Search

This article tests Poguntke and Webb's theory of 'electoral presidentialization' through a comparison of Silvio Berlusconi and Boris Johnson. Johnson and Berlusconi stand as particular examples of 'electoral presidentialization', where dominance lies in power as an election 'winner' and 'mediatised leader'. This approach is highly contingent and reliant on continuous validation, and, as a result, both leaders failed to translate electoral 'autonomy' into concrete and lasting change. Utilising the three presidentialization 'faces', we identify three crucial weaknesses. First, their own electoral and mediatized focus created a pressure to permanently campaign and generate conflict, driving a 'politics of spectacle' that distracted from the politics of governing. Second, the centrality of their personality left them exposed to personal scrutiny, which increasingly focused on corruption, wrongdoing, and irregularities. Third, despite electoral command, their 'presidentialized' style rested on fragile party and coalition dynamics, leading to volatility and internal conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies have delved into issue attention in parliamentary questions directed at the executive cabinet, yet our understanding of cabinet members’ answers to these questions remains limited. Consequently, this paper investigates whether cabinet members strictly adhere to the issues raised in questions or actively divert attention in a different direction. Analyzing over 60,000 question-answer dyads from more than 3,000 question time sessions across the parliaments of Australia, Belgium, Canada, Croatia, and the UK, the study reveals that over 70 per cent of answers divert from or ignore issues raised in the questions. Furthermore, diversion is prominent when the prime minister answers questions, especially those from the opposition and concerning cabinet-owned matters, particularly in the early stages of the electoral cycle. This research significantly contributes to legislative studies, emphasising the importance of examining the cabinet agenda and its dynamic interaction with the agenda pursued by members of parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The report discussed the contents of the Royal Designation Letter addressed by King Abdullah II bin Al Hussein to Jordanian Prime Minister Jaafar Hassan on September 15, 2024, to form a new government. The designation followed the conclusion of the twentieth House of Representatives elections held on September 10. The report delved into the designation letter's most significant contents. These included the elections conducted under a new election law, a pivotal development that emerged from the recommendations of the Royal Committee for Modernizing the Political System in Jordan on 3/10/2021. This law, which allocated 30% of its seats to political parties, marks a significant shift in our political landscape. The designation also addressed the perilous developments witnessed in Palestine, particularly the genocide committed by the Israeli army in Gaza and the West Bank. These actions have far-reaching repercussions on Jordanian security and politics, necessitating utmost vigilance and concern. The report concluded that the royal directives in the designation letter underscored our unwavering commitment to the Palestinian cause. They focused on internal political affairs and some economic files related to mining, attracting investments, and developing infrastructure. However, the most significant emphasis was on the constants of Jordanian foreign policy, especially its continued support for the Palestinian people against Israeli aggression and occupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The report addressed the reality of the Jordanian economy during the period (2019-2023), in light of Jordanian economic policies aimed at maintaining overall economic stability and enhancing the rate of economic growth despite the difficult political situation surrounding the region. The report reviewed the development of several economic indicators for the aforementioned period, such as economic growth, inflation rate, budget deficit, unemployment rate, foreign direct investment, and public debt, and their repercussions on the state of the Jordanian economy [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Journal of Legal & Jurisprudence Studies / Mağallaẗ al-Šarq al-Awsaṭ li-l-ʿulūm al-Qānūniyyaẗ wa-al-Fiqhiyyaẗ is the property of Manar Elsharq for Studies & Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On 10 March 2024 the Commission on the Centre of Government published its final report: Power with Purpose. The aim of the commission had been to explore why Number Ten, the Cabinet Office and HM Treasury do not always work as well as they should and to explore what could be done to improve the centre of government radically. Perennial concerns about the existence of a 'hollow crown' at the centre of British government were, the final report recommended, to be resolved through the implementation of a 'radical' reform agenda. This article interrogates the commission's proposals from a critical perspective and builds upon existing concerns as to the viability of further centralising power in Whitehall. It achieves this by reflecting on an understanding of why history, criticality, governance, evidence and relationships matter when seeking to cope with complexity or when designing genuinely 'radical' new governance capabilities. It is argued that a full appreciation of these factors is essential to any project to strengthen the core executive and offers a more balanced, relational and systemic approach to nurturing strategic capacity in government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conversations with Mahathir Mohamad: Doctor M: Operation Malaysia by Tom Plate tells the experience of Mahathir Mohamad as a Malaysian Prime Minister with a superior legacy of his own, especially during his reign of power between 1981 to 2003. The book contains Plate’s detailed retelling of his experience interviewing Mahathir, besides reviewing the answers Mahathir provided on the issues surrounding his leadership. The combination of these two elements is the background that underlies the book’s narration. The contents are constructed by emphasising Plate’s critical perspectives as a former journalist from the West and a current professor at the Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles, towards third-world country leaders who are often associated with autocratic and dictatorial leadership and the answers from the main character himself, Mahathir, as a third world country leader who considered himself as purporting accustomed democratic style which was well-tailored to be implemented to Malaysians and the country due to its historical background and at that time – timely needed. Through this book, Mahathir has attested that he was a leader who had established the nation’s industrial infrastructure and brought its name to the attention of the world. However, along the line, as he was too focused and had driven solely by the ambition, he has single-handedly tightened and degraded the country’s institutions with somewhat – oppressive with authoritarian manner. Beyond recall, the book presents readers with fresh insights and viewpoints regarding Mahathir’s leadership, which is often fraught with controversies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 9 June 2024, Narendra Modi became India's Prime Minister for a third consecutive term, a feat previously accomplished only by Jawaharlal Nehru. However, this historic victory also began one of the most uncertain periods of his prime ministership. The fractured outcome of India's 18th general election has created a fundamentally different political landscape. Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured just 240 seats, a significant drop from its 2019 tally, and was therefore short of an absolute majority. Although the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) did win a majority, Modi will now be dependent upon coalition partners, necessitating a shift towards a more collaborative governance style. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article represents the transcript of a 2022 witness seminar on the theme of members of the British public writing to politicians. Collectively, the witnesses have experience of this issue dating from the early 1970s through to the present day. Angie Williams shares her experience of handling correspondence for Ed Miliband and Jeremy Corbyn as leaders of the Labour Party. Lord Kinnock (Neil Kinnock) describes what it was like to receive correspondence both as an MP and as Labour Party leader. David Beckingham relates his experience working in the Number 10 Political Office under Theresa May and Boris Johnson. Lord Parkinson (Stephen Parkinson) also gives a perspective on May, for whom he worked both at the Home Office and in Downing Street. Camilla Jequier explains her role dealing with correspondence for two Conservative MPs. The issues explored include attempts to use correspondence to measure public opinion, the shift from letters to email, gifts enclosed with letters, correspondents with mental health issues, death threats, and the emotional dimensions of correspondence. The witnesses had similar or overlapping experiences. There was agreement that correspondence is often misdirected or phrased in ways that are unlikely to be productive. This may point to a failure of citizenship education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Marmara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Hukuk Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Women leaders must still negotiate the boundaries and limitations of a highly masculine office. This article compares the strategies and approaches of two UK Prime Ministers who sought to do so: Margaret Thatcher and Theresa May. This article asks whether, and how, their positioning helped them to navigate the significant gendered barriers to women operating in executive institutions. A close comparison reveals the two leaders adopted a similar approach, styling themselves as 'heroic' and radical outsiders to govern within the masculine office of Prime Minister. In office, the two leaders adopted a comparable style, pursued a strong vision, and sought to closely control their inner courts. However, their performance and governing context made for very different outcomes. In their performance, Thatcher proved an adept communicator and operator, while May showed poor skills and communicative abilities. Moreover, while Thatcher navigated entrenched gender norms in an increasingly favourable context, May governed during the brittle politics of Brexit, over a far more deeply divided Cabinet and party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores and compares the political leadership of two successive British Prime Ministers, Theresa May and Boris Johnson, in their handling of the domestic politics of Brexit. Despite some similar dilemmas at the beginning of their premierships, their leadership delivered very different outcomes. The key argument developed here, using Richard Heffernan's power resources model, is that the explanation for these outcomes does not only arise from a different political context and circumstances under which each prime minister pursued their Brexit policy. Rather Johnson, unlike May, made skilful use of the power resources at his command. He possessed more personal power resources and drew upon the available institutional power resources more effectively than May. As a result, unlike May, he was able to be predominant in his government's Brexit policy. While we demonstrate the continued analytical value of Heffernan's model, we also point to its limitations and suggest how it can be revised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hybrid regimes are characterised by a balancing act between democracy and authoritarianism, with neither political regime type being dominant. The balancing of the state between democratic and non-democratic modes of functioning can take the form of a state transforming from authoritarianism to democracy and a form of regression from democracy to authoritarianism, when the democratic system is upset by non-democratic mechanisms. The functioning of the political system in Ukraine during the years 1996–2004 was such that the authoritarian aspects of Ukraine's hybrid regime overshadowed its democratic elements. Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way (2002; 2013) refer to this phenomenon as "competitive authoritarianism". This term denotes regimes where authoritarian features are more prevalent than democratic ones, according to the concept. Since 2004, the Ukrainian political system has transitioned towards a hybrid regime that places more emphasis on democratic characteristics. In the following twenty years, the Ukrainian hybrid regime was transformed between democratic-authoritarian hybrid regime (as a result of the events of the "Orange Revolution", and the "Revolution of Dignity") and authoritarian-democratic hybrid regime (during presidency L. Kuchma and V. Yanukovych). The hybridity of the political regime also translated into the functioning of the chief state bodies. The aim of this study was to find an answer to the question whether and to what extent did the hybridity of Ukraine's political regime imply on the specificity of the functioning of the institutions of the prime minister and government in the state. The research hypothesis is that the hybridity of the Ukrainian political regime, as a stage of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, partly contributed to changing the traditional order of functioning of the institutions of prime minister and government in the state just formally losing the head of state's dominant role in the process of government functioning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Existing research on party leader questioning in legislatures usually focuses on single case studies, less-than-ideal behaviours across leaders, and often post-election periods. Our article compares hostility and positivity in behaviours across three parliaments and, because of the COVID-19 crisis, across different time periods and modes of operation (live, hybrid, and online) while controlling for the same leaders. Using content analysis at the sentence level (N = 3554), our data contrast parliamentary leader hostility and positivity levels in the UK, Scottish, and Welsh Parliaments across three time periods: pre-COVID-19, initial, and lockdown COVID-19. Findings for positivity are mixed, but for hostility, we find that while the initial shock of the COVID-19 crisis suppressed hostility, Westminster has higher ratios of hostility across all three time periods, and that format of operation has little effect on behaviour. Findings suggest less hostility in Scotland and Wales than in Westminster adding possible weight to 'new politics' arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disputes within the double-headed executive, whether concerning the appointment and removal of ministers, members of high state institutions, or even entire governments, have moved the Czech political scene in their time, but rarely have these conflicts been resolved in any other way than politically. This is why it is important to look at the not yet fully clarified relationship between the president and the government -- in terms of constitutional (and extraconstitutional) powers. The paper is primarily focused on the attempt to map the limits of certain powers, especially in the relationship between the president and the government, or between the president and the prime minister, who has a rather specific position in the Czech government. It focuses mainly on three types of disputes, namely resignation, dismissal, and appointment disputes. I then compare these with the situation in Slovakia, which is similar to the Czech Republic in its parliamentary form of government, but far from identical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An Institute for Government (IfG) report on 'government at the centre' recommends creating new, rationalist policy machinery (including an inner cabinet) to manage the UK government's four‐year policy programmes—faithfully following how the Cameron‐Clegg coalition operated in 2010–15. That government's disastrous example shows how politically naïve this plan would be. This article draws out its complete infeasibility in late 2024 conditions. The IfG also proposes setting up a new Department for the Civil Service headed by a powerful minister as a counterweight to the Treasury (criticised only for being 'too good' and hence over‐dominant). Instead, this article sets out the case for a new and strong Department for Finance, Procurement and Productivity to take responsibility for spending control and other key public management roles, where the Treasury resource management has conspicuously failed in the last decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Grace Tame's 2021 Australian of the Year (AOTY) award directed public attention towards sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), as did Australia Day award recipients Donna Carson in 2004 and Rosie Battie in 2015. We use mixed-method textual analysis of a corpus of prime minister's Australia Day speeches between 1990 and 2021 to show how conservative Liberal Party prime ministers have narrated a discourse of idealised national identity to manage activist demands regarding SGBV policy. We quantitatively find that prime ministers promote masculine and heteronormative representations of Australian identity and then develop a qualitative typology of conservative SGBV frames employed by prime ministers that gloss over SGBV as a pressing and chronic policy issue and position idealised Australian femininity to condone and obscure SGBV. This paper builds upon scholarship on public policy and gendered nationalism to explain this pattern of SGBV problem definition and framing by conservative prime ministers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Every leader who leads the country will definitely introduce their respective slogans to be used as a big thinking framework that will be used as a template in implementing the country's government policy. After three months as the 10th Prime Minister, Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim launched his government's slogan, Membangun Malaysia Madani, on 19 January 2023 at the Putrajaya International Convention Center (PICC). Various reactions arose from the introduction of the slogan either positive or negative. Thus, this article discusses the voter's views on the slogan "Malaysia Madani" in the 2023 State Election. This study uses quantitative methods which are questionnaires in the field, interviews and also qualitative methods which are references to secondary data which are journal articles, conference/seminar papers and related scientific books. The results of the study found that the majority of respondents had heard the term 'Malaysia Madani' but they did not fully understand the slogan. Although the term has been called PMX for a long time, that is in 1995, but the term has not been widely covered by the media and the public. Overall, voters during PRN 2023 can accept or agree with the term Madani Malaysia which has good life values. Although they agree with the good terms and values, the issue of support for leaders, governments and political parties is another matter. Therefore, in order to get strong support from the people, leaders, governments and political parties need to not only introduce, but also practice these good values in order to be an example and thus convince the voters to support them in a future election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide passed a set of digital laws in 2021, which enabled the establishment of the Digital Agency as a central element in the e-government and the digital transition in Japan. Despite its great significance, the laws were prepared and passed in a record-breaking time. This article sets out to determine the factors contributing to the swift acceptance and success of the digital law package utilizing the multiple stream framework by John W. Kingdon. It demonstrates how Suga's ambitions coincided with a unique policy window opened by an unlikely confluence of the global pandemic and a persistent policy community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years at European level, there has been a growing interest in women holding the highest public office, that of Head of State or Prime Minister. The present study analyses this situation, seeking to validate the principle of equal opportunities between women and men, regulated in international legislation. To this end, several constitutions of European countries are analysed in order to find out what the legislation of those countries provides for the possibility of both women and men holding these positions. The research methodology will also involve combining theory and practice, giving examples of cases where women occupy the highest positions in the executive branch. the protection of individual rights within the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of political leaders tend to focus on their time wielding formal authority as well as the political “coming-of-age” that brought them to that crucial moment. Yet recent headlines about exceptionally powerful former heads of government such as Donald Trump and the recently-deceased Abe Shinzō suggest a greater need to examine politicians who have left top official posts. Such scholarship remains scarce even relating to the Japanese context, where elder statesmen have been particularly influential in the political process throughout history. This paper highlights the significant and complex role of former leaders by examining the case of former prime minister Satō Eisaku in 1970s Japan. Known for being the Japanese prime minister with the longest continuous tenure until Abe Shinzō broke his record in 2020, Satō’s activities as a retired leader have been largely overlooked. This study challenges the conventional wisdom about Satō, demonstrating that even as an elder statesman he exerted a pivotal, stabilizing influence in a tumultuous era of Japanese political history. Indeed, his accomplishments despite the brevity of his prime ministerial “afterlife” underscore the importance of taking political actors seriously even after they have vacated their formal public roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the College Of Basic Education is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatas is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This empirical study examines the reactions of 114 political science graduates in Malaysia, through a questionnaire-based survey on the power transition crisis that took place February 23rd to 1 March 2020. Throughout these “seven long days”, there was little opportunity given to university students, who were concerned with the Malaysian political affairs, to share their views in light of the “Sheraton Move” polemics and the formation of a new government (Perikatan Nasional, PN). Various responses from the students in the survey have been recorded among these are: the attitudes regarding the polemics of PN’s “backdoor government”; the conspiracy of the opposition’s political parties to topple the Pakatan Harapan (PH) leadership; the prospect of Mahathir’s unity government; the proposal for parliament dissolution and re-election; and the lessons behind the crisis. This study establishes that the 60.6 percent of the respondents rejected the power transition as it was during the political crisis, as well as supporting the criticisms on the formation of PN as betraying the people’s mandate. Respondents (86.0 percent) also agreed that the Majesty King (Yang di-Pertuan Agong) had played an effective role during the turmoil and proposed re-election and dissolution of the parliament at the expense of justice for all. The lessons derivable from the “Sheraton Move” is that the real politics approach is not relevant in the context of modern democracy, in Malaysia; there is the need to retain the spirit of consociational politics and the importance of political education for the youth in Malaysia, in particular, the future new voters.

Copyright of Journal of the College Of Basic Education is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Between 2010 and 2018, four Australian prime ministers were removed from office outside of a federal election, by leadership spills initiated by their party colleagues. Each of the prime ministers—Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard, Tony Abbott and Malcolm Turnbull—delivered a televised speech shortly after the leadership spill. The speeches provided an early opportunity, long before the preparation of any book-length political memoir, for each departing prime minister to narrate their political life and affirm their political legacy and identity. The speeches can be conceptualised as a rhetorical genre of life narrative in an Australian context. Applying Carolyn R. Miller's theory of genre as social action ("Genre as Social Action." Quarterly Journal of Speech 70: 151–167. 10.1080/00335638409383686.) confirms the speeches as a rhetorical genre, not because of their similarities in form and content but because they respond to the same recurring rhetorical situation—the leadership spill—and have shared social functions in their assertion of the rhetor's (speaker's) achievements, integrity and authenticity. All address the past, present and future; project a defining aspect of character; refer to significant others; and place life as prime minister in other contexts. In doing so, the speeches resemble but differ from some other forms of life narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to capture the participation of political parties in the governments of the Czech Republic in the years 1992 to 2021, the distribution of Seats in the Government, occupation of the Prime Minister’s Office and the type of coalitions formed. The study presented is theoretically grounded in the office-seeking approach to the study of coalitions and uses comparative and statistical methods. The data are analysed and interpreted in relation to the changes and development trends of the participation of political parties in the government. The case study concludes that the dynamics of the transformation of government coalitions can be divided into three stages. The first stage is represented by two decades of alternating dominant parties with a clear right-wing orientation: the ODS and the CSSD, which had a prime minister’s office, a share of more than 50% in the government and their coalition partners were smaller political parties. The second stage since 2010 is characterized by the weakening of the dominant parties and the emergence of more proportional government coalitions, where the strongest parties in the coalitions have less than a 50% share in the governing seats. The third final stage since 2017 is characterized by the arrival of a new dominant party: ANO gaining the position of prime minister, and for the first time by the formation of only a two-member government coalition.

The present study examines the discourse of the then Greek Prime Minister, Alexis Tsipras, following the 2018 July wildfire disaster in the Eastern Attica suburbs including Mati to reveal the frames employed by the main protagonist utilizing existing framing models while also incorporating the notions of ethic of care and strategic ambiguity. The then government received extensive criticism by the media and political opponents in regard to the management and communication responses of the then Prime Minister. A content analysis was conducted to the statements made by the then Prime Minister. Findings indicate that Tsipras during the initial stages of the crisis acknowledged the extent of crisis while also emphasizing the successful crisis response efforts. Moreover, strategic ambiguity along with low levels of "caring" were important elements of Tsipras' narrative at the initial stage. As the public outrage and criticism intensified, Tsipras incorporated a more caring profile and presented the disaster as a "critical opportunity" by shifting the blame to previous governments and proposing policy changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the institutional arrangements surrounding the Japanese prime minister and offers an analysis of the core executive style in accordance with the classifications introduced by Dunleavy and Rhodes. The constitutional arrangement was set out to establish a 'prime ministerial government' in Japan. However, Japanese bureaucrats, who feared strong individual authority, instead sought to create a 'cabinet government' which exercises strong authority as a collective body. In addition, two developments weakened the prime minister's power over the cabinet, namely the ceremonial role of cabinet meetings and strong factionalism within the ruling party, which led to a 'bureaucratic coordination model'. Since the 1990s, institutional reforms have shifted the Japanese core executive towards a 'prime ministerial government'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Basing on the previous and early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, this article analysis the main determinants of citizens' trust in the prime minister over that period. Prior research on the political effects of the pandemic has mostly focused on identifying a rally around the flag effect, and little is known about other reasons behind the increase in trust after the outbreak of the pandemic. Based on survey data from February to July 2020 for Spanish citizens, we argue that the reasons for the increased trust in the prime minister following the pandemic outbreak are due more to performance evaluations than to emotional-related factors regarding COVID-19 health issues. We also argue that among performance evaluations, the assessment of policy performance in fighting the COVID-19 crisis is of preeminent relevance in explaining trust in the prime minister during the pandemic period. Findings widely support our argument. By comparing the effects of conventional to emotional-related factors, we extend scholarship on political trust in the context of an exogenous crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social & Economic Studies is the property of University of the West Indies - Mona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This empirical study examines the reactions of 114 political science graduates in Malaysia, through a questionnaire-based survey on the power transition crisis that took place February 23rd to 1 March 2020. Throughout these "seven long days", there was little opportunity given to university students, who were concerned with the Malaysian political affairs, to share their views in light of the "Sheraton Move" polemics and the formation of a new government (Perikatan Nasional, PN). Various responses from the students in the survey have been recorded among these are: the attitudes regarding the polemics of PN's "backdoor government"; the conspiracy of the opposition's political parties to topple the Pakatan Harapan (PH) leadership; the prospect of Mahathir's unity government; the proposal for parliament dissolution and re-election; and the lessons behind the crisis. This study establishes that the 60.6 percent of the respondents rejected the power transition as it was during the political crisis, as well as supporting the criticisms on the formation of PN as betraying the people's mandate. Respondents (86.0 percent) also agreed that the Majesty King (Yang di-Pertuan Agong) had played an effective role during the turmoil and proposed re-election and dissolution of the parliament at the expense of justice for all. The lessons derivable from the "Sheraton Move" is that the real politics approach is not relevant in the context of modern democracy, in Malaysia; there is the need to retain the spirit of consociational politics and the importance of political education for the youth in Malaysia, in particular, the future new voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The goal of this paper is to deliver a comparative analysis of the behaviors and statements of the PMs in Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and the Czech Repub­lic, using the concept of adaptive leaderships as a base for analysis. We employed the usage of four fundamental skills proposed by Glover, Friedman and Jones (2002) and of five fundamental recom­mendations proposed by Macpherson and ‘t Hart (2020) to assess the behaviors and relevant state­ments of the PMs of the four analyzed countries during the time of the pandemic.The fact that all four analyzed PMs did not employ many adaptive leadership skills and recommenda­tions may serve as one of the possible explanations for the very problematic results in fighting COVID-19 during the second phase of the pandemic, when es­pecially the Czech Republic and Slovakia belonged to the most affected countries. The costs of such limited competence are borne by citizens and busi­nesses.

The Government is a central public authority with a fundamental role in the functioning of the rule of law. Together with the President, the Government represents the executive power of the state. Even if the formation of the Government is in the first instance the result of political agreements, it moves away from the political component and focuses on the administrative component, after the investiture, to implement the political government program. This study analyzes the way in which, according to the constitutional and legal provisions, the Government, by means of the Prime Minister leads and coordinates the activity of the ministries and of the central public administration in achieving the double role, namely political and administrative, in order to observe if the current legislative framework needs to be improved.

In the constitutional law of any country, constitutional reform is one of the ways out of legal barriers, as a result, there may be changes in the power of senior officials. In Iran, in 1989, constitutional amendments were made the result has been a shift in some of the powers of senior government officials and it is worthwhile to address it from the point of view of constitutional law. Among the institutions that were reviewed in the mentioned reforms; it was the "presidency." The present article seeks to answer this question: What are the most important legal reasons for deprivation of the dignity of the Presidency of the "President" in the structure of the 1989 amended constitution? In answer to this question, using the research method: descriptive-analytical, the research results indicate that first; The dignity of the "presidency" was lost as a result of these reforms. Secondly; Due to the persistence of the institution of "presidency" in the constitutional logic, it is erroneously assumed that in these amendments, the institution of the "Prime Minister" was removed and his powers were transferred to the President However, what actually happened was the removal of the "presidency" institution and in this sense, the wording of the constitution needs to be amended.

The election of Fiamē Naomi Mata'afa as the first female prime minister of Sāmoa has been widely heralded as a critical juncture, especially for women, that will change the nature of Sāmoan politics. In this Comment piece we endorse the observation that Fiamē's success is remarkable and her election as prime minister significant. But we also caution against the somewhat idealistic and naïve assumption that her prime ministership will be a radical break from the past. Fiamē is well suited to the role because she has three decades of experience as a member of the former governing party in which she rose to the rank of deputy prime minister. She only broke ranks in opposition to reforms that she felt were a significant threat to the rule of law and to fa'aSāmoa cultural beliefs and traditions. If she is a success as prime minister, it will be because her status, profile and highly tuned political instincts embody and balance both continuity and change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)