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Presidential nominations are generally perceived to be under the control of primary voters and caucus‐goers, with party organizations themselves largely powerless to steer outcomes. However, parties are highly active in the background, often switching contests between primaries and caucuses or vice versa in order to influence the nomination. Despite the popular narrative of parties becoming more internally democratic and abandoning caucuses, we find numerous instances of states moving from primaries to caucuses. We examine state party switches between caucuses and primaries between 1980 and 2024, testing various theories of party change. This approach yields few systematic conclusions. Therefore, we shift to examining contemporaneous coverage of state party switches using an inductive qualitative approach, revealing a complex and dynamic nomination system and a variety of reasons why state parties choose one form of contest over another. These findings catch state parties in the act of trying to control nomination contests in surprisingly overt ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2004, Indonesia has held 5-yearly national elections for the positions of president and vice president. This has been a promising step forward in a maturing democracy. However, a restriction was imposed that nomination of presidential candidates can only be made made by political parties with parliamentary representation above some minimum level—the "minimum threshold". That threshold is relatively high, meaning that since 2009, there has only ever been two candidates for president in the elections, each backed by coalitions led by the dominant establishment parties. This paper discusses the workings of the minimum threshold and argues that it undermines democratic principles, having the effect of preserving and strengthening the power of the strongest political parties at the expense of new or emerging voices. We also propose an alternative approach that delivers the desired broader democratic voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political ambition is an advantage in men, but women striving for political power go against gendered social role prescriptions that place women in a subsidiary position of power. Conventional wisdom argues that women who breach prescribed social roles are thought to face a gendered backlash, but past research offers mixed conclusions on this point. We investigate whether women displaying progressive political ambition face a gendered backlash. We use a unique and original three-wave data collection that tracks voter responses to the candidates running in the 2020 Democratic presidential primary over an 18-month period—a presidential race with a record-setting six women pursuing the presidential nomination. We find that ambitious women initially receive less positive ratings on warmth and likability relative to ambitious men, offering evidence of a gendered backlash. We also find that participants express less willingness to support an ambitious woman relative to an ambitious man. Our results also suggest that the initially negative ratings ambitious women receive stabilize during a campaign suggesting that women running for high levels of political office may be changing how voters think about women in power. While the women who ran for the presidency in 2020 were ultimately unsuccessful, their campaigns may normalize the idea of women in high-profile, high-power political positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The announcement of one's candidacy for the presidency sets the stage for everything that will follow in the campaign. This study analyzes candidate announcements from the 2020 Democratic Party nomination for president and how each of the top six candidates branded themselves. The campaign announcement is the first opportunity to shape the brand of the candidate in a crowded field of candidates. Comparisons will be made between candidates with national name recognition and those who have yet to make a name for themselves on a national stage. For more well-known candidates, this address is meant to energize supporters and build momentum toward the nomination. Well-known candidates may be able to more clearly form a branding around policy positions. For the lesser-known candidates, it is a chance to introduce themselves to the nation and begin to build a following. These speakers may present a more personal narrative to brand themselves as an individual before presenting policy. A comparison will also be made between male and female candidates, including an analysis of gendered language in announcing their candidacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined how comments about Kazakhstan's 2019 and 2022 presidential elections posted on Tengrinews, one of the most commonly used news websites in Kazakhstan, reflected public sentiment toward the elections after two political flashpoints: Nazarbayev's resignation and the January 2022 protests (known as Bloody January - Qandy Qantar). In particular, the study seeks an answer to the question, "How has public sentiment changed between 9 April 2019 and 25 June 2019, as well as between 20 September 2022 and 21 November 2022?" In this paper, we applied a content analysis of all user-generated comments (n = 3,147) to identify Kazakhstani people's mood through the lenses of cues given in comments. The method demonstrates that people were most concerned about presidential nominations and candidates, election costs, protests, and social problems, and showed some hope for change. The results also demonstrate that Kazakhstanis tend to use sarcastic language and indicate the performative nature of the country's elections. Based on comparative analysis, we confirm that political flashpoints significantly affect citizens' sentiments, even regarding topics such as protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The presidential nomination model through the threshold is a provision regulated in the election law. The practice of presidential elections in Indonesia is often a difficult moment for both political parties and citizens. Several decisions of the Constitutional Court related to the review of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections, particularly regarding the threshold for declaring Article 222 of the Election Law not contradicting the constitution, meaning that Article 222 of the Election Law is considered to have complied with Article 6A paragraph (2) of the Constitution, but from the results research on article 222 of the Election Law still does not reflect the meaning contained in article 6A paragraph 2 of the Constitution. This research aims to build a presidential nomination model in the 2024 general election in Indonesia. This research is a doctrinal research using a case approach and a legal approach. This study was conducted by looking at the practice of the electoral threshold model for the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 periods as well as the provisions stipulated in the Election Law and the constitution. The results of the study indicate that it is necessary to form an ideal presidential candidacy model, namely using the maximum threshold as a requirement, in order to produce qualified presidential candidates who become leaders who are responsible, have integrity and are the hope of all Indonesian citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document is the minutes of the International Society of Lymphology General Assembly held in Genoa, Italy on September 15, 2023. The meeting began with a welcome from President M Amore and the approval of the minutes from the previous General Assembly. Elections were held, and the proposed slate of officers was elected. Reports were given by the President, Treasurer, Secretary-General, and Editor. The Society currently has 187 members from 35 countries, and the 28th World Congress of Lymphology held in Athens, Greece in 2021 was successful. The Journal of Lymphology continues to function well, with 144 new articles received between 2021-2023. The journal's impact factor is 2.3, the highest in the field of Lymphology, and its articles remain relevant for a long period of time. The website has been revised and updated, and the membership list is available to ISL members only. [Extracted from the article]

We examine the effects of shocks on the invisible Presidential primary in the United States. First, we build on existing models using an algorithm simulating social network shocks. Findings show that positive shocks significantly aid the lead candidate's chances of winning in the invisible primary. Negative shocks, however, are less detrimental to a lead candidate than positive shocks are helpful, as the leader is often able to survive a negative shock and still emerge victorious. Broad empirical tests demonstrate the importance of shocks as well. Beyond the importance of shocks, findings also suggest that Presidential candidate success in the invisible primary owes more to public- than elite-driven factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Constitutional Court’s Decision number 68/PUU-XX/2022 has sparked substantial debate among various societal factions. The controversy stems from the interpretation that the ruling potentially enables ministers to misuse their authority and exploit state resources for electoral advantages while running for President or Vice President, without necessitating resignation from their current position. This study seeks to discern the ramifications of the Constitutional Court’s decision number 68/PUU-XX/2022 on the roles and authorities of ministers within a presidential government structure, and to scrutinize the decision from an Islamic law/siyasah perspective. This investigation adopts a descriptive qualitative approach, grounded in library research. The normative juridical methodology is employed, focusing on decision number 68/ PUU-XX/2022. The study concludes that within the context of siyasah sharia, the decision could compel the nation’s leader (the President) to promulgate legal regulations that violate the principle of fairness between high-ranking and ordinary officials. However, the President risks being deemed unconstitutional if derivative regulations stemming from the decision are not enacted. Power abuse by state officials (ministers), partly driven by conflict of interest, is a critical concern. From the perspective of Islamic law/siyasah, the decision’s implications could potentially harm society and the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical accounts of American presidential nominating contests suggest that candidates jockey over ideology and policy in ways that shape the outcomes of these races. Yet this aspect of competition has been difficult to analyze with the formal and statistical methods that dominate this research agenda. To address this gap, this article presents a computational agent-based model (ABM) of candidates' ideological maneuvering during the invisible primary. We extend the framework developed by Michael Laver to study dynamic party competition in Europe, but recast it for the different context and to enable model fit to be more rigorously determined. Our analysis of data from the 2012 Republican invisible primary suggests the importance of ideological jockeying in this contest. Moreover, its dynamics can be well-explained by a basic version of the ABM in which candidates select between three strategies (aggregator, hunter or sticker) and then maintain that strategy over time. The fit of this model, particularly in the short run, can be improved by introducing a "momentum effect" that allows the candidates' standing in the race to rise or fall without any accompanying ideological change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2020 American election saw a record-breaking number of women vying for the Democratic presidential nomination and ended with Kamala Harris shattering the second-highest, hardest glass ceiling—the vice presidency. This significant event should not be taken for granted, but it is a mistake to assume sexism is no longer prevalent in American politics. This essay furthers our 2009 analysis of media frames that applied Rosabeth Moss Kanter's archetypes of women leaders—iron maiden, sex object, mother, pet—to coverage of women seeking the presidency and vice presidency since 2008. We find substantial evidence that the iron maiden and sex object are still common frames and evolved based on changing trends, specific women, and racial stereotypes. We conclude by arguing these frames have real-world implications for how women candidates are evaluated and how they might impact a woman's chances to win the presidency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ron DeSantis had made national headlines well before being reelected governor of Florida by the largest margin seen in the past forty years, almost 20 full points, even as he had taken no national level interviews. A large part of his gain in national attention came through the what I call a rhetorical strategy of “poking the bear,” with the bear in this case being the national media. By adopting the mainstream stance on a few key mainstream issues that the press, as a left leaning institution, would be certain to cover as controversial, even as radical, DeSantis was able to position himself as a viable contender for the Republican presidential nomination, even as he had not announced his candidacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about the 1848 U.S. presidential nominations by two associate justices of the Supreme Court including John McLean of Ohio and Levi Woodbury of New Hampshire. Topics discussed include the benefits of particular justices as presidential nominees, political positions while serving as justices and need to understand the relationship between the Supreme Court and American politics in the nineteenth century.

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Background: To investigate changes in sociocultural stressors and protective factors, and mental health in Latina mothers before and after the 2016 Republican presidential nomination. Methods: We examined changes in sociocultural stressors, protective factors, and mental health from two prospective cohorts of Latina mothers from interior and border US cities (Nashville, TN, n = 39 and San Diego, CA, ns range = 78–83; 2013–2020). Results: We identified significant longitudinal increases in depression, anxiety, and perceived stress in the border city, and reductions in protective factors (e.g., optimism, social support, and familism) across sites. Discrimination varied by location, and was associated with higher stress only at baseline in the border city, and with higher anxiety in the interior city at follow-up. Acculturative stress was consistently associated with worse mental health across time points in the border city. Various protective factors were associated with reduced stress and anxiety across time points in both cities. Discussion: We identified decreased mental health at the border city, and reduced protective factors in Latina mothers across both study sites in the years following the 2016 presidential nomination, during a time of shifting sociopolitical climate. We also identify increased acculturative stress and discrimination over time, particularly at the border city. Interventions to maintain and enhance psychosocial protective factors amongst Latina mothers are warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: In 2020, for the first time, a VP candidate was a black woman of immigrant parentage. This article asks whether Kamala Harris' vice presidential candidacy may have motivated some white voters and especially those scoring high on racial resentment, anti‐immigrant attitudes, or sexism to vote for Trump instead of Biden. Methods: We conducted an online priming experiment with non‐Hispanic white voters in August 2020, shortly after Harris was announced as the Democratic vice presidential nominee. Half of the samples were asked about their support for the president–vice presidential tickets, while the other half were asked only about support for a presidential candidate. Results: Our results show that the Harris' selection may have affected vote choice by pushing many whites, especially among the most racially conservative whites into the Trump column. We find mixed results for anti‐immigrant attitudes and sexism. Conclusion: We conclude that one aspect of Harris' identity—race—dominated the minds of voters relative to other aspects of her identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two previous studies investigated the relationship between newspaper issue agendas and those of candidate and campaign Twitter feeds during the presidential nomination seasons in 2012 and 2016. Both found the intermedia agenda-setting power resided with newspapers. This study replicates the previous two by examining the issue agendas of the nation's top newspapers and those of candidate and campaign Twitter feeds during the 2020 presidential nomination season. Computer-assisted content analysis and time-series analysis suggest that intermedia agenda-setting power was more even-handed during the 2020 nomination seasons compared to 2012 and 2016, although this finding depends on the metric used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2020 Democratic Presidential Nomination contest featured an unusually diverse array of candidates. It also featured a historically diverse set of presidential candidate spouses including multiple men and the first openly LGBTQ+ candidate spouse. Spouses have long been among the most important surrogate for presidential candidates because the public views them as an authentic window into the candidate's suitability for the presidency. Prior surveys of public opinion towards presidential candidate spouses have been conducted only during the general election phase, capturing the public's views only of the spouses of Democratic and Republican candidates securing the nomination. In this study we draw on a unique nationally representative survey of 400 likely Democratic voters, asking them what they thought of the spouses of the top four presidential candidates in national polling as of the start of the calendar year 2020: Jill Biden, Chasten Buttigieg, Bruce Mann, and Jane Sanders. We use this data to explore the public's assessment of this diverse group of candidate spouses and the implications for the traditionally gendered role of First Lady. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine Barack Obama's influence over the Democratic Party as an ex-president from three vantage points: his popularity among partisans, his control over party nominations, and his rhetorical influence over party platform stances. The findings are somewhat mixed. Compared with other contemporary presidents, Obama is far more popular among co-partisan voters. However, he has had only modest influence in presidential nominations, and, unlike other modern presidents, a waning influence on party platform stances. The findings are suggestive not only about Obama's own interests but also about institutional constraints of modern presidents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]