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While males have predominantly held leadership positions in national-level parliaments, the rising visibility of females as heads of government, despite their underrepresentation, is a significant trend. This study investigated the political resignation speeches of four female leaders in national parliaments: Australia, England, New Zealand, and Scotland. Examining their speeches revealed a strategic utilization of self-praise to construct their identity as effective leaders. A comparative analysis of these speeches highlighted distinct self-praise strategies employed. These speakers interacted with varied levels of familiarity with their audience influencing their self-praise strategies. Addressing familiar individuals prompted the use of diverse strategies, notably emphasizing direct self-praise with modifications. In contrast, when addressing less familiar recipients, leaders tended to lean more towards straightforward strategies. Across these speeches, a multimodal discourse analysis uncovered the diverse communication modes utilized by leaders including variations in bodily movements, hand gestures, and eye contact. These modes of communication reflected the perceived social distance between the speakers and their audience.

Being ubiquitous, language is essential to our everyday existence. Human language is seen to be a traditional field that depends on using words in accordance with intricate standards. In this study, the idea of aggressiveness is investigated from a pragmatic viewpoint. The goals of this research are to identify the aggressive techniques that Clinton uses in her speeches, to show the impoliteness tactics that she mostly uses to accomplish her goals, and to expose the pragma-rhetorical tropes that are mostly mentioned in her speeches. The research proposes that in her presentations, Clinton utilizes indirect verbal passive aggression, mostly negative impoliteness techniques, and often metaphor as the main rhetorical device. The study's results validate that Clinton utilizes indirect verbal passive aggression, mostly employs negative impoliteness techniques, and emphasizes overstatement as the main rhetorical device in her hostile speeches. Clinton's speeches are analyzed pragmatically to find rhetorical devices, aggressive messages, and rudeness tactics. The research admits several limitations, namely the subjectivity that might lead to interpretive biases in pragma-stylistic analysis. Notwithstanding these drawbacks, this research provides important new information on the aggressive language used by public authorities to shape public opinion.

Preparing students to enter the workforce and attracting and retaining good teachers are Americans' top educational priorities for the next administration in Washington, regardless of who wins the upcoming presidential election, the 2024 PDK Poll finds. While eight in 10 or more Americans pick those two items as priorities, other policy priorities also win broad support. Seven in 10--or more--favor an increased focus on addressing student mental health, helping students who have fallen behind academically, and college affordability. The survey was produced by Langer Research Associates for PDK International, with data collected June 21 to July 1, 2024, in English and Spanish, among a representative, random national sample of 1,009 adults.

In this study, we drew on the m(ai)cro framework, which centers racism as a macrosystem, to examine how college-going emerging adults made meaning about society and themselves during the 2020 U.S. presidential election and 2021 inauguration. This period was marked by racial justice protests, a global pandemic, anti-Asian violence, and the storming of the U.S. Capitol by predominantly white Trump supporters. Using the constructs of critical consciousness and racial identity meaning making, we analyzed participants' reports of recent race related conversations. Our sample included 47 students (M[subscript age] = 19.71, SD = 1.72; 81% female, 17% male, 2% other; 45% Asian/Asian American, 30% white, 13% Latinx/Hispanic, 4% Black/African American, 4% Multiracial, 2% Middle Eastern/Arab) at a private, predominantly white university in the U.S. Midwest. Hybrid inductive-deductive analysis showed that a majority reported conversations with peers, focused primarily on racial inequity and justice. For many participants of color, conversations about topics including protests and anti-Asian violence were woven into their racial identities. In contrast, although many white participants discussed events such as the Capitol insurrection, none made links to their racial identities. Our findings highlight connections between critical consciousness and racial identity, and the importance of context and participant positionality in developmental research.

The study examined the social and political circumstances in Ghana which evolved because of the pandemic created by COVID-19, and the extent to which President Akufo-Addo was able to effectively use the medium of speech to manage this global health emergency. This study focused on the stylistic choices of the speech and investigated how different sentence structures, repetitions, political jargon, and other linguistic characteristics were deployed. Textual analysis involves the appreciation of a text while explaining its ideological and cultural dimensions (Fursich, 2009). This study was underpinned by the Narrative Paradigm Theory and Sociolinguistics. Under Narrative Paradigm Theory, narratives have a plot and characters that are involved in an interaction and can therefore be seen as a narrative in form and function. Sociolinguistics shows how language can be presented in specific contexts of social life, and how it reflects and then includes meaning and structure in those contexts (Schiffrin, 1997). Also, textual analysis as a qualitative research methodology was used for this study, and as an interpretive approach, it concentrated on the embedded cultural and ideological positions on the material. The findings from this study showed that the speech that was in a narrative mood incorporated all the achievements and challenges identified during the pandemic. It also provided cases of semantic analysis of words and meaning, relations among words that included metaphors, semantics, argumentative, narrative, and cognitive frames.

This paper explores the leadership styles of fourteen elected female politicians in executive government positions, as communicated through the official Instagram accounts that were in use during the COVID-19 pandemic. Seven of them are, or were, heads of government, six are or were mayors, and one is the president of an autonomous region in Spain. These women are Angela Merkel (Germany), Jacinda Ardern (New Zealand), Sanna Marin (Finland), Mette Frederiksen (Denmark), Erna Solberg (Norway), Katrin Jakobsdottir (Iceland), Tsai Ing-Wen (Taiwan), Anne Hidalgo (Paris), Virginia Raggi (Rome), Ada Colau (Barcelona), Claudia López (Bogotá), Claudia Sheinbaum (Mexico City), London Breed (San Francisco) and Isabel Díaz Ayuso (Madrid Region). A comparative content analysis of 2,330 units was conducted over a 6-month period. The study analyses the hard or soft leadership style conveyed by the women politicians selected in relation to four variables: political ideology, generational affiliation, level of government and techniques used in communication. The results show that the values of the variables affect leadership styles; therefore, the assumption that all female politicians have a single leadership style is erroneous and related to gender stereotyping.

The three terms comprising the Obama and Trump presidencies provide an opportunity to understand the evolution of race-conscious education policy in an increasingly multiracial, unequal, and divided society. Through document review and interviews with civil rights lawyers, government officials, congressional staffers, and intermediary organization personnel, we sought to understand how Obama officials envisioned and changed the role of the federal government in fostering K-12 race-conscious educational policies and what mechanisms they used to advance priorities. We also explored changes Trump administration officials made to federal civil rights policies and through which institutional means. Our findings reveal through-lines between past and present political agendas and the methods for enactment. Obama's interagency efforts to reinvigorate civil rights oversight and enforcement in education harkened back to the mid-1960s era of bipartisan cooperation around school desegregation. Yet the decades-long legal and policy retrenchment against civil rights advances made in the 1960s constrained further progress. Trump's administration advocated for the privatization of public education through increased choice and opposed race-consciousness in education law and policy. The reshaping of the federal judiciary under Trump presents challenges for race-consciousness in the law for years to come. Recognizing these consistent through-lines and constraints will be essential for advocates and policymakers going forward.

Concerns about a strong positive correlation between leadership and student success (Wood et al., 2013) coupled with community input around hiring from outside an organization, as opposed to hiring from within, contributes to the complexity of filling superintendent vacancies The limited research available on this issue is amplified due to the concern around the shortage of highly qualified superintendent candidates available to fill those top roles (Grissom & Andersen, 2012; Grissom & Mitani, 2016; Kamrath & Brunner, 2014). The role of district superintendent can be cumbersome, yet, it can be a role worth pursuing. The information gathered for this ethnographic study was derived from the responses from various stakeholders' opinions, feelings, and experiences as they related to the superintendent position and 'grow your own' hiring practices in rural districts. This study revealed there are both advantages and disadvantages to implementing the GYO approach. Limiting the pool of qualified applicants, and contributing to gender-bias in candidate selection were challenges shared by the participants while the building of a culture of leadership and shortening the learning curve were identified as advantages of a GYO hiring approach.

This article is aimed at analysing the modes in which educational instruction and equality are joined together in the official pedagogic discourse in Argentina during the period 2003-2019. This short period encompasses two moments of engaging in debates over the nature of this articulation--namely, the presidencies of Néstor Kirchner followed by Cristina Fernández (2003-2105) and that of Mauricio Macri (2015-2019). The analysis will be constructed through conceptual tools and methodologies arising from a political analysis of the discourse and will involve a set of documents that constitute expressions of the official discursiveness on the national level. The trajectory realised in this review considers three political-pedagogical antagonisms throughout the length of the period analysed: regarding (i) the idea of equality in official discourse, (ii) pedagogy as specific language for the construction of educational policies, and (iii) the degree of politicizing in the training and work of teachers.

Purpose: Several studies uncover how the period leading up to the 2016 election and the Trump administration affected college students, in particular those targeted by the rhetoric and policies in this tense sociopolitical environment. This article builds on this scholarship and examines how the broader sociopolitical context shaped how targeted and nontargeted students perceived and experienced the campus climate. Research Methods/Approach: We interviewed 21 students who had taken a higher-education course at one institution to gather their perspectives of campus climate. Students commonly referenced undocumented students and students of color as directly affected by policies and rhetoric during this time. We subsequently considered self-identified students of color and undocumented students as belonging to targeted groups and those who did not as nontargeted. Findings: Students described how the sociopolitical climate between 2016 and 2018 directly and indirectly influenced campus climate based on their perceptions and experiences. Students shared how discourse toward minoritized communities increased overt marginalization in the United States and on campuses. Immigration policies were frequently mentioned as impactful, and nontargeted students expressed major concerns for their targeted peers and family members. A few students also described how the polarized sociopolitical climate outside the university created divisions among students. Implications: Institutions should seek ways to ameliorate concerns and tensions students may feel as a result of challenging sociopolitical and campus climates. In addition to supporting students from targeted communities, institutions should provide opportunities for nontargeted students to learn more about issues affecting targeted communities.

Adult education is still regarded as a strategic agent for development and socio-economic transformation in many countries. In Tanzania, a special emphasis on adult education was particularly manifested during Julius Nyerere's presidency (1962-1985), which regarded adult education as a means of increasing popular awareness of political and social realities on the one hand and increasing the potential for social transformation on the other. This theoretical article critically examines Nyerere's policy on adult education as articulated in his speech on the theme of adult education delivered on the eve of the 1970 New Year and its implications for contemporary Tanzania. In the course of his argument, the author demonstrates how adult education remains of crucial importance, especially for developing countries such as Tanzania.

Community college presidents play a critical role in making decisions that shape the organizational cultures and policies of their institutions. This study explored the perceptions of 15 public community college presidents in Texas. Using focus groups and grounded theory methods, this research applied analytical frameworks focused on human resources in education to examine how community college presidents make decisions about financial aid departments. In doing so, this study also shares mechanisms that community college presidents use to encourage professional development for financial aid staff. Findings show that the decision-making process of community college presidents is highly influenced by the "culture of compliance" that many financial aid departments experience as a result of state and federal regulations. The findings also highlight the need for presidents to engage in relationship building within and outside of the institution to encourage professional development opportunities for staff. Implications for higher education practice are offered.

This article explores the causes of the epistemological crisis that gave rise to conspiracy theories which culminated in large swathes of the U.S. population refusing to accept the outcome of a democratic election. An epistemological crisis is defined by a blurring of facts and falsehoods to the degree that blatant and obvious propaganda holds sway over large segments of the population, resulting in truth decay. We provide an analysis of the propaganda themes collected and identified by the Computational Propaganda Project from April through July of 2020 that demonstrate their prevalence in American social media platforms. We then show how education may limit propaganda's deleterious effects. We approach our research in an interdisciplinary way from the fields of education and cultural anthropology and so contribute an angle to the current conversations about education in a democratic society that has not been the primary focus of educational thought.

One of the critical issues facing Historians today has been the emergence of Strong State regimes and the politicized pseudo history they produce in countries claiming to adhere to democratic norms. The attack on the Capital of the United States was based on a series of lies about voter fraud supported by President Donald Trump and members of Congress. Countering ideology based on a complete disregard for truth is now of paramount importance in the United States. This paper studies Trump's promise to Make America Great Again (MAGA) as a further evolution of Lost Cause mythos that began after the Civil War. The original story casts the enfranchisement of African Americans as a failure touting white supremacy and the righteousness of Jim Crow laws. How can History teachers counter these highly politicized myths? I suggest that the methodology of our profession may provide us with some important tools. John Dewey underscored the importance of critical inquiry to the preservation and advancement of democracy. Teaching students how to think historically goes a long way in the process of producing citizenry who are ready to participate in civil society. To that end I conclude this essay with a course that I teach entitled "Witches, Aliens, and Other Enemies." The course is designed to set moments of mass hysteria and paranoia in the American narrative against the background of reason and rational legal law utilizing the Salem witch hunt at the end of the seventeenth century and the "red scare" following World War II as case studies to stimulate student exploration.

Alongside the Disney theme park, miles of beaches along both the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico, Florida's long southern peninsula is filled with political, social, and cultural differences. The state's diversity comes as close to any geographic location in the world characterised by the term 'internationalism,' racially, ethnically, and culturally. Yet, not so long ago, this once bastion of liberal welcoming of others has now become firmly entrenched in the Republican Party's extreme brand of `Make America Great Again' (MAGA). This transition, however, did not happen accidently as the authors hope to make clear in this article. There are deep historical and philosophical antecedents to the Florida story which are meant to change how the US is governed, illiberally, and how it relates to the world. It is, therefore, a professional responsibility for internationally-minded educational leadership researchers to reclaim the purposes of education.

The study presents an exploration of how interpersonal relationships are created in a speech text. It investigated former President Muhammadu Buhari's Independence Day speech using mood structural analysis. The analysis aimed to explore the power of using mood structure in addressing Nigerians about the President's programs and policies during the 61st Independence Anniversary. The study adopted Halliday's systemic functional grammatical framework. The data were broken into clauses and mood structures. The analysis revealed that there were twelve declarative and four imperative sentences, respectively. The findings showed that the former President employed more declarative sentences than other forms of mood to demonstrate his close connection with his audience. He deliberately used fewer imperative sentences and other mood forms to indicate the power dynamics with his audience. The mood structural analysis of former President Buhari's Independence speech was characterized by well-selected linguistic structures aimed at conveying the policies and programs of his administration over time. It also illustrates how linguistic structures build interpersonal relationships in a speech text.

Political polarization in the United States is not a recent phenomenon. States are now often described as "red" or "blue" based on how voters predominately voted in the Presidential and other statewide elections. These differences now seem to have generated into values considerations oriented around social characteristics and beliefs about the size and role of government in society, with corresponding relationships to health behaviors. At no time perhaps was this more apparent than during the COVID-19 pandemic. Building on earlier research that ranked states on how hazardous or health promoting they are to the health of the citizenry, the authors attempted to further determine if any relationship might exist between these variables and how each state voted in the 2020 Presidential election. Of those states that ranked in the top 25 in earlier research on the multiple variables related to the actual causes of death, 5 are red states (voting Republican) and 20 are blue states (voting Democrat). While the authors acknowledge that clearly multiple factors are involved that center on differing values, this examination suggests that blue states ranked better on these measures.

In this essay, I introduce the term "governance inversion" to describe a situation in which a university administration repositions a governance body in such a way as to limit its legitimate governance function. Structural conditions might make governance inversion more likely, but narratives might also be deployed to make the inversion appear as the common-sense order of things. To illustrate, I examine how a university president has deployed a legalistic narrative to manage the university's senior academic governance body, General Faculties Council (GFC), and to relegate its role to that of a de facto advisory body, while the president is left free (without any similarly narrow reading of the president's own role under the governing legislation) to assume the position of the dreamer and mover of the university's future. This situation raises important questions about who articulates--and who is seen to have the legitimate authority to articulate--the mission, vision, and goals of the public university, as well as whose interests are ultimately being served by governance inversion. I suggest ways in which academic staff might organize so that governance inversion becomes recognizable and so that they might collectively set an inversion aright.

Despite the growing presence and visibility of paleoconservative critique of international curricula such as the IB, little scholarly attention has been invested in discerning how the rise of paleoconservative thought in mainstream politics has shaped or even redirected the IB's growth in the United States. This study strives to address this gap by examining the association between county-level voting patterns with the growth of the IB, the availability of different programs of the IB continuum, and school demographic data. Incidence Rate Ratios (IRR) and 95% Wald Confidence Intervals (CI) were estimated using mixed-effects Poisson models with county as the clustering variable. Notable findings include a shift in growth patterns beginning in 2008, where IB schools have increasingly clustered along partisan lines. The study concludes by considering the potential challenges these changing growth patterns may present to the IB's future in the United States and elsewhere.

In spring 2021, we taught a course called Honors White Supremacy and Privilege to university honors students at our higher education institution in Florida. Aimed at helping students process intellectually the Black Lives Matter events of the preceding year, the course took place just as a reaction was gathering momentum against anti-racist teaching. We present the materials used in the 1-credit course and contextualize the experience in ongoing Republican legislative efforts, particularly in Florida, to undermine the ability to teach courses like this. Much of the essay addresses the lessons we took away from the reading material and classroom discussions. These include the non-essentialism of race, the benchmark "normality" of whiteness, the material consequences of white supremacy, connections of the Trump presidency to a history of white supremacy, the recurring reactionary responses to challenges to the racial status quo, and the need to teach about white supremacy and privilege.

Inspired by the Studies on authoritarian personality and based on contemporary research on authoritarianism in Brazil, we will analyze the construction of the idol aura surrounding former president Bolsonaro, which allowed the far right to be elected and remain in power until the last elections in 2022. We see his rise as mostly due to the digital violence that largely benefited his campaign and was directed against the block of left-wing candidates. So as to clarify this issue, we will revisit the sociohistorical and psycho-political fundamentals of the antidemocratic and ethnocentric behaviors spurred by that leadership that became idolized. We will also outline an emancipatory, antiracist, culturally relevant and decolonial education, as a way to provide what Adorno regarded as being the antidote to the reemergence of a regressive barbarism. In the case of Brazil, barbarism refers to the remnants of the slave system implemented in the country for three and a half centuries, whose destructive potential was awakened under Bolsonaro's government, given the latent antidemocratic and authoritarian tendencies in our society.

What do pupils learn from bilingual interventions of civic education? This paper addresses this question by analyzing survey responses of 301 pupils who participated in a bilingual role-play about a televised debate on the 2022 French presidential election in French foreign language classes. The study shows, first, that the intervention significantly strengthened the specific interest in the election campaign. Second, both internal efficacy and subjective knowledge increased, as did, third, pupils' actual knowledge about the election. Fourth, it appears that the pupils were able to sharpen their understanding of French political culture. However, it should also be noted that all other constructs that can be attributed to intercultural learning did not experience any changes as a result of participation in the intervention. This is also true for participants' general interest in politics, basal and advanced participation intentions, and external efficacy. I identify subjective knowledge about the French presidential election, internal efficacy, advanced participation intentions, and pupils' cultural self-reflexivity as key drivers for strengthening intercultural understanding about the French political culture. Our paper concludes by discussing the limitations of the study and its implications for empirical research and practice in bilingual civic education.

The purpose of this study is to examine the linguistic and non-linguistic goals of the Southeast Asian languages (SEAL) policy in Taiwan. It was proposed by former President Ma Ying-jeou's administration to develop grades 1-12 students' multilingual awareness, for there has been an increasingly significant presence of second-generation Southeast Asian immigrants at school. Since current President Tsai In-Wen's first-term in 2016, the SEAL policy has been fuelled with an economic and sociopolitical agenda -- the New Southbound Policy, the measure which is designed to advance the nation's prospects in Southeast Asia. This study applies Cooper's [1989. "Language Planning and Social Change." New York, NY: Cambridge University Press] language policy as marketing and analyses the instrumentalist value of the SEAL. The Tsai government is conceptualised as a marketer; the SEAL are defined as the "product"; the Ministry of Education is assigned to the "place" as a hub which distributes the SEAL product to nationwide consumers; "promotion" piques the consumers' interest in SEAL learning; "price" is set by making one's profit gains larger than the sum of investment. The study concludes that the value of the SEAL product increases when its communication network is expanded from local immigrant communities and national school systems to an international business area.

This paper presents a legal discourse analysis of Bill Clinton's impeachment trial held in 1998. The paper's main objective is to explore the different meanings communicated by the dexterous use of some lexical and pragmatic strategies used by discourse interlocutors involved in the trial. More specifically, the article offers a linguistic study of the testimony and statements of President Bill Clinton relating to his impeachment trial. The paper focuses on three main analytical dimensions: word selection, power relations, and questioning and answering, and the way these strategies influence the discourse participants' conversational performance in the selected trial. To this end, this study draws on a legal discourse analysis approach as discussed by Coulthard (2013) and Mey (2016), focusing on lexicalization, the notion of power, and the use of questions and answers in courtroom settings. The overarching research question is: What are the different ideological and pragmatic meanings targeted beyond the use of selected words during the trial? Results reveal that language is a powerful tool in courtroom testimonies as it helps to extract information, verify evidence, draw legal outcomes, and encode and/or decode the underpinning meanings of courtroom discourse participants. These, in turn, serve to support or defy evidence and ultimately lead to issue a legally just decision.

This study aimed to investigate how the tasks of significance and identities are built in President Trump's speech in Saudi Arabia to find how President Trump employs language to perform these two building tasks. President Trump's speech in Saudi Arabia was analyzed qualitatively according to Gee's (2011) building tasks model. It has been found that President Trump enacts and builds the significance task by carefully selecting lexical items, cooperative patterns, lexical choice, and compliments. Furthermore, President Trump enacts particular identities and attributes specific identities to others in his speech, such as political, social, and cooperative identities. The analysis shows that President Trump shifts between the identities such as President of the U.S., a representative of the American People, a fighter and defender of American citizens and the world's safety and security, a businessman, a well-educated and knowledgeable person. This study recommends that future research investigate other political speeches delivered by President Trump based on any of the seven-building tasks of language that did not cover in this study.

While the study of ignorance is nothing new to philosophy, this article explores the origin and production of ignorance in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors link the question of a pandemic of ignorance to state education laws and policies that arguably manufacture ignorance. Their purpose is not to create a sense of paranoia or lead to conspiracy theories regarding the intentions of any one person or institution, but to argue that ignorance was manufactured by the Donald J. Trump administration during the COVID-19 pandemic, regardless of intent. The authors begin with a detailed explication of Proctor's three categories of ignorance, then provide evidence of convergence and divergence among and between the CDC/WHO and White House. The article ends with the argument that the biological pandemic was--and is--an agnotological pandemic, too, and that recent state education law and policy initiatives indicate the virality of manufacturing ignorance in schools.

The existing literature concerning the translation of political discourse in Thailand remains limited. To encourage more research in this area, this paper proposes a model for analysing the translation of political texts in the Thai context. Drawing upon Munday's (2012, 2018) appraisal approach to translation and Schäffner's (2004, 2012) analysis of the political context around translation, this paper offers a two-level methodology for investigating the Thai-English and English-Thai translation of political texts. The case of US President Biden's 2021 inaugural address was chosen for testing the model. The findings reveal that the two Thai news agencies translated only some parts of the speech, resulting in a selective re-presentation of Biden's political discourse. The ideological presentations of the two Thai versions are strikingly different: one representing a faithful portrayal of the original standpoint and the other with a stronger attitude in numerous ideology-laden terms. This paper also discusses the epitextual and contextual elements of the translations in question.

This paper reveals how Joseph Biden creates an image of a president-optimist through rhetorical strategy of positive self-presentation by using language effectively in his inaugural speech. The strategy is realized by two tactics -- positive representation of compatriots and forecasting good future for the USA. Aimed at evoking in the audience optimistic thoughts and moods, these tactics ensure appropriate use of rhetorical devices. In the tactics of positive representation of compatriots presupposing describing American citizens in a good light, Biden employs predominantly hyperboles (4 occurrences), metaphors (5 occurrences) and repetitions (12 occurrences). The tactics of forecasting good future for the USA consisting in describing positive experiences, wellbeing and prosperity in the future is realized by repetitions (29 occurrences), antitheses (27 occurrences) and metaphors (11 occurrences). Drawing on the rhetorical devices in the analyzed texts it is revealed the tactics of discrediting the opponents, the tactics of demonstrating power and others which obviously contribute to other strategies. This research demonstrates that Biden is likely to present himself positively in an attempt of maintaining power and support. The paper also discusses electoral promises and steps made by Biden's administration to improve the quality of education based on the principles of equity, diversity, and inclusion. It is established that growing investment in education is vital and teacher development should receive special attention on organizing a safe inclusive learning environment.

The main indicator of the priority directions of the state language policy is state language development programs. State language development programs directly affect the identification and formation of linguistic identity, especially the linguistic identity of youth. This article discusses the impact of state programs on the development of the state language on the formation of the linguistic identity. All major important programs for the development of the state language for the period of independence of the Republic of Kazakhstan are analyzed. The features of programs in the main areas, as well as their impact on linguistic identity, are noted. Also, to determine the factors influencing language identity, the authors consider the president's appeal in the prism of language problems and their solutions, which determines the direction of state programs for the development of the state language. The conclusions were made about the main direction of language development in the society of Kazakhstan. New points of view are needed in accordance with modern requirements for higher education, science and the implementation of the educational process. A new approach to the problem should conduct analysis from the point of view of today, enrich its content, makes new judgments.

The role of advertising animation film as a political motivate in the contemporary reality strategy through multimedia in the research scale of universal unilateral force "America". And this reflection on the animation industry, which made the US authorities and capital owners as a political motivate towards political trends and political changes within and outside America worldwide, and this impact and reflection of our country Egypt and monitoring the effects and results of modern political changes in the contemporary Egyptian reality, and the need to presence of an national Egyptian defensing resistant to Western ideologies, especially the American ideology, which push the changes towards her interests and her advantages as well as the need for writing the history of our contemporary reality by Ourselves via all multimedia forms until they are not forging for the facts or the history with different ideology of the good Egyptian thought. Referring to the futurology, which was concentered with it by the century. As "Dr./Salah Qunsoua "pointed at introduction Book, entitled "The clash of Civilizations" composed by: Samuil Hentgton -- In response to what the current events causes in the world, like problems and questions, do not find their solutions, or responses in previous models, samples, tribes, familiar and accepted theories until recently. As the contemporary world status, which America & Western Europe present the motivate of what facts happen and destroy the theories stabilized from the analysis of an interpretation.

One of the aims of educational institutions in Turkey is to adopt an understanding of nationalism based on Atatürk's views by students. Atatürk's understanding of nationalism was founded on the unity of culture. It rejects racism. It emphasizes cultural unity rather than blood ties or religious unity. However, various forms of nationalism in Turkey can find supporters. For this reason, it is important to examine how secondary school students understand nationalism and with which concepts they explain it. Qualitative research method was used in this research, which aims to examine how students conceptualize and understand nationalism. Since it is important for the students to express themselves naturally, they were asked to write an essay on nationalism. Student writings were analyzed by content analysis. According to the results obtained within the scope of the study, the students mostly used the expressions "to love homeland and nation" and "to protect homeland and nation" when explaining the concept of nationalism. As the age and grade levels of the students increase, the number of concepts related to nationalism used by students increases. Nationalism is understood differently by male and female students. While female students emphasize the concepts of love and work, male students emphasize the concepts of protecting and independence. Considering the place where the students live, the meaning attributed to the concept of nationalism varies. While the students living in the city center used the concept of love more, the students living in the town focused on the concept of protecting. The most important finding obtained within the scope of the study is that the participants did not base their nationalism on blood ties or religious unity. Students did not use non-inclusive expressions while describing nationalism. For this reason, it was understood that the participants had thoughts compatible with Atatürk's understanding of nationalism.

President Barack Obama's use of the hedging language is an evidence of his unique mastery of rhetorical strategies, power of persuasion and an influential speaker. The purpose of this study was to identify and retrieve the hedging devices contained in President Obama's speeches. For this purpose, his most important and decisive speeches were selected including two inaugural addresses, an annual message to Congress on the state of the Union and Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech. These speeches were processed through Salager-Mayer's taxonomy of hedges, which facilitated the classification of their respective categories, frequencies and pragmatic functions of hedging language. The data analysis process involved a mixed method of research design, first to count the number of the hedge words, calculate their occurrence rates; and then discuss them qualitatively to identify the reasons why specific hedges, and not others, were used. The processing of the data showed that the modal auxiliary verb 'can', a catchword in Obama's campaign slogan "Yes, we can", was the most often used hedging device. This finding points to a lack of variety and complexity in political language as far as hedging devices are concerned. However, the overall number of hedging devices found in Obama's speeches is a high figure. This elicits the importance of hedging in political discourse, and proves that Obama was very mindful of his language each time he addressed the nation. His rhetorical skills found in hedging outlets of expression to fulfill some purposes but at varying degrees: possibility and persuasion, on the one hand, and fuzziness and vagueness. However, given the limited number of the speeches processed in this research, the result needs to be confirmed by the analysis of the wider corpus of Obama's pre- and post-election speeches.

This article deals with the relationship between the Holocaust and antisemitism, focusing on the events of 2020-2021. The point of departure is the fifth World Holocaust Forum at Yad Vashem in Jerusalem, held under the slogan: "Remembering the Holocaust, fighting antisemitism". The event took place at the invitation of Israel's president, Reuven Rivlin, in advance of the 75th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz and International Holocaust Remembrance Day (January 23, 2020). Content analysis of the speeches given by presidents and prime ministers from around the world reinforce the insights of the Holocaust and the association with current-day antisemitism. In March 2020 the COVID-19 virus appeared, and a wave of antisemitism surfaced with it. Analysis of contents that appeared on websites and social networks reveals vitriolic antisemitism against Jews as generators of the virus, being the virus themselves. This study utilized the method of anthropologist Clifford Geertz (1926-2006), who established the interpretive approach to anthropology for analyzing culture contents. This, with regard to content analysis in general and to the contents of social networks and their contribution to antisemitism, in particular. Operation "Guardian of the Walls" in Gaza in 2021 further fanned antisemitism. Content analysis of websites and social networks portrays the Jewish soldier as a Nazi soldier and all Jews as murderers -- with all the Holocaust symbols and Holocaust language. The study seeks to examine whether and to what degree the educational system in general and guides of youth trips to Poland as mediators of memory in particular, are prepared for the educational challenge of eradicating antisemitism in the post-Holocaust era. The research findings show that the challenge still awaits us. Education is an essential instrument in the battle against antisemitism but the educational system, both formal and informal, is not prepared.

In order to reveal how Donald Trump is crucially involved in inciting riot and instigating insurgency, this pragmatic study strictly investigates and analyzes Donald Trump's tweets over the past months that preceded the unprecedented mob attack on the Capitol in January the 6th to impede the Congress endorsement of the US presidential elections that resulted in Biden's victory. The analyses in this study mainly draw on Austin's (1962) Speech Act Theory and it's sub-versions of Searle's (1969) and the Subsequent taxonomy of Searle (1976). Although Twitter has been created to be a social media platform, Trump used it to run the US foreign and local affairs and policies during his four-year term in office. Due to the thematic limitations and diversity of those tweets, the researcher does not by any means intend to explore Trump's tweets during the first three years; rather, she primarily focuses on examining the last year because it has abundantly and crucially witnessed what Trump really DID with words in his tweets, and this is the utter essence of Austin's How to Do Things with Words. The tweets he made were not pragmatically representatives nor expressives as they might look; rather, most of them were directives and commissives in force oftentimes so that he exploited millions of Americans to rally violent support for him in his ignoble and criminal cause as well as rallying thousands to attack the Us emblem of democracy and freedom in the "Land of the Brave and the Land of Free" as furious crowds stormed and breached the Capitol's barriers while the Congress Session was convening to certify the then president-elect's victory. Such a huge load of explicit and an implicit incitement has lead to the attempt of second time impeachment of an incumbent president in the history of the united states and the ongoing legal endeavors of Trump's indictment months after he left the oval office.

The primary concern of the present study is to provide a critical discourse analysis of Donald Trump's denial speeches of the 2020 United States presidential election's results. Using Van Dijk's framework of critical discourse analysis, this study investigates the linguistic features in five speeches of Donald Trump delivered after announcing the results of the US presidential election. The data analysis is conducted focusing on the use of 25 discursive devices presented by Van Dijk (2006), which represent the micro-level of text analysis to reveal the ideologies of positive self-representation and negative other-representation which represent the macro-level of text analysis. The findings of the study show that Trump made use of the majority of the discursive devices, with a special emphasis on using the following: "lexicalization," "evidentiality," "example/illustration," "number game," "polarization," "actor description," "hyperbole," "categorization," "victimization," and "authority." Furthermore, the analysis at the macro-level shows that Donald Trump used the ideologies of positive self-representation and negative other-representation, but he relied more on using negative other-representation. The findings also show that Trump used these discursive devices to justify his denial of the election results and gain the empathy of American people by showing a positive image of himself and his supporters while portraying others negatively by emphasizing their bad deeds during the election.

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a modern branch of linguistics. The current study applies CDA to a televised speech of El-Sisi, the Egyptian president, on the 47th anniversary of October Victory in its English version. The study aims to reveal ideologies behind the publishing of the speech and its role in shaping the mentality of Egyptians. The researcher applies Fairclough's (2014a) three-dimensional model. She also uses Halliday and Matthiessen's (2014) metafunctions of systemic functional grammar (SFG) as the tool for analysis. The analysis is mainly qualitative. The research answers some questions. The first one is: 'How the constructive ideologies are expressed through their linguistic structures and features in the English version of El-Sisi's speech on the 47th of October victory ceremony?' The second is 'what is the explanation for including such confidential ideologies in the published English version of El-Sisi's speech?' A significant finding is that the delivered messages of the speech reflect some ideological orientations. The ideological orientations are affected and determined by the dominant social ideologies and the general orientation of institutions in Egypt. The study aims to help readers use their skills in analyzing any discourse systematically. The study also highlights the fundamental ideologies needed to direct Egyptians for the benefit of their country. Future researches can focus on the role of words in reflecting ideologies or the role of explicitation and implicitation techniques in conveying beliefs and confidential ideologies.

This study explored the theme of unity in President Joe Biden's Inauguration Speech on the 20th of January from a linguistic perspective. The main research question was: How was the theme of unity conveyed in this particular speech through linguistic choices? The significance of this work lies in the fact that this specific speech has not been subjected to academic linguistic investigation to date. In addition, this speech is unique as it came to mark the beginning of the new presidency with a direct focus on unity as a recurring theme. The methodology adopted a qualitative analytical analysis of the concept of unity as referred to in this speech. The study followed a thematic analysis in approaching the speech text. The researchers scrutinized every utterance for clues on the possible linguistic features that portrayed the theme of unity conveyed by the speaker. They also examined the lexical items concerning the concept of unity in the speech. The results showed that the speaker used appropriate language in addressing the theme of unity. The speaker used religion and history as a source of rhetorical persuasive devices. The overall tone of the speech was confident, reconciliatory, and hopeful. The study concluded with some implications for pedagogy and academic research.

Politeness strategies are of significant importance to maintain the face of the addressee. Senders of formal congratulatory letters seek to create a positive image in the minds of their addresses by performing particular illocutionary acts and face-saving acts (FSAs) in the form of written texts. To the best knowledge of the researcher, this topic received little attention from linguistic researchers, especially on the pragma-stylistic level. The importance of this study arises from the fact that congratulatory formal letters are an effective tool in the successful performance of foreign relations and thus deserve investigation. The current study investigates the pragma-stylistic aspects of illocutionary acts and FSA Politeness Strategies in some selected English and Arabic formal congratulatory letters written by English and Arabic officials. Findings reveal that assertive constitutes the highest frequency in English data, while expressive occurs more in Arabic. Besides, the FSA politeness strategy (Use appropriate forms of address) includes most of the total frequency in both English and Arabic data, which still it appeared more in English. Additionally, (Exaggerate interest, sympathy with H) comes next in Arabic, while (Be optimistic) appeared more in English. In addition, results show that exaggeration (Hyperbole) is the prevalent stylistic device used in Arabic. Arabic officials usually exaggerate the glorification of people in authoritative positions, while English high officials tend to be more moderate. The findings will be helpful in cross-cultural comparative studies and other related fields.

This article examines the educational experiences of undocumented high school students during the Trump administration--a time marked by the intensification and expansion of immigration enforcement practices. Drawing on 24 in-depth interviews, we find that undocumented high school students experienced increased instances of bullying near the time of the 2016 U.S. presidential elections. Our respondents also worried about the growing uncertainty surrounding immigration policies and the future of DACA. This uncertainty shaped their plans; many students felt compelled to prioritize working and delay starting college to make use of their work permit while they had access to DACA and build emergency savings. While the current political climate gravely exacerbated students' fear and anxiety, students demonstrated a tremendous amount of resiliency, agency, and determination to achieve their goals. We find that access to a support network and encouraging school personnel played a key role. Thus, we conclude this article with a set of key recommendations for educators and counselors who are working with undocumented students and their families on the ground. [Additional funding for this project was provided by North County Higher Education Alliance, Latino Center for Leadership Development, the Sociological Initiatives Foundation, National Latino Research Center, and UndocuScholars at UCLA.]

Using the ecological systems theory, this study highlights the significant impact the political climate in the United States (i.e., anti-immigrant sentiments and violence) has on undocumented Latinx parents' engagement in their children's education. Drawing from a larger qualitative, interview-based study that explored how undocumented Latinx parents were involved and engaged in their children's postsecondary access and success (Cuevas, 2019; 2020), this study focuses on undocumented parents' experiences and processing of the 2016 Presidential Election. Findings illustrate how the explicit racist, anti-immigrant, and nativist narratives then-Republican Presidential Candidate Donald Trump campaigned under and won forced undocumented Latinx parents to (re)evaluate how their undocumented immigration status impacted their parenting behaviors. Specifically, the election results caused parents to (1) increase their hyperawareness of the repercussions of their immigration status; (2) reconsider what their deportation would imply for their children; and (3) reflect what DACA and a college degree meant for their undocumented children. In a time of constant anti-immigrant sentiment and racialized nativism, it becomes important to consider the impact these messages have on parents, and consequently, their children and their educational futures.

Scholars of political economy have raised the question of whether recent populist movements around the world signal the decline of neoliberal hegemony. What would such a decline mean for education policy, an arena that has been dominated by a neoliberal common sense for several decades? This study investigates the policy discourse of former U.S. President Donald Trump's Secretary of Education, Betsy DeVos, in order to assess the extent to which it aligns with the neoliberal common sense or draws upon discourses of populism that have been gaining traction in the last few years. Using methods of corpus linguistics, I engage in a critical discourse analysis of 59 of DeVos's public speeches delivered between 2017 and 2019 in comparison with a reference corpus of speeches delivered by DeVos's predecessors in the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations. The findings, informed by Ernesto Laclau's theory of populism as political logic and discourse, suggest that DeVos deploys several features of populist discourse even as she advocates policies that are characteristically neoliberal. I consider the implications of this discourse for education policy in the US.

This paper analyses the use of Twitter as a presidential communication channel during the first few months of the COVID-19 crisis. The aim is to determine how four recently elected presidents (those of Spain, Argentina, Mexico and Brazil) managed their political communication, and to explore the thesis that they resorted to populist messages during the first months of their terms in office. Using a qualitative methodology and the XL Node tool to capture data, a comparative analysis was performed on the messages posted on their personal Twitter accounts during the first 20 weeks of 2020, classified in six categories: polarization; conspiracy; exaltation and leadership; personalisation and privacy; emotions and feelings; and media publicity. The results indicate that the four presidents share populist traits, but to a different extent. López Obrador and Bolsonaro display a more populist profile, with emotional appeals to the people and to their saving action as regards the implementation of health policies. Conversely, Alberto Fernández and Pedro Sánchez are more akin to the pop politician profile, posting photographs and media messages with a view to receiving press coverage. Both post tweets, based on values and historical events, aimed at their grassroots supporters. The main conclusion is that the pandemic has enhanced the presidential and personalist profiles of the four leaders, although their actions during the COVID-19 crisis were not necessarily in keeping with the populist paradigm. Thus, Sánchez and Bolsonaro implemented a health management communication strategy, while López Obrador and Fernández paid scant attention to health policy.