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Copyright of Revue Française de Gestion is the property of John Libbey Eurotext Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on a reading of Carl Schmitt proposed by Jacques Derrida, this article examines the modern conceptual architecture that organizes the notions of « power », « State », « politics » and « law » into a system. In his Politics of Friendship, Derrida develops the thesis that an important Western intellectual tradition, whose apex is the work of Schmitt, tried to isolate the meaning of politics through a teleology of enmity. He demonstrates, then, that this teleology is permeated by insurmountable contradictions, and the project of a phenomenology of the political is doomed to failure. We will add another layer to this critique. By reading the texts that revolve around Schmitt's magnum opus The nomos of the Earth, we explore the modern division between two levels of violence. The first, organised by European public law, is the one that has seen the political realm centred on the State and its people. The second, marked by unlimited violence, is the one whose aim is the complete appropriation of the lands and bodies discovered in the New World. We argue that the meaning of politics depended not only on a contradictory teleology, but also on a discharge of annihilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jean Bodin defines sovereignty as the perpetual and absolute power of the Commonwealth - that is to say - a legislative power that knows neither conditions, nor constraints, nor obligations. Nevertheless, he also affirms that all sovereigns are subject to the laws of God and nature and to several human laws common to all peoples. So how can a power define as absolute can have limits? This is the contradiction pointed out by several interpreters of his political thought. My purpose is to show the imprecision of these opinions and to propose an interpretation that makes consistent the idea that the sovereign can be both above the civil law and subject to boundaries that limit his power to legislate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this post-workshop summary, we describe three ethical challenges related to engaging people with lived experience as partners in health research. We share learnings and reflective prompts from our workshop delivered as part of the Canadian Bioethics Society Workshop and Community Forum held in May 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the relationship between the Andalusian daily press and the media conglomerates in Spain from the 20th century to the present day. It highlights that few Andalusian newspapers remain in local hands and that there is a large regional communication group. The importance of understanding media ownership to understand the identity of publications and the evolution of companies is emphasized. The emergence of New Journalism and its relationship with power and public opinion is also mentioned. It discusses the consolidation of the market economy and the capture of local press by large businessmen and politicians. Examples of businessmen and politicians who invested in the newspaper business are mentioned. It is highlighted that corporate press has evolved and adapted to new media such as radio, television, and the internet. Some prominent journalistic companies in Spain are mentioned. The article focuses on the period of the Spanish Transition from 1975, where there was an explosion of new media. Changes in ownership in the main Andalusian daily newspapers during the Spanish Transition and the 1980s are analyzed. The conversion of the Cadena de Prensa del Movimiento19 into the Medios de Comunicación Social del Estado (MCSE), which were later privatized in 1984, is highlighted. The strong penetration of foreign capital in the Spanish economy and the concentration of companies in the media sector are mentioned. The importance of local press in covering events and the opinion of local residents is emphasized. The two major communication groups, Grupo Correo and Prensa Ibérica, which absorbed several local newspapers, are mentioned. The methodology used in the study is described, which is based on the structural approach and analyzes the ownership connections of the media with other elements of power, such as economic, political, and media. The article talks about the history and evolution of the ABC de Sevilla newspaper. Founded in 1929 by Torcuato Luca de Tena y Álvarez-Ossorio, the newspaper was part of the Prensa Española company, controlled by the Luca de Tena family. During the Spanish Civil War, ABC de Sevilla took the place of the monarchist newspaper ABC de Madrid. After Franco's regime and the Transition, the newspaper experienced significant growth. In 2001, Grupo Correo acquired 80% of Prensa Española and merged with Vocento in 2003. Over the years, ABC de Sevilla has faced competition and has experienced a setback in its market position. The Luca de Tena family has had a strong influence on the newspaper, with monarchic and aristocratic connections. Vocento has continued to grow as a media conglomerate, expanding to other media and launching digital editions of its newspapers. The article discusses the history and political and economic connections of the newspapers ABC de Sevilla, Ideal, and El Correo de Andalucía. ABC de Sevilla, founded in 1929, has had connections with political forces such as Alianza Popular and the Union of Democratic Center. Ideal, founded in 1932, has been linked to Editorial Católica and has had shareholders related to Cadena COPE and Grupo PRISA. El Correo de Andalucía, founded in 1899, has been a conservative Catholic newspaper and has had links to the Catholic League and the National Catholic Action of Propagandists. Ideal and El Correo de Andalucía have been part of Grupo Correo and later Vocento. The article describes the history of the El Correo de Andalucía newspaper and the changes in its ownership over the years. The Second Vatican Council influenced the newspaper's commitment to the social doctrine of the Church, while the arrival of Bueno Monreal as Archbishop of Seville led to collaboration with EDICA. [Extracted from the article]

Par-delà les classifications génériques apparentes, le facteur commun structurant pour la presque totalité de l’œuvre de Sciascia est, selon nous, le mécanisme de l’enquête.Qu’il soit emprunté à la forme littérairement “impure” du polar dont l’écrivain utilise les codes génériques et symboliques à contre-emploi ou à celle de matrice manzonienne, de la recherche philologique et/ou historique sur des documents véritables ou encore à celle d’inspiration borgésienne, du jeu de piste littéraire, ce mécanisme est celui de la recherche de la vérité qui peut seule permettre de rétablir la justice en utilisant les outils de la raison afin d’élaborer un contre-récit face à la mainmise du Pouvoir – politique, religieux, médiatique – sur les grandes narrations qui structuraient jusqu’ici l’histoire et la culture classiques.

Dans l’œuvre de Leonardo Sciascia on peut distinguer une évolution des formes et des représentations du pouvoir au fil du temps, mais son discours reste le même : le pouvoir est marqué par une négativité qui lui est propre. Cette négativité, on la retrouve dans le discours des personnages qui exercent le pouvoir, ce qui nous permet d’esquisser un paradigme des caractéristiques du pouvoir et du personnage type qui l’incarne.

Dans cet article, nous nous attachons à retracer la longue “histoire” du rapport de Sciascia au récit-enquête, qu’il a développé tout au long de sa production essayistique-littéraire diversifiée, à partir de Le parrocchie di Regalpetra jusqu’à Una storia semplice, à savoir du premier au dernier texte narratif publié de son vivant. Plus particulièrement, nous montrons, à travers l’analyse de ses ouvrages les plus représentatifs à cet égard, que cette histoire est loin d’être “simple” et que Una storia semplice peut, en ce sens, être considérée elle aussi, à notre avis, comme un livre-testament, car elle illustre emblématiquement sa réflexion tourmentée sur le lien significatif qui s’y établit entre (contre)récit et pouvoir, vérité et justice, auteur et lecteur.

The concept of “constraint” is central to Oulipo’s work, yet the group has introduced this term into modern literary criticism without providing a consistent definition. The resulting ambiguities create challenges for researchers studying Oulipian constraints. This paper reviews Oulipo’s attempts to theorize constraint and legitimize its literature, examining these efforts through the lens of the group’s struggle for literary legitimacy. Indeed, the concept of constraint represents not only Oulipo’s poetic uniqueness, but also an important tool for the group to legitimize itself and gain power within the literary field. This paper argues that “constraint” has served as both an expression of Oulipo’s aesthetic singularity and a strategic lever in its bid for legitimacy.

Cette étude se propose d’envisager le silence dans sa dimension pratique, comme une conduite, une prise esthétique ou politique. Nous convoquons plusieurs disciplines - linguistique, anthropologie, sociolinguistique, musicologie, art, etc. – pour pouvoir souligner les fonctions du silence à travers des modalités matérielles, symboliques et politiques faisant appel aussi à l’analyse du discours. Même s’« il n'y a pas de silence absolu » comme l’affirme Cage, on peut toujours inventorier le silence éloquent (Ephratt 2008), le silence psycholinguistique, interactif et socioculturel (Bruneau, 1973) mais aussi sa contrepartie graphique dans l’espace vide, à savoir le blanc typographique (Dessons 2005) ou encore le silence comme élément permettant l’alternance des tours de paroles (Orecchioni 1995) et bien d’autres.

Access to public space for earning livelihoods is important for street vendors in global south cities. However, due to continuous population growth and the demand for lands by the real estate development sector, pressure on land is very high in the global south. Consequently, global south cities such as Dhaka provide 'no place' for its poor migrant citizens. Yet, the urban poor are able to appropriate public space for livelihoods. Drawing on a case study of Sattola slum in Dhaka, this article investigates how the urban poor access to public space for livelihoods and construct counter-spaces by breaking the planned order of the city. This article argues that the urban poor are able to construct counter-spaces with the tacit support of translocal social networks as well as with the support of a range of state and non-state powerful actors who are compromised by the benefits and profits they extract from vendors. This article draws on qualitative data generated through in-depth interviews with 94 informal workers and 37 key informants. This article contributes to urban sociology literature demonstrating that the urban poor are able to construct counter-spaces drawing on a range of everyday tactics and appropriating public space by quietly breaking the planned order of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Belonging to the gang Los Ñetas, it is in part observing a certain number of rules which are transcribed in the Liderato, the book of the Ñetas. These rules are accompanied of trials procedure, the mesas disciplinarias, and of sanctions for those transgressing them. Yet, while Ñetas have developed a complex legal order to resolve internal conflicts, trials are little used. Is the Ñetas rules little applied, or little effective? What is the nature of these rules? Can we speak of Ñetas Law? And what is its role, if it is not used in cases of conflict?

ABSTRACT: Without any complacency, Henri Lopès exposes the attitude of the dictators of Africa in the aftermath of independence. Incapable of leading their respective countries towards the paths of development, these new elites in power make fun of their populations, sometimes aided in this by recourse to retrograde cultural realities. It is therefore a question in this article of emphasizing the way in which the author concretizes the vision of a Frantz Fanon, Stanislas Adotévi or a Marcin Towa in relation to Negritude. Indeed, if this movement was mainly limited to sing of an Africa which would have been an ideal world before colonization thanks to its traditions and cultures, the writings of the latter have called into question the idea maintained by the cantors of this movement . In the wake of these authors, Henri Lopès shows in his novel Le pleurer-rire the way in which these traditions and cultures served the enterprise of subjugating populations by dictators. Thus, through an excerpt from said novel featuring a meeting of the Council of Ministers, this article shows how African traditions are often manipulated by dictators to stifle in the bud any inclination of populations to claim democracy and freedom. of expression as evidenced by the speech of the character Bwakamabé Na Sakkade dit Tonton RÉSUMÉ : Sans complaisance aucune, Henri Lopès met à nu l’attitude des dictateurs de l’Afrique au lendemain des indépendances. Incapables de conduire leur pays respectifs vers les chemins du développement, ces nouvelles élites au pouvoir se jouent de leurs populations, aidées en cela parfois par un recours à des réalités culturelles rétrogrades. Il est donc question dans cet article de mettre l’accent sur la manière dont l’auteur concrétise la vision d’un Frantz Fanon, Stanislas Adotévi ou d’un Marcin Towa par rapport à la Négritude. En effet, si ce mouvement s’est borné principalement à chanter une Afrique qui aurait été, avant la colonisation, un monde idéal grâce à ses traditions et cultures, les écrits de ces derniers ont remis cette idée entretenue par les chantres de ce mouvement. S’inscrivant dans le sillage de ces auteurs, Henri Lopès montre dans son roman Le pleurer-rire la manière dont ces traditions et cultures ont servi l’entreprise de subjugation des populations par les dictateurs. Ainsi, à travers un extrait dudit roman mettant en scène une séance du conseil des ministres, cet article montre comment les traditions africaines sont souvent manipulées par les dictateurs pour étouffer dans l’œuf toute velléité des populations à prétendre à la démocratie et à la liberté d’expression dont le discours du personnage Bwakamabé Na Sakkadé dit Tonton en témoigne.

This article reexamines the colonial representation of Indians in Rudyard Kipling's "The Story of Muhammad Din" through a postcolonial resistant translation from English to Arabic. Set in India, Kipling's short story depicts the buried Anglo-Indian conflict between the world perspectives of an adult Englishman and an Indian child. To this Indian child, Muhammad Din, existence is situated at the crossroads of an intense personal and national struggle for power, freedom, and independence. The dominant presence of the colonial law, which is embodied in the English doctor's presumed authority and strict medical discourse in Kipling's narrative, fashions a negative and inferior representation of Muhammad Din and his father Imam. Moreover, the impersonal style of narration, which is noted in the final scene of Muhammad's death, enhances a colonial desire of the English to accentuate a rigorous sense of Englishness and national superiority that cannot be compromised. By offering a postcolonial translation of Kipling's story in Arabic, however, Arab readers re-conceptualize or re-imagine othered Indians – here Muhammad Din – as central post-colonial agents who also function as vital sources of artistic or creative power that is necessary to deflate colonial authoritative agency in Kipling's colonial text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Existing research on digital technologies in peacebuilding exhibits both tech-solutionist and tech-problematizing traits that tend to understate their embeddedness in society and politics. We argue that the study of digital peacebuilding should instead reflexively engage with the coproduction of the technical and the social in both academia and practice. This requires asking how assumptions about technology are related to assumptions about the conflict and peacebuilding context on which these technologies are brought to bear, and with what consequences. Therefore, we propose a methodological framework that brings to the fore how technologies for peacebuilding and peacebuilding with technology are coproduced. First, we focus on the interrelated claims about peacebuilding and technology, and the coproduction of peacebuilding problems and technological solutions. Second, we inquire into the characteristics of the digital peacebuilding agendas built on these claims, including the dynamics of disruptive change and datafication that these agendas bring. Third, we consider the sticky effects of digital approaches, in terms of a politicization or depoliticization of peacebuilding efforts, and ask what kind of peace this may produce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Dans les pays africains comme la République Démocratique du Congo, qui sortent de longues dictatures, le terme en vogue dans les milieux sociopolitiques était celui de Président Fondateur. A l’heure actuelle, où on s’ouvre à des démocraties pluralistes, on parle de plus en plus des autorités morales. D’où les questions suivantes : en quoi consiste ce passage ? Renvoie-t-il à une psychopathologie du pouvoir ? Peut-on y lire des projets de plénitude de la réalisation humaine ou, mieux : est-il à mesure aujourd’hui de nous ouvrir à une philosophie nouvelle du pouvoir en rapport avec des politiques sensées, toujours plus éthiques ?

Ce texte s’intéresse aux stratégies mobilisées par les mères salariées pour concilier contraintes professionnelles, travail domestique et éducation des enfants. Inscrite dans une approche qualitative, les données sont issues des entretiens semi-directifs individuels menés auprès d’un échantillon de trente femmes salariées, mariées et ayant des enfants identifiées à Abidjan et à Daloa. Les résultats identifient la gestion à distance de l’espace domestique et familial, la formalisation de la mise à distance de l’espace professionnel au profit de l’espace domestique et l’offre de volontariat et d’accompagnement des collègues comme trois formes de stratégies pratiquées par ces femmes.

L’étude aborde la corrélation entre déterminants anthropobiologiques de l’écoféminité et systèmes patrimoniaux de pouvoir en milieu rural chez le peuple Akyé de Côte d’ivoire. L’approche descriptive et analytique des données de terrain, démontre des défis d’autonomisation des femmes du fait d’un stéréotype biophysiologique du genre soumis à une marginalité ethnoculturelle. En conséquence, la force émancipatrice de travail féminin dans le maintien des conditions de vie paysanne à travers les travaux champêtres et de subsistance, donne une position prédominante de responsabilité familiale aux femmes au détriment des hommes. L’éveil d’écoféminité suscite une reconfiguration adaptative du pouvoir patriarcal dans cette société matrilinéaire.

Le présent article se propose d’analyser les différents aspects de la crise présents dans la pièce Le Roi, le rat et le fou du Roi de Matéi Visniec. Dans cette pièce grotesque, on passe d’une crise de la monarchie, située dans un univers à la fois carnavalesque et révolutionnaire, à une crise de l’humanité dans la société démocratique. La folie des dirigeants, la dégénérescence de la société, la crise de la parole et la manipulation de l’Histoire, qui est au service de la politique, tels sont les principaux visages de la crise dénoncés par l’auteur à travers les différentes formes du grotesque et autour desquels s’articule la présente analyse.

Transposant quelques caractéristiques du chien sauvage ou animal de compagnie à l’opérateur politique noir africain qui privilégie toujours et d’abord ses intérêts, l’auteur démontre que ce dernier est à considérer comme un « politichien ». Dans ce contexte, la population est dans les oubliettes, les pays d’Afrique noire sombrent et se sous-développent, alors que leurs dirigeants se surdéveloppent et soutiennent même des élections, de certains Chefs d’Etats des pays occidentaux. Ainsi, il est impérieux de repenser les origines du politicien africain, en rendant les partis politiques comme des « germoirs » responsables pour former et préparer des vrais hommes d’Etat, des gouvernants pour l’intérêt collectif.

Belonging to the Los Ñetas gang means, in part, observing a certain number of rules that are transcribed in the Liderato, the Ñetas' book. These rules are accompanied by trial procedures, the mesas disciplinarias, and a series of sanctions for anyone who transgresses them. Yet, while the Ñetas have elaborated a complex legal order to settle internal conflicts, trials are rarely used. Are Ñetas rules poorly enforced, or ineffective? What is the nature of these rules? Can we speak of Ñetas law? And what use is it, if it is little applied in cases of conflict? This starting point will be the occasion to present a multi-sited ethnography carried out over four years among the Ñetas. I'll be looking back at the history of this gang, which originated in Puerto Rico and spread to the United States, Ecuador and Spain, as well as its internal transformation. By questioning the place of the law within criminal societies, I will show how the work of interpreting these rules enables the Ñetas to develop practices of self-improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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La presente investigación se enmarca en una sumatoria de supuestos derivados de un eje nuclear que es la belleza, como protagonista de una complejidad social del siglo XXI. Se busca reconocer elementos en torno a la dominación exógena de patrones estéticos, que obligan a cosificar experiencias nacidas desde lo instintivo en relación con los límites axiológicos. La belleza, bajo el enfoque de esta investigación, mercantiliza y cosifica el cuerpo femenino dentro de un mercado fluctuante entre oferta y demanda, con tabulaciones y precios definidos por la cultura occidentalizada. El costo de “ser bella” produce “espirales del silencio”, donde la degradación, la indiferencia, incluso la prohibición son elementos que distinguen el mundo de la transgresión y el culto al ego. El soberano frenesí del cetro y la corona completan rituales de veneración de lo estético, con las dificultades derivadas de una lógica amigo-enemigo. El otro, es una amenaza natural que, se debe derrotar en los certámenes y la pasarela. Lo anterior, enmarca a los elementos que se deben considerar para que los modelos de vida y vida de modelos sean entendibles, como herencia de hábitos facultativos atrapados en ilusiones de autorrealización y desarrollo.

Abstract : In a speech that Isocrates presents as a last praise of Athens, the place of royalty seems at first sight secondary. However, a close analysis of the speech shows that the political reflection is based on a network of references to kingship that can be seen in the prologue, in the constitutional discussion and in the contrasting figures of the Great King, Agamemnon, Theseus and the Spartan kings. By highlighting some of these figures (Agamemnon and Theseus in particular), refraining from criticizing the Spartan kings, Isocrates tries to promote a specific model of democracy and a political project in line with his panhellenic ideals, despite his lost illusions and his old age.

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Cet article s’intéresse au dévoilement des fils (in)visibles qui sont à l’origine du pouvoir d’une photo publiée sur un album du quotidien Clarín, en Argentine en 2005 pour célébrer les soixante ans d’existence du journal. Il se donne comme objectif d’identifier les modes par lesquels l’image choisie montre et cache certaines particularités qui la rendent puissante ainsi que sa potentialité transformatrice. Depuis Warburg (2002) jusqu’à Rancière (2010) en passant par Gombrich (1968), Barthes (2015) et Marin (1991, 1993), cette contribution souligne l’importance de ces fils conducteurs qui devraient être pris en compte par tout citoyen responsable.

Keywords: environmental impact assessment; power; knowledge politics; depoliticization; évaluation des impacts environnementaux; pouvoir; politiques du savoir; dépolitisation EN environmental impact assessment power knowledge politics depoliticization FR évaluation des impacts environnementaux pouvoir politiques du savoir dépolitisation 462 484 23 09/12/22 20220901 NES 220901 Introduction Environmental impact assessment (EIA) is a process that studies and predicts the risks and benefits of development projects with the aim of supporting decision making, aiding environmental management, and holding decision makers accountable for potential and foreseeable project impacts (Beanlands and Duinker 1986; Cashmore 2004; Cashmore et al. 2010; Bond et al. 2011). Although scientific knowledge has been at the core of EIA practice since its inception, its role in EIA varies widely between different visions of EIA, which can range from a highly technocratic process in which EIA is viewed as an applied science, to a highly participatory process in which EIA is viewed as a civic science (Bartlett and Kurian 1999). Divergent epistemic communities shape the EIA process, but knowledge hierarchy dominates EIA... This research shows that divergent epistemic communities are central in shaping knowledge debates in an EIA context. EIA practitioners refer to scientists and consultants who often conduct their work in EIA and other applied contexts, including the development of technical reports for the Muskrat Falls Project (I8: EIA Practitioner; I9: EIA Practitioner; I11: EIA Practitioner). The term EIA expert advisor refers to a legal or social sciences EIA subject matter expert who conducts their work in EIA and other applied contexts and served on expert advisory committees or review panels (I7: EIA Process Expert; I10: EIA Process Expert; I12: EIA Process Expert). [Extracted from the article]

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