Joseph Conrad, and Erich Auerbach, and what they share is their conservatism. Why then did Said, a pioneering critic of empire, place these conservative writers in his private canon? The reason, the essay argues, is that Said sensed the structural connection between progressivism and imperialism, that is to say, the overwhelming force of the connection between improving the world, making it fairer and more affluent, and taking control of territories who are not interested or committed to progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesian Islamic thought is important in the context of contemporary Indonesian politics. Contemporary politics has seen a shift from sectarian and ideological toward more inclusive and dynamic dialogues. In Indonesian Islamic thought, there is a contestation in the public sphere between conservative and progressive currents. The conservative trends are usually rather closed to new interpretations, while the progressive tend to be open to new trends based on social realities. The future of open Islamic thought in Indonesia as a characteristic of wasatiyah Islam will be maintained as its two largest Islamic organizations, Muhammadiyah and the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), continue to fight for the ideals of Islam. In addition, inclusive Islam will gain strength if political parties are no longer sectarian but extend the post-Islamism movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study, which is a review and documentary analysis, is to analyze religious education in Türkiye according to the progressive philosophy of education. The data of the study are scientific documents selected in accordance with qualitative research methodology. From the reading, description and interpretation of these documents selected according to certain criteria, the following conclusions were reached. As in general education, philosophical grounding is necessary in religious education. This philosophical grounding should be appropriate for religious education, the age, current generations and society. In this context, the ontological, epistemological and axiological appropriateness of the progressive philosophy of education, which is referenced in the current curricula in Türkiye, is controversial. First of all, the fact that this philosophy denies the metaphysical understanding of existence and does not accept a-priori knowledge makes this understanding problematic for religious education. From an axiological perspective, there is a discrepancy between progressivist philosophy's understanding of morality, traditions and customs as temporary and religious teaching that emphasizes morality based on an absolute and unchanging understanding of existence and knowledge. What needs to be done in the philosophical grounding of religious education in Türkiye is not to squeeze Islamic understandings, assumptions and concepts into philosophical templates, each of which reflects the reality of the civilization and culture in which it was born. This does not mean denying known philosophies; it means that some aspects of them can be utilized, provided that they are appropriate for religious education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bryan Garsten claims that most treatments of liberalism today take the form either of "autopsy" or "demonology," and that defenses of liberalism are either "plaintive or desperate." While the former might be true, the latter description misses the mark. In the American case, "Refuge" as the basis of a political order is merely the progressive telling not just of what become hidden forms of "exodus," but a particular kind of exodus that has been bound up with liberalism's origin and history. In the current era, the state is seen forcing "refuges" such as churches, religious organizations, and other traditional communities to conform to progressivist ideology. Even as the progressive liberal state has insinuated itself into every facet of life, a different kind of exodus has predominated in contemporary U.S. society. That exodus—no longer inspired by a belief in "refuge"—takes the form of individual detachment from any community or membership. We are faced now with the prospect of having to live together, a nation of refugees who must cease an exodus into our interior deserts and instead learn the art of making a common home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When the critical legal studies (CLS) movement emerged in the United States, many in the legal community were shocked by the movement's radical calls to remake legal education. But the movement also presented bold criticisms of quantitative legal scholarship and calculation in law that have proven remarkably prophetic. This article resuscitates the CLS movement's concerns over "scientific law" in one of the movement's most canonical works: the Critical Legal Studies Symposium issue of the Stanford Law Review in 1984. Along the way, this article explores the scope and limits of CLS admonitions regarding quantitative research and legal problem solving for the present day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1951, deaf/blind activist Helen Keller, then seventy years old, made a 10-week tour of South Africa. She visited nearly thirty schools and institutions for the deaf and blind and attended nearly fifty meetings. Keller is well known in disability history, women's history, and progressivism. Less well known is her host, Arthur Blaxall, an Anglican priest in South Africa who was an advocate for the deaf and blind and an opponent of apartheid. Keller's South African trip was the culmination of an epistolary friendship between the two disability activists that spanned some thirty years, from 1931 to the 1960s. This visit is documented in correspondence between Blaxall and Keller, as well as in a published commemorative volume that includes writings from Blaxall and Keller, Helen Keller at the Southern Cross (1952). This article argues that the two activists opposed apartheid through their understanding of the plight of the non-seeing and non-hearing. The associations they forged addressing disability provided venues and frameworks for a developing critique of racial inequities. While we identify Keller's radical vision, we also point to her limits, showing the ways in which her own hopes and dreams for her visit to Africa grew out of colonial cultural repertoires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has as its focus the life and thinking of the educational theorist and schoolmaster J. H. Simpson (1883–1959), who was not only a reforming teacher at Rugby School but was also the first headmaster of the progressive Rendcomb College. His ideas around education were outlined in a number of books. At the heart of his thinking lay concerns around democracy and self-government and the article explores how these were enacted at various points of Simpson's life with a particular focus upon his work until 1932. Attention will be paid to how his thinking evolved, moving from simple democracy in the classroom to wider decision-making within an entire school. Linked to these concerns were a number of curricular initiatives that sought to offer a point of contrast to more traditional public schools. The article will conclude by attempting to offer consideration of the legacy of Simpson's ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

FDR - a moniker that immediately identifies one of the greatest presidents to serve the United States. FDR (Franklin Delano Roosevelt) is credited with guiding our nation through the Great Depression and leading the Allies to victory in World War II. This report traces FDR's route to being a governor and president. It explores one of FDR's signature New Deal programs, the National Youth Administration {NYA}. The advent of Progressivism is considered in this report for its impact on Roosevelt's views and actions. Progressivism may have influenced FDR's views on children, their education, and the role of government in the lives of its citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the impact of progressivism on contemporary U.S. foreign policy. American progressivism, which is said to have its roots in the British settlement house movement and the Fabian Society in Britain in the late 19th century, was a political philosophy and reform movement that developed against the consequences of modernism such as business corruption, environmental pollution, and the growth of capital at the expense of society's interest. Strongly affiliated with expansionism and interventionism, it was also influential in foreign policy during the period between 1890 and 1910. Theodore Roosevelt's Big Stick Diplomacy, William Taft's Dollar Diplomacy, and Woodrow Wilson's Moral Diplomacy prominently reflected this liberal internationalist trend. In this study, we investigate the foreign policy understanding of today's progressives, analyzing the bills, resolutions, and joint/concurrent resolutions sponsored by Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Bernie Sanders, and Elizabeth Warren who represent the progressive wing in the Democratic Party. We argue that modern progressivism differs from its origins in that it prioritizes international cooperation, the non-intervention principle, and refraining from the use of force. Among the article's important findings are that progressives do not seek hegemonic supremacy, that they advocate a normative understanding of foreign policy that prioritizes values over interests, and that they distance themselves from a pro-interventionist political philosophy. On the other hand, they do not strongly question American leadership at the dawn of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to analyze in depth the philosophy of progressivism and how this approach has implications for educational practice in the 21st century. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach through the Systematic Literature Review (SLR) approach. The results of this study show that the philosophy of progressivism has exerted a significant influence on educational practice. This can be seen from the implications: 1) the application of project and inquiry-based learning methods encourages students to actively seek information, ask questions and solve problems collaboratively. In some schools, teachers implement interdisciplinary projects where students work in groups to solve real problems, such as environmental projects or simple technological innovations, 2) curricula designed to be relevant to students' lives, allowing adaptation to individual interests and needs. Mentoring program where students can choose a project or learning topic that suits their interests, accompanied by a mentor or teacher, 3) focuses on developing 21st century skills such as critical thinking, creativity, collaboration, and communication. collaborative learning through group discussions, debates, and project presentations, where students learn to work together and communicate effectively.

The greatest lie ever told was the one that allowed us all to believe that higher education institutions (HEIs) were actually progressive. Institutions of higher learning have been successful in creating a mirage of progressivism. If anything, HEIs are late to the party and are slowly playing catch up. The targeting of spaces aimed at making marginalized campus-stakeholders feel seen and supported is further proof of the actual conservative right-winged nature of higher learning. An institution truly steeped in forward thinking and progressive practices would stand up in the face of racism and sexism, yet they bow down. This op-ed aims to create intentional dialogue regarding the ongoing relationship with HEIs and anti-Blackness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around 1970, the City of Berkeley briefly became an epicenter of radical experimentation in urban planning and design, directly stemming from the counterculture of the late 1960s. This essay examines the ideological and political emergence of Berkeley's counterculture urbanism, arguing that its experiments left two important legacies in the history of planning. On the level of utopian thought, it articulated a clear alternative to mainstream capitalist urban development, or what Henri Lefebvre called "abstract space." On the level of contemporary planning practices, it opened up still-unresolved conflicts, especially between localized environmental preservation and the abstract, economic demands for affordable housing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the concept of Spiralism, which emphasizes the interconnectedness of all things in the universe. It contrasts Spiralism with Progressivism, which promotes human dominance over the natural world and rational inquiry. The article discusses the history of Spiralism in the Americas and its connection to indigenous knowledge and traditions. It suggests that a period of World Renewal is occurring, which will bring about new relationships between humans, the world, and the cosmos. The text also tells a story about Red Mountain, White Mountain, and Yellow Mountain, and discusses the Cowlitz cultural tradition of Give-Away. It highlights the importance of respectfully connecting with the land and other living beings and explores the spiralic nature of time and the interconnectedness of past, present, and future. Lastly, it discusses the concept of birth and death within the context of time as an aspect of the Living Universe. The article also discusses different perspectives on human interaction with the environment, specifically focusing on the concept of progressivism. It explores three approaches within progressivism: development and exploitation of natural resources, opposition to development and restriction of human involvement in nature, and a middle ground through sustainable development. The article argues that all three approaches imply human domination over the natural world and fail to recognize the interconnectedness of all life. It introduces the concept of Spiralism as an alternative mode of thought that emphasizes interconnectivity and the unpredictability of the future. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines the views of three prominent Wisconsin progressives — Richard T. Ely, Tomas Sewall Adams, and John R. Commons — on taxes as social policy. In the 1890s, Wisconsin emerged as a national progressive leader, a 'laboratory of democracy' that produced the nation's first minimum wage, first unemployment insurance plan, the first civil service law, and the first state-level income tax. Yet, despite often bordering on the radical, Wisconsin economists were cautious about demands for income and wealth redistribution through the tax mechanism. Instead, they conceived of taxation as an instrument of social policy via three intersecting paths: (1) that the provision of government services could serve as a vehicle by which to achieve desirable socioeconomic outcomes, (2) that properly designed tax policy could improve morality, itself a worthy end, and (3) that inequality and distributional concerns should be understood as issues of power and property rather than of wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While previous scholarship highlights the importance of cross-class alliances between intellectuals and workers in past social-democratic and labor movements, the growth of right-wing populism may signal the breakdown of this political alignment today. We investigate the extent to which intellectuals and workers remain politically aligned through a case study of political developments in the state of Wisconsin, which pioneered social-democratic reforms in the US in the early twentieth century and then turned toward right-wing populism in the twenty-first century. We draw on Alvin Gouldner and Pierre Bourdieu to theorize intellectual-worker alliances. We then present historical evidence that an intellectual-worker alliance played an important role in the earlier period. Logistic regression analysis with survey data shows continued political antagonism between the state's wealthiest and most highly educated citizens in the later period, as well as an enduring political alignment of highly educated and working-class Wisconsinites. Our results demonstrate that right-wing populism prevailed in Wisconsin despite an intellectual-worker alliance, not because the alliance broke down. We conclude with a discussion of what these findings imply about contemporary right-wing populism beyond Wisconsin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mark Canuel's book, "The Fate of Progress in British Romanticism," offers a reconsideration of the intellectual history of progress during the Romantic period. Canuel argues that Romantic writers saw political progress as separate from progress in other realms, and that it was enabled by social and ideological divisions. The book examines the works of various Romantic writers, including William Blake, Mary Wollstonecraft, William Wordsworth, Percy Shelley, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, and John Keats, to explore their perspectives on progress. Canuel also discusses the tensions between progress and dissent in novels of the Romantic age, and considers the afterlives of Romantic anti-progressive progressivism in modern politics. The book provides a nuanced understanding of progress and its complexities during the Romantic period, and will be of interest to scholars of literature and intellectual history. [Extracted from the article]

This article charts how a disdain for progressivism in schooling was central to the development of conservative interests across the 1970s and 1980s. It does so by examining the Australian Council for Educational Standards (ACES) Review (1973–1987). This under-examined newsletter offers important insight into the cultivation of cultural conservatism, having links with the influential Australian conservative think tank the Centre for Independent Studies and the literary journal Quadrant, as well as comparable international outlets. First, this article identifies the diverse conservative interests and actors—including prominent conservative Australian figures—who set an agenda to intervene into educational practice via the newsletter. Second, I demonstrate how ACES Review writers depict progressivism as dangerous social engineering in contrast to their defence of traditional disciplines and educational standards. Third, I examine how ACES Review writers position themselves as speaking on the outside of power, as providing a voice of dissent against progressivism in government bureaucracies, and taking a leading role in conservative challenges to union leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author examines the works of American novelist, poet and screenplay writer Millen Brand, particularly how they embody the key conflicts in proletarian literature, namely, between modernist aesthetics and social realism and between revolutionary politics and progressive sympathies toward class struggle.

The article introduces Grant Kester's 1995 essay "Aesthetic Evangelists," emphasizing its role in shaping the discourse on community art and dialogical aesthetics. Topics include Kester's critique of community art's potential for discursive violence, its connection to progressive movements, and the risks of denying systemic oppression.

Merdeka Belajar as one of the new policies in the education system in Indonesia needs to be critically and deeply analyzed from various aspects, one of which is analyzed from the perspective of philosophy. There are various philosophical schools used in the world of education, one of which is the philosophical school of progressivism. The purpose of writing this article is to look at the independent program of learning an independent campus from the lens of the philosophy of progersiveism. This paper is a literature study conducted by looking at various existing libraries. The independent learning program of an independent campus turned out to be very much in line with the spirit of the flow of progressivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pedagogical principles of progressivism, characterized by a dedicated emphasis on the cultivation of critical thinking societal improvement, and interactive pedagogy, hold substantial potential for the augmentation of Pakistan's educational framework. Thus, this expository article undertakes thorough and all-encompassing inquiry into the prospective alignment of the Pakistani curriculum with the foundational principles of progressivism. 10-year research studies were selected for analysis so as to capture relevant research within a recent time frame. The thematic technique was used for data analysis. Findings show that using hands-on learning methods that are interactive and engaging. It involves connecting vital societal problems to what students learn, making education more relevant. The progressivism approach focuses upon students and their interests, and it values different viewpoints to create welcoming and open-minded environment. Besides, it creates ways for the students to pursue career goals. By combining these vital ideas into way, we teach, Pakistan has a great opportunity to create a learning environment that effectively readies students to be responsible and involved citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the question, ‘how can congregations that exhibit prejudice toward LGBTQQIA+ persons (different expressions of nonheterosexuality), overcome bias and discriminatory practices to become missionally holistic, hospitably welcoming, and inclusive of these individuals?’. The answer can be found in engaging an alternative biblical hermeneutic that emphasises the socio-historical context of a given narrative, thus creating a broader and deeper understanding of the principle of biblical hospitality as a fundamental theological premise inherent within the Judeo-Christian scriptures. Accomplishing transformative change demands intentionality by clergy equipped to engage the issues effectively. Pastoral ministers must cultivate the exegetical skills needed to guide local missional churches towards greater inclusivity, with the goal of creating more hospitably welcoming and inclusive faith communities. Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This article engages a dialogue between biblical and practical theology as missional praxis supporting congregational development as ecclesial reformational transformation to enable local churches to become hospitably welcoming and inclusive.