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Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The relationship between power, control, and violence defines the experience of intimate partner violence, abuse that occurs within the context of a current or former intimate relationship. Coercive control, including using violence and threats of violence to restrict another's freedom, is an especially dangerous manifestation of intimate partner violence. In this article, we point to an under-explored modality of power and control as well as resistance to intimate partner violence: the act of looking. Our analysis of interviews with 18 intimate partner violence survivors in the United States identified 'looking' as an emergent category in their experiences. We read these mentions of 'looking' through select insights from symbolic interactionism, post-structuralism, and postcolonial studies. We argue that acts of looking are everyday mechanisms for both the contestation and the maintenance of power and control in survivors' lives, highlighting dynamics of intimate partner violence that extend beyond physical violence. Paying attention to everyday forms of interaction like looking helps illuminate the webs of power in which survivors' intimate relationships are situated, including at the social and institutional levels. Tracing the 'looks' of survivors also underscores both the social nature of abusive intimate power and the social embeddedness of survivor healing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Synergy (1841-7191) is the property of Editura ASE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Synergy (1841-7191) is the property of Editura ASE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Synergy (1841-7191) is the property of Editura ASE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Synergy (1841-7191) is the property of Editura ASE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches en Langue et Littérature Françaises is the property of University of Tabriz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Le présent entretien propose un aperçu des idées de Lee Edwards, professeure en communication stratégique et chercheuse en relations publiques à la London School of Economics and Political Science, sur les enjeux de diversité, de pouvoir, d’inégalités et d’inclusivité qui touchent la pratique des communications ainsi que sur les conditions et possibilités de changement. Au cours de cette conversation, nous explorons avec elle les défis auxquels fait face la profession des relations publiques ainsi que les actions nécessaires pour promouvoir un environnement plus équitable et ouvert. Ce faisant, notre objectif est de mieux faire connaître au public francophone ses idées, qui ont marqué ce qui a été identifié comme un « tournant socioculturel » dans l’étude des relations publiques. Les réflexions éclairées de Lee Edwards offrent un regard précieux sur la façon dont les relations publiques peuvent jouer un rôle crucial dans la construction d’une société plus diversifiée, inclusive et juste.

En 1960, l’Etat congolais accède à la souveraineté plutôt formelle que réelle car l’aliénation de son économie, dépossédée de son patrimoine économique et financier par la Belgique, extravertie et assujettie par les puissances occidentales à tous les niveaux (production, commerce, finances et technologie), soumet les gouvernants au diktat de l’Occident. En effet, ces enjeux économiques et financiers vont constituer le pilier de la géopolitique transnationale de l’Etat congolais, qui évolue en permanence dans les rapports soit conflictuels soit d’accommodation avec les forces hégémoniques mondiales en fonction des postures respectives des différents régimes de Kinshasa par rapport à la quête de l’indépendance économique. Produit du système néocolonial, Mobutu ne saura pas mener une vraie lutte pour l’indépendance économique qu’il fait sienne : sa révolution mène plutôt à la consolidation d’un pouvoir personnel appuyé par une dévotion clientéliste à sa gloire, sans pourtant libérer l’économie ni son pouvoir de l’emprise étrangère. Combinés aux effets de la crise systémique de la dette qui est issue de son parrainage par l’Occident, les effets de la Perestroïka l’emportent en mai 1997 à la faveur de la guerre de l’AFDL. Mais, se plaçant aux antipodes des intérêts économiques et financiers de cette nouvelle géopolitique transnationale, le progressisme de L.D. Kabila pour l’indépendance économique ne fait pas long feu car il en paie le prix par son assassinat en janvier 2001. Averti par le sort de L.D. Kabila, Joseph Kabila emprunte la voie opposée à celle de son prédécesseur en concédant aux bailleurs de fonds tout ce que leur a refusé ce dernier, en faveur du parrainage de son régime, partant du processus de pacification de Sun-City couplé du financement de l’économie contre les plans d’ajustement structurel : ainsi, la libéralisation et, surtout, la privatisation de l’économie qu’ils impliquent , sont disputées entre plusieurs puissants réseaux transnationaux autour du pouvoir de Kinshasa. C’est sur fond de ce désordre économique que son successeur, Felix Tshisekedi, se cherche entre la quête du financement extérieur sous l’emprise de ses bailleurs de fonds étrangers et la redynamisation de l’Inspection Générale des Finances (I.G.F) pour maximiser les ressources essentielles de l’Etat.

In this article, the author explores the cooperative aspects of mound construction in Late Iron Age Scandinavia. Arguing against the outdated but widely held view that only centralized rule could organize monument construction, he investigates how participation in mound construction affected the people of Sør-Fron in south-eastern Norway. He contends, first, that repeated participation in mound construction helped create a sense of belonging and shared identity, which was maintained through centuries of major environmental and political turmoil. Second, mound construction was part of an active and conscious strategy to limit aggrandizement and prevent centralization and concentration of power. Rejection of Christianity arguably worked in similar ways. The author concludes with considerations of approaches to Iron Age monuments, emphasizing the importance of consensus and community-building and the role of communal opposition to centralized rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Française de Gestion is the property of John Libbey Eurotext Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on a reading of Carl Schmitt proposed by Jacques Derrida, this article examines the modern conceptual architecture that organizes the notions of « power », « State », « politics » and « law » into a system. In his Politics of Friendship, Derrida develops the thesis that an important Western intellectual tradition, whose apex is the work of Schmitt, tried to isolate the meaning of politics through a teleology of enmity. He demonstrates, then, that this teleology is permeated by insurmountable contradictions, and the project of a phenomenology of the political is doomed to failure. We will add another layer to this critique. By reading the texts that revolve around Schmitt's magnum opus The nomos of the Earth, we explore the modern division between two levels of violence. The first, organised by European public law, is the one that has seen the political realm centred on the State and its people. The second, marked by unlimited violence, is the one whose aim is the complete appropriation of the lands and bodies discovered in the New World. We argue that the meaning of politics depended not only on a contradictory teleology, but also on a discharge of annihilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jean Bodin defines sovereignty as the perpetual and absolute power of the Commonwealth - that is to say - a legislative power that knows neither conditions, nor constraints, nor obligations. Nevertheless, he also affirms that all sovereigns are subject to the laws of God and nature and to several human laws common to all peoples. So how can a power define as absolute can have limits? This is the contradiction pointed out by several interpreters of his political thought. My purpose is to show the imprecision of these opinions and to propose an interpretation that makes consistent the idea that the sovereign can be both above the civil law and subject to boundaries that limit his power to legislate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Native Studies is the property of Brandon University, CJNS, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El abuso sexual contra niñas, niños y adolescentes es un crimen que se comete desde la antigüedad. Entre los factores que lo condicionan sin dudas se encuentran la vulnerabilidad de las víctimas y el extraordinario poder de los victimarios. Esa asimetría no sólo facilita los actos y su silenciamiento, sino además el altísimo nivel de impunidad de esos delitos. Otra característica llamativa es que la mayoría de los abusos se producen en el seno de las familias o grupos convivientes. En ese contexto, a las víctimas históricamente se las descalificaba con la simple frase “los chicos mienten” y ya nada se investigaba. Los avances producidos hace pocas décadas en el ámbito de la psicología y el derecho, obligaron a los agresores y sus asistentes a idear mecanismos de respuesta lo suficientemente agresivos como para frenar todo avance que implicara una eventual sanción a los perpetradores. Surge de ese modo en 1985 una falsa teoría ideada por un médico pedófilo norteamericano, Richard Gardner. El aludido, en lugar de decir que los niños mienten, comenzó a vociferar que las madres le “lavan el cerebro” para hacerles creer que fueron abusados por sus padres. En la actualidad, el ataque a las madres protectoras se extiende a los profesionales que asisten a las y los niños. El desafío actual, es dar respuesta a esos violentos nuevos ataques al tiempo que trabajar en los dispositivos judiciales para lograr que jueces y fiscales apliquen en plenitud la legislación protectora de la niñez.

In this post-workshop summary, we describe three ethical challenges related to engaging people with lived experience as partners in health research. We share learnings and reflective prompts from our workshop delivered as part of the Canadian Bioethics Society Workshop and Community Forum held in May 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cette étude se propose d’envisager le silence dans sa dimension pratique, comme une conduite, une prise esthétique ou politique. Nous convoquons plusieurs disciplines - linguistique, anthropologie, sociolinguistique, musicologie, art, etc. – pour pouvoir souligner les fonctions du silence à travers des modalités matérielles, symboliques et politiques faisant appel aussi à l’analyse du discours. Même s’« il n'y a pas de silence absolu » comme l’affirme Cage, on peut toujours inventorier le silence éloquent (Ephratt 2008), le silence psycholinguistique, interactif et socioculturel (Bruneau, 1973) mais aussi sa contrepartie graphique dans l’espace vide, à savoir le blanc typographique (Dessons 2005) ou encore le silence comme élément permettant l’alternance des tours de paroles (Orecchioni 1995) et bien d’autres.

The concept of “constraint” is central to Oulipo’s work, yet the group has introduced this term into modern literary criticism without providing a consistent definition. The resulting ambiguities create challenges for researchers studying Oulipian constraints. This paper reviews Oulipo’s attempts to theorize constraint and legitimize its literature, examining these efforts through the lens of the group’s struggle for literary legitimacy. Indeed, the concept of constraint represents not only Oulipo’s poetic uniqueness, but also an important tool for the group to legitimize itself and gain power within the literary field. This paper argues that “constraint” has served as both an expression of Oulipo’s aesthetic singularity and a strategic lever in its bid for legitimacy.

Par-delà les classifications génériques apparentes, le facteur commun structurant pour la presque totalité de l’œuvre de Sciascia est, selon nous, le mécanisme de l’enquête.Qu’il soit emprunté à la forme littérairement “impure” du polar dont l’écrivain utilise les codes génériques et symboliques à contre-emploi ou à celle de matrice manzonienne, de la recherche philologique et/ou historique sur des documents véritables ou encore à celle d’inspiration borgésienne, du jeu de piste littéraire, ce mécanisme est celui de la recherche de la vérité qui peut seule permettre de rétablir la justice en utilisant les outils de la raison afin d’élaborer un contre-récit face à la mainmise du Pouvoir – politique, religieux, médiatique – sur les grandes narrations qui structuraient jusqu’ici l’histoire et la culture classiques.

Dans l’œuvre de Leonardo Sciascia on peut distinguer une évolution des formes et des représentations du pouvoir au fil du temps, mais son discours reste le même : le pouvoir est marqué par une négativité qui lui est propre. Cette négativité, on la retrouve dans le discours des personnages qui exercent le pouvoir, ce qui nous permet d’esquisser un paradigme des caractéristiques du pouvoir et du personnage type qui l’incarne.

Dans cet article, nous nous attachons à retracer la longue “histoire” du rapport de Sciascia au récit-enquête, qu’il a développé tout au long de sa production essayistique-littéraire diversifiée, à partir de Le parrocchie di Regalpetra jusqu’à Una storia semplice, à savoir du premier au dernier texte narratif publié de son vivant. Plus particulièrement, nous montrons, à travers l’analyse de ses ouvrages les plus représentatifs à cet égard, que cette histoire est loin d’être “simple” et que Una storia semplice peut, en ce sens, être considérée elle aussi, à notre avis, comme un livre-testament, car elle illustre emblématiquement sa réflexion tourmentée sur le lien significatif qui s’y établit entre (contre)récit et pouvoir, vérité et justice, auteur et lecteur.

This article analyzes the relationship between the Andalusian daily press and the media conglomerates in Spain from the 20th century to the present day. It highlights that few Andalusian newspapers remain in local hands and that there is a large regional communication group. The importance of understanding media ownership to understand the identity of publications and the evolution of companies is emphasized. The emergence of New Journalism and its relationship with power and public opinion is also mentioned. It discusses the consolidation of the market economy and the capture of local press by large businessmen and politicians. Examples of businessmen and politicians who invested in the newspaper business are mentioned. It is highlighted that corporate press has evolved and adapted to new media such as radio, television, and the internet. Some prominent journalistic companies in Spain are mentioned. The article focuses on the period of the Spanish Transition from 1975, where there was an explosion of new media. Changes in ownership in the main Andalusian daily newspapers during the Spanish Transition and the 1980s are analyzed. The conversion of the Cadena de Prensa del Movimiento19 into the Medios de Comunicación Social del Estado (MCSE), which were later privatized in 1984, is highlighted. The strong penetration of foreign capital in the Spanish economy and the concentration of companies in the media sector are mentioned. The importance of local press in covering events and the opinion of local residents is emphasized. The two major communication groups, Grupo Correo and Prensa Ibérica, which absorbed several local newspapers, are mentioned. The methodology used in the study is described, which is based on the structural approach and analyzes the ownership connections of the media with other elements of power, such as economic, political, and media. The article talks about the history and evolution of the ABC de Sevilla newspaper. Founded in 1929 by Torcuato Luca de Tena y Álvarez-Ossorio, the newspaper was part of the Prensa Española company, controlled by the Luca de Tena family. During the Spanish Civil War, ABC de Sevilla took the place of the monarchist newspaper ABC de Madrid. After Franco's regime and the Transition, the newspaper experienced significant growth. In 2001, Grupo Correo acquired 80% of Prensa Española and merged with Vocento in 2003. Over the years, ABC de Sevilla has faced competition and has experienced a setback in its market position. The Luca de Tena family has had a strong influence on the newspaper, with monarchic and aristocratic connections. Vocento has continued to grow as a media conglomerate, expanding to other media and launching digital editions of its newspapers. The article discusses the history and political and economic connections of the newspapers ABC de Sevilla, Ideal, and El Correo de Andalucía. ABC de Sevilla, founded in 1929, has had connections with political forces such as Alianza Popular and the Union of Democratic Center. Ideal, founded in 1932, has been linked to Editorial Católica and has had shareholders related to Cadena COPE and Grupo PRISA. El Correo de Andalucía, founded in 1899, has been a conservative Catholic newspaper and has had links to the Catholic League and the National Catholic Action of Propagandists. Ideal and El Correo de Andalucía have been part of Grupo Correo and later Vocento. The article describes the history of the El Correo de Andalucía newspaper and the changes in its ownership over the years. The Second Vatican Council influenced the newspaper's commitment to the social doctrine of the Church, while the arrival of Bueno Monreal as Archbishop of Seville led to collaboration with EDICA. [Extracted from the article]

The study analyzes the relationship between curriculum, power, and ideologies in education, highlighting the importance of a decentralized and flexible curriculum. The research emphasizes the need for an alternative curriculum to combat social disparities, based on authors such as Antonio Gramsci, Chimamanda Adichie, Jessé Souza, and Paulo Freire. Curriculum construction should be sensitive to local particularities and give voice to historically marginalized communities. The struggle of the black movement for the inclusion of Afro-Brazilian history and culture in curricula exemplifies the power struggle in education. The construction of a counter-hegemonic curriculum is essential to promote a more just and inclusive education. [Extracted from the article]

Belonging to the gang Los Ñetas, it is in part observing a certain number of rules which are transcribed in the Liderato, the book of the Ñetas. These rules are accompanied of trials procedure, the mesas disciplinarias, and of sanctions for those transgressing them. Yet, while Ñetas have developed a complex legal order to resolve internal conflicts, trials are little used. Is the Ñetas rules little applied, or little effective? What is the nature of these rules? Can we speak of Ñetas Law? And what is its role, if it is not used in cases of conflict?

Access to public space for earning livelihoods is important for street vendors in global south cities. However, due to continuous population growth and the demand for lands by the real estate development sector, pressure on land is very high in the global south. Consequently, global south cities such as Dhaka provide 'no place' for its poor migrant citizens. Yet, the urban poor are able to appropriate public space for livelihoods. Drawing on a case study of Sattola slum in Dhaka, this article investigates how the urban poor access to public space for livelihoods and construct counter-spaces by breaking the planned order of the city. This article argues that the urban poor are able to construct counter-spaces with the tacit support of translocal social networks as well as with the support of a range of state and non-state powerful actors who are compromised by the benefits and profits they extract from vendors. This article draws on qualitative data generated through in-depth interviews with 94 informal workers and 37 key informants. This article contributes to urban sociology literature demonstrating that the urban poor are able to construct counter-spaces drawing on a range of everyday tactics and appropriating public space by quietly breaking the planned order of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reexamines the colonial representation of Indians in Rudyard Kipling's "The Story of Muhammad Din" through a postcolonial resistant translation from English to Arabic. Set in India, Kipling's short story depicts the buried Anglo-Indian conflict between the world perspectives of an adult Englishman and an Indian child. To this Indian child, Muhammad Din, existence is situated at the crossroads of an intense personal and national struggle for power, freedom, and independence. The dominant presence of the colonial law, which is embodied in the English doctor's presumed authority and strict medical discourse in Kipling's narrative, fashions a negative and inferior representation of Muhammad Din and his father Imam. Moreover, the impersonal style of narration, which is noted in the final scene of Muhammad's death, enhances a colonial desire of the English to accentuate a rigorous sense of Englishness and national superiority that cannot be compromised. By offering a postcolonial translation of Kipling's story in Arabic, however, Arab readers re-conceptualize or re-imagine othered Indians – here Muhammad Din – as central post-colonial agents who also function as vital sources of artistic or creative power that is necessary to deflate colonial authoritative agency in Kipling's colonial text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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ABSTRACT: Without any complacency, Henri Lopès exposes the attitude of the dictators of Africa in the aftermath of independence. Incapable of leading their respective countries towards the paths of development, these new elites in power make fun of their populations, sometimes aided in this by recourse to retrograde cultural realities. It is therefore a question in this article of emphasizing the way in which the author concretizes the vision of a Frantz Fanon, Stanislas Adotévi or a Marcin Towa in relation to Negritude. Indeed, if this movement was mainly limited to sing of an Africa which would have been an ideal world before colonization thanks to its traditions and cultures, the writings of the latter have called into question the idea maintained by the cantors of this movement . In the wake of these authors, Henri Lopès shows in his novel Le pleurer-rire the way in which these traditions and cultures served the enterprise of subjugating populations by dictators. Thus, through an excerpt from said novel featuring a meeting of the Council of Ministers, this article shows how African traditions are often manipulated by dictators to stifle in the bud any inclination of populations to claim democracy and freedom. of expression as evidenced by the speech of the character Bwakamabé Na Sakkade dit Tonton RÉSUMÉ : Sans complaisance aucune, Henri Lopès met à nu l’attitude des dictateurs de l’Afrique au lendemain des indépendances. Incapables de conduire leur pays respectifs vers les chemins du développement, ces nouvelles élites au pouvoir se jouent de leurs populations, aidées en cela parfois par un recours à des réalités culturelles rétrogrades. Il est donc question dans cet article de mettre l’accent sur la manière dont l’auteur concrétise la vision d’un Frantz Fanon, Stanislas Adotévi ou d’un Marcin Towa par rapport à la Négritude. En effet, si ce mouvement s’est borné principalement à chanter une Afrique qui aurait été, avant la colonisation, un monde idéal grâce à ses traditions et cultures, les écrits de ces derniers ont remis cette idée entretenue par les chantres de ce mouvement. S’inscrivant dans le sillage de ces auteurs, Henri Lopès montre dans son roman Le pleurer-rire la manière dont ces traditions et cultures ont servi l’entreprise de subjugation des populations par les dictateurs. Ainsi, à travers un extrait dudit roman mettant en scène une séance du conseil des ministres, cet article montre comment les traditions africaines sont souvent manipulées par les dictateurs pour étouffer dans l’œuf toute velléité des populations à prétendre à la démocratie et à la liberté d’expression dont le discours du personnage Bwakamabé Na Sakkadé dit Tonton en témoigne.

Existing research on digital technologies in peacebuilding exhibits both tech-solutionist and tech-problematizing traits that tend to understate their embeddedness in society and politics. We argue that the study of digital peacebuilding should instead reflexively engage with the coproduction of the technical and the social in both academia and practice. This requires asking how assumptions about technology are related to assumptions about the conflict and peacebuilding context on which these technologies are brought to bear, and with what consequences. Therefore, we propose a methodological framework that brings to the fore how technologies for peacebuilding and peacebuilding with technology are coproduced. First, we focus on the interrelated claims about peacebuilding and technology, and the coproduction of peacebuilding problems and technological solutions. Second, we inquire into the characteristics of the digital peacebuilding agendas built on these claims, including the dynamics of disruptive change and datafication that these agendas bring. Third, we consider the sticky effects of digital approaches, in terms of a politicization or depoliticization of peacebuilding efforts, and ask what kind of peace this may produce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Social Science Information is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dans les pays africains comme la République Démocratique du Congo, qui sortent de longues dictatures, le terme en vogue dans les milieux sociopolitiques était celui de Président Fondateur. A l’heure actuelle, où on s’ouvre à des démocraties pluralistes, on parle de plus en plus des autorités morales. D’où les questions suivantes : en quoi consiste ce passage ? Renvoie-t-il à une psychopathologie du pouvoir ? Peut-on y lire des projets de plénitude de la réalisation humaine ou, mieux : est-il à mesure aujourd’hui de nous ouvrir à une philosophie nouvelle du pouvoir en rapport avec des politiques sensées, toujours plus éthiques ?

Ce texte s’intéresse aux stratégies mobilisées par les mères salariées pour concilier contraintes professionnelles, travail domestique et éducation des enfants. Inscrite dans une approche qualitative, les données sont issues des entretiens semi-directifs individuels menés auprès d’un échantillon de trente femmes salariées, mariées et ayant des enfants identifiées à Abidjan et à Daloa. Les résultats identifient la gestion à distance de l’espace domestique et familial, la formalisation de la mise à distance de l’espace professionnel au profit de l’espace domestique et l’offre de volontariat et d’accompagnement des collègues comme trois formes de stratégies pratiquées par ces femmes.

L’étude aborde la corrélation entre déterminants anthropobiologiques de l’écoféminité et systèmes patrimoniaux de pouvoir en milieu rural chez le peuple Akyé de Côte d’ivoire. L’approche descriptive et analytique des données de terrain, démontre des défis d’autonomisation des femmes du fait d’un stéréotype biophysiologique du genre soumis à une marginalité ethnoculturelle. En conséquence, la force émancipatrice de travail féminin dans le maintien des conditions de vie paysanne à travers les travaux champêtres et de subsistance, donne une position prédominante de responsabilité familiale aux femmes au détriment des hommes. L’éveil d’écoféminité suscite une reconfiguration adaptative du pouvoir patriarcal dans cette société matrilinéaire.

La presente investigación se enmarca en una sumatoria de supuestos derivados de un eje nuclear que es la belleza, como protagonista de una complejidad social del siglo XXI. Se busca reconocer elementos en torno a la dominación exógena de patrones estéticos, que obligan a cosificar experiencias nacidas desde lo instintivo en relación con los límites axiológicos. La belleza, bajo el enfoque de esta investigación, mercantiliza y cosifica el cuerpo femenino dentro de un mercado fluctuante entre oferta y demanda, con tabulaciones y precios definidos por la cultura occidentalizada. El costo de “ser bella” produce “espirales del silencio”, donde la degradación, la indiferencia, incluso la prohibición son elementos que distinguen el mundo de la transgresión y el culto al ego. El soberano frenesí del cetro y la corona completan rituales de veneración de lo estético, con las dificultades derivadas de una lógica amigo-enemigo. El otro, es una amenaza natural que, se debe derrotar en los certámenes y la pasarela. Lo anterior, enmarca a los elementos que se deben considerar para que los modelos de vida y vida de modelos sean entendibles, como herencia de hábitos facultativos atrapados en ilusiones de autorrealización y desarrollo.

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Le présent article se propose d’analyser les différents aspects de la crise présents dans la pièce Le Roi, le rat et le fou du Roi de Matéi Visniec. Dans cette pièce grotesque, on passe d’une crise de la monarchie, située dans un univers à la fois carnavalesque et révolutionnaire, à une crise de l’humanité dans la société démocratique. La folie des dirigeants, la dégénérescence de la société, la crise de la parole et la manipulation de l’Histoire, qui est au service de la politique, tels sont les principaux visages de la crise dénoncés par l’auteur à travers les différentes formes du grotesque et autour desquels s’articule la présente analyse.

Transposant quelques caractéristiques du chien sauvage ou animal de compagnie à l’opérateur politique noir africain qui privilégie toujours et d’abord ses intérêts, l’auteur démontre que ce dernier est à considérer comme un « politichien ». Dans ce contexte, la population est dans les oubliettes, les pays d’Afrique noire sombrent et se sous-développent, alors que leurs dirigeants se surdéveloppent et soutiennent même des élections, de certains Chefs d’Etats des pays occidentaux. Ainsi, il est impérieux de repenser les origines du politicien africain, en rendant les partis politiques comme des « germoirs » responsables pour former et préparer des vrais hommes d’Etat, des gouvernants pour l’intérêt collectif.