Search

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On April 25, 1974, everyday Portuguese citizens transformed a military coup into collective popular resistance, thus initiating a revolutionary process that marked an end to the Estado Novo. Image-makers, aware of the historical event unraveling in plain view, occupied public plazas and roamed city avenues to document a popular uprising that marked a clear end to Portugal's Fascist project. In this impetus to record radical change, film and its associated technologies promised not only to document, capture, and freeze history in the making but also to make it material, to transform the push and pull of the revolutionary project into something that could be preserved and kept. The article questions the notion that digitization produces a straightforward dematerialization of the analogue print by proposing the concept of digital (im)materiality. This (im)materiality, it argues, not only allows the transformation of revolutionary images into heritage but also makes possible their (re)activation in ways that both speak to the past and reinvent the future. Attending to the (im)materiality of Portuguese militant cinema makes it possible to approach these images not as texts to be interpreted but as social artifacts through which meaning, knowledge, and memories are made. Following Morgan Adamson's call to consider how "images of resistance endure" and how "enduring images resist," the article traces the (im)materiality of Portugal's revolutionary filmic images with the aim of thinking across temporalities. So while, on one hand. the text unpacks how images of the Portuguese Revolution were produced and, subsequently, transformed into heritage, it also reflects on the author's own engagement with the Revolution's visual archives and her co-direction of the film essay A revolução (é) provável (The Revolution [Is] Probable, 2022), where splicing, cutting, and juxtaposing digitized images makes it possible to interrogate the material texture of history while also producing other forms or knowledge and knowing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the field of visual arts and artistic experimentation as important elements of civic agency in the Portuguese revolutionary process. It argues that Portuguese visual artists, who had been exploring new media and forms of expression since the late 1960s, anticipated and championed the Portuguese revolution as a democratic project. In doing so, they also proposed new forms of civic action, which intersected artistic practice with political engagement. I will specifically address the mobilization of the artistic and cultural community in Oporto for the creation of a "living" museum of modern art in this city. This project caused a rupture with the institutional apparatus of the dictatorship and effectively promoted a debate about cultural democratization and decentralization. This article conceives visual arts and action as a force for a more plural and progressive regime. It explores collective interventions in the public and institutional space; the configuration of democratic participation in the transformation of former dictatorial structures; and the envisioning of continuing change in order to consolidate democracy. The article thus advances a critical redefinition of the relationship between artistic practice and political mobilization and contributes to the dynamic dialogue between creativity and democratization in Portugal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Lídia Jorge's first two novels, O dia dos prodígios (The Day of Prodigies) and O cais das merendas (Picnic Quay), as anti-realist allegories that challenge the consensus vision of a free and equal "people", encouraged by propaganda, celebrating the Portuguese Revolution of 25 April 1974. Following Jacques Rancière's philosophical insights on literariness and democracy, each of the novels is analyzed in relation to an equivocal, misunderstood process of democratization that continues to exclude and ignore "the part of those who do not count" in the theoretical equality of all citizens in a given regime. Specifically, the analysis sheds light on what Prime Minister Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo once called "the small revolutions" of anonymous common people who, rather than submit to an equality that shuts them out, perform theatrical, political acts of disagreement calling attention to themselves as human subjects of social injustices or wrongs. Specific attention is given to the geo-cultural location and the economic configuration of the communities fictionalized in each novel, dramatizing different stages of the so-called transition to democracy. Jorge's complex texts provoke us to "see" history otherwise, according to the experience of a "people" confined to a coastal fringe of land who are undergoing a violent but unavoidable transformation from a rural subsistence economy to a capitalist market economy dependent on foreign investments and a liberal multi-party democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historía da Sociedade e da Cultura is the property of Revista de Historia da Sociedade e da Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper proposes a recomposition of the intrigue of journalistic narratives on the Revolution of April 25, 1974 in Portugal based on the coverage of two Brazilian newspapers: O Estado de S. Paulo and Jornal do Brasil. The journalistic narrative is understood as a time orderer in the contemporaneity, expressing a "generalized circulation of historical perception" (Nora, 1979, p. 180), mobilized by the emergence of a new phenomenon: the event. The unusual coup d'état in Portugal stirred the world's political imagination, reviving confrontations between left and right. At that moment, in Brazil, the military dictatorship completed 10 years and the fourth president of the Armed Forces was beginning its mandate. Narratives are analyzed from different points of view: the organization of facts in time, the construction of characters, projections for the future, or the re-signification of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the summer of 1975, a year after the Carnation Revolution, thousands of Portuguese men and women took to the streets in order to prevent what they feared could be a communist takeover. A military-led government had trumpeted the transition to socialism and the Armed Forces Movement was discussing the dissolution of the recently elected constitutional convention. This article offers a new account of the significance and political impact of the anti-communist rallies, demonstrations and riots during 1975 and provides an interpretation of the mechanisms by which anticommunist mobilization empowered moderate leaders and reversed the balance of power within the military, playing a crucial role in the triumph of electoral democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with the anti-austerity movement in Portugal and a frame analysis of calls for protest, the paper explores the relation between collective memory of a country and collective group memory. The Carnation Revolution which began on 25 April 1974 is the most important event in Portugal’s recent history. Most activists in the anti-austerity movement did not experience this event personally, so their memory depends completely on the existing, politically contentious collective memory of this event. The paper shows (1) the way in which group memories of the Revolution are constructed and (2) the functions these group memories have for the activist groups. It argues that collective memory of important historical events impacts on social movements’ identities, their aims, repertoire of contention and framings. Activist groups engage in the construction of their group memories, and by doing so they refer to collective memory at the national level. These processes are not purely strategic and are sometimes counterproductive in terms of possible success. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An introduction is presented which discusses articles within the issue on topics including curating and preserving podcasts in the PodcastRE Project, propaganda in radio research, and relation between radio and the Portuguese 1974 Revolution.

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2015, Lusophone Africa celebrated 40 years since independence. Portuguese colonies in Africa became independent in the aftermath of two orders of interlinked events. The first was the fierce-armed opposition to the colonial order – through the action of nationalist movements and nationalist thinkers such as Amílcar Cabral – which escalated after 1960 when French and English colonies in Africa were achieving independence. The second was the Carnation Revolution, in 1974, which, despite having taken place in Lisbon, had powerful reverberations across Portuguese Africa. Here, I argue that the Carnation Revolution was a by-product of the emergence of nationalist movements in Africa, when it became apparent that popular uprisings there could not be won by conventional armed struggle. Or, to put it slightly different, anticolonial struggle in Africa opened the way not only for the end of Portuguese rule on the continent, but also for the demise of dictatorship in Portugal itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Science Education is the property of SoWi Online e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article takes a discourse analytical approach to elements of the 40th commemoration of the Portuguese Revolution, focusing specifically on the absence of themes and participants by groups who were most directly involved in the Revolution, either as actors (the "Captains of Abril"), the retornados (Portuguese nationals "returning" to Portugal in the aftermath of the 1974 coup) and retornados-emigrantes (those who left Africa during this period but went on to live outside Portugal). The analyses center primarily on the speech by Portuguese President Cavaco Silva, given as the official opening of the 40th anniversary of the military coup of 25 April 1974, which brought the authoritarian regime of 48 years to an end. This examination, combined with other speeches of Cavaco Silva, newspaper reports, analyses of the integration of retornados, and a commemorative TV miniseries on the Revolution, provide the evidence for the argument that important voices of the Revolution were muted or silenced in the official commemoration of 2014. Finally, the relevance of actor-centered perspectives on commemoration is laid out for educators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I attempt to analyze the social memories of wives of soldiers in service on April 25th 1974, through the methodology of analysis recommended by Adele Clarke (2005), using data collected in 11 interviews conducted between 2005 and 2008 under a PhD project. As a conceptual framework I adopt the perspective of social memory in the tradition of Halbwachs (1992) and following Marc Augé (2001) and Paul Ricoeur (2004), which emphasizes the social and collective memory and points out the dynamic role it plays in building a meaning to the world. This analysis takes into account the dimensions of work, family, education, politics and social life, social and economic conditions and the expectations and dreams on which the interviewees draw comparisons between 1974 and the present and also produce judgments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an embryo of a literary guide on the Carnation Revolution to be explored for educational historical excursions other than leisure and tourism. We propose a historical trail through the centre of Lisbon, city of the Carnation Revolution, called Walk through the Revolution. The trail aims to reinforce collective memory about the major events that occurred in the early moments leading to the coup. The trail is made up by nine places of rememberance, for which literary excerpts are suggested and which are supported by a digital research procedure. A set of seven fixed and observer-independent categories are used to analyse the literary contents of 23 literary works published up to 2013. These literary works refer to events that happened between the eve of April 25 and May 1, 1974. At the same time, literary descriptions are explored using a spatial approach in order to define the literary geography of the most iconic military actions and popular demonstrations that occurred in Lisbon and the surroundings. The literary geography and the cartography of the historical events are then compared. Data analysis and visualization benefit from the use of standardised and quantitative methods, including basic statistics and geographic information systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's testimony of his experiences in the Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA), or Armed Forces Movement of the Portuguese military in Mozambique, focusing on impacts of the April 25, 1974 Portuguese military coup on Mozambique's independence movement. Topics include the MFA's policies towards Portuguese colonies in Africa and statement of Junta of National Salvation (JSN), the Mozambique revolutionary group Mozambique Liberation Front (Frelimo), and decolonization.

In this article we will seek to analyse the development of international ties that enabled the channelling of international support to the Portuguese Socialist Party led by Mário Soares. The support directed to Portuguese socialists assumed particular relevance in the summer of 1975, during which the revolutionary dynamic questioned and challenged the democratic legitimacy. Coincidentally, during these months there were ongoing negotiations for the signing of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the situation in Portugal was presented by several actors as a test of the climate of détente. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Portuguese Revolution , the process popularly known as the "Carnation Revolution” that lasted from 25 April 1974 to 25 November 1975, took place against a backdrop of military humiliation in defeat by peasant guerilla movements in the Portuguese colonies of Guinea-Bissau, Angola and Mozambique. However, an analysis of four distinct types of social conflicts - strikes; demonstrations; occupations of factories, other workplaces, and public services; and occupations of vacant houses - suggests that class struggle within Portugal was the essential dynamic of the Revolution. Revolution came to Portugal through an active workers’ movement against fascism within the context of a global economic crisis. Working people had decided it was time for democratic change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses new data on coups d’état and elections to document a striking development: whereas the vast majority of successful coups before 1991 installed durable rules, the majority of coups after that have been followed by competitive elections. The article argues that after the Cold War, international pressure influenced the consequences of coups. In the post-Cold War era, countries that were most dependent on Western aid were the first to embrace competitive elections after their coups. This theory also helps explain the pronounced decline in the number of coups since 1991. While the coup d’état has been (and still is) the single most important factor leading to the downfall of democratic governments, these findings indicate that the new generation of coups has been far less harmful for democracy than their historical predecessors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The purpose of this article is to analyze the protest and the response of human resource managers to the critic on the models of work organization made by the labor movement throughout 1974 and 1975. Based on the documents produced by both unions and workers committees or on the newsletter published by the Portuguese Association of Managers, we will seek to demonstrate the relevance of this conflict in the emergence of a new discourse around the worker and the company. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of 'economic sabotage' gained a decisive importance during the Portuguese revolutionary process of 1974-75. The diversity of meanings it assumed, of situations in which it was employed and of effects it produced, offered it a fundamental role, as the guideline of a narrative economy that portrayed the country's main business man as conspiring members of a counterrevolutionary plot. This article sustains that the articulation between an ever bigger State economic intervention and social conflicts was a key element in the radicalization of the revolutionary process, making the performance of commercial banks a decisive subject of political struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The different dynamics of archeology, the architectural heritage and museums in the "before" and "after" April 1974 are referred. Regarding museums, the situation of professional and civic associations is observed, through the analysis of the creation process and the subsequent development of the Portuguese Association of Museology (APOM) and the Portuguese National Committee of the International Council of Museums (CNP of ICOM or ICOM Portugal). It is recognized a trail conducting from the elitism and governmentalisation, connected to the period of the Dictatorship, to the socio-professional opening and community involvement, related to Democracy. It is stayed the thesis that popular action in general, and the associative movement in particular, constitutes a key pillar of the Portuguese Constitutional Regime in the particular configuration emerging from the Revolution of 1974. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political and social transformations resulting from the Portuguese Revolution in April 1974, were decisive in defining a global policy of patrimonial administration which, in 1980, materialised in the creation of the Instituto Português do Património Cultural. Since 1990, successive governmental legislation, all opposite to that holistic approach led to the present necessity for a new cultural policy at national level envisaging cultural patrimony as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue the innovating features of the Monte Mozinho (Penafiel) archaeological project, both the ones resulting from the methodology used in and the outcomes of the site excavation, which began soon after the 1974 Portuguese Revolution, as well as the ones resulting from the excavations subsequent expansion throughout the entire municipality physical area and their vast diachronic inclusiveness. Furthermore, the aforesaid project had a truly significant influence on the strengthening of the relations between the North of Portugal and Galiza researchers, on the formation of joint teams that worked together in several archaeological sites in the Northeast region and on the training of new archaeologists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brief observations on the meaning that had the new political situation created by the 25 April 1974 revolution in the development of prehistoric archeology of the northern region of Portugal, and the problems that arose and today, albeit in different ways, occupy us. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quando chegou ao Palacio de Belém para desempenhar o cargo de Presi-dente da República, o general Antonio de Spínola tinha um projecto político claro relativamente ao modo como se deveria processar a descolonizaçâo portuguesa. Esse projecto fora amadurecido ao longo dos anos em que o general desempenhara as funçöes de governador da Guiñé (entre 1968 e 1973) e conhecera a sua expressâo mais coerente e elaborada ñas páginas do livro Portugal e o Futuro, publicado no inicio de 1974. Spínola pretendía pôr em marcha um processo gradual que conduzisse à auto-determinaçâo dos povos das colonias e evitar a todo o custo que a descolonizaçâo fosse levada a cabo deforma abrupta, resultando numa mera transferéncia de poder para os movimentos de libertaçâo. Este artigo analisa os principáis obstáculos que se ergueram à concretizaçâo desta ideia, com especial destaque para o contexto internacional da descolonizaçâo portuguesa. Após 13 anos de guerras em África e de sucessivas resoluçöes aprovadas pela Assembleia Geral e pelo Conselho de Segurança da ONU, a expectativa na maioria dos países, em África e na Europa, e também ñas organizaçöes internacionais era de que as autoridades portuguesas conferissem de imediato a independencia às suas colonias, pondo fim ao mais antigo império colonial europeu. Nos meses que seguiram à mudança de regime em Lisboa, a ONU, a OUA e osgovernos de alguns dos mais importantes países da Europa Ocidental fizeram saber que esperavam uma descolonizaçâo rápida e a transferéncia de poder para os movimentos nacionalistas. Por conseguinte, o contexto internacional näo era favorável a Antonio de Spínola e aos seus planos para o futuro do impé-rio portugués. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Portuguese Revolution of 1974-75 had a profound impact on southern Africa, forcing the government of John Vorster to re-evaluate South Africa's diplomatic and strategic options. But because events in Lisbon -- as well as in Mozambique and Angola -- evolved slowly, an overconfident Pretoria found itself unable to read the situation clearly. In this it was hampered by inter-agency power struggles, as well as its relationship with Rhodesia. Generally cautious towards Mozambique, South Africa was rather more reckless in its involvement in Angola. This resulted in an embarrassing diplomatic defeat which revealed the emptiness of its proposed policy of détente, as well as of hopes of a new understanding with the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the role of the students' movement in the process of social mobilization and political radicalization that characterized the last years of the Estado Novo, before the fall of the regime and the start of the revolutionary process. Until some years ago, the studies on Portuguese students' movement considered the 1969's crisis as the most relevant event during the last period of the Estado Novo's life: the Marcelismo. Nevertheless, more recent analyses show strong mobilizations and a process of political radicalization in the university milieu from the beginning of the 1970s, under the influence of new radical left-wing groups. This mobilization anticipated numerous claims and part of the contention repertoire itself at the base of the revolutionary process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the democratic revolution, alongside with all political changes, the biennium of 1975 76 was a transition period also rich in diverse cultural experiences and representations. Usually within academic sites, which then integrated a heterogeneous urban young middle class, emerged experiences in the field of theatre, indicating an attitude of independence. This article intends to recognize the strategies developed by a significant sector of students in order to build processes of construction and definition of urban cultural resistance throughout this period [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the discursive construction of collective memories and the function of commemorative events for national identity. It focuses on how the 30th anniversary of the Portuguese 1974 revolution was portrayed in the government’s Programme of Action issued for the 2004 commemorations and in forty-three newspaper opinion articles also published in 2004. The 1974 revolution ended a 48-year right-wing dictatorship and has shaped subsequent historical events since the 1970s. When the Programme of Action changed the 1974 slogan ‘April is revolution’ into ‘April is evolution’, the written press responded by conducting a debate on this reframing. Using the Discourse-Historical Approach in CDA as the analytical framework, this paper highlights the discursive strategies on which the government’s manifesto was built and explores the opinion articles’ ongoing political and ideological tensions over the revolution, its commemorations, and how it paved the way into Europe, by describing the main macro-discursive strategies and raising issues regarding the (mis)representation of social actors and social action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the US reaction to the Portuguese revolution and its impact on the relationship between Washington and its main Western European allies. It analyses the international repercussions of the chaotic Portuguese transition and their impact on Soviet–American détente. Finally, it highlights the different responses to the Portuguese crisis given by the United States, and by Secretary of State Henry Kissinger overall, and by Western European Socialist governments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article focuses on the laborers' movements and the role of the soldiers during the Carnation Revolution military coup in Portugal in 1974. Several topics are discussed, such as how the revolution happened due to factors including the fact that Portugal experienced the worst economic crisis since the end of World War II in the 1970s, the lack of social mobility for Portuguese people, and social movements started by the labor forces in industrial Portuguese cities such as Lisbon, Setúbal, and Porto. Also mentioned are how several labor strikes by bus drivers, postal workers, and bakers were organized by labor unions leading up to the revolution, and that several laws were implemented against labor strikes by the Portuguese government.

Since the 1974 Revolution, all aspects of Portuguese society have gone through profound changes, and fashion and dress are no exception. Fashion design in Portugal took its first steps in the 1970s, conquering slowly yet progressively Portuguese consumers and, in more recent years, obtained a certain degree of international confidence and recognition. The Portuguese fashion industry has for many years been known for its quality and low-cost production, but designers face a larger challenge when it comes to being recognized as a fashion center. This article documents the period from 1974 to 2010 during which Portuguese fashion designers, events, and brands worked together to achieve national and international acknowledgment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) in the anti-fascist Carnation Revolution of April-September, 1974. It notes that a coup led by the Portuguese Armed Forces Movement (MFA) deposed prime minister Marcelo Caetano. The author comments on social tensions and the PCP's position on strikes. Social tensions and the conditions of the Portuguese working class are also considered. Other topics include party growth, party secretary Álvaro Cunhal, and anti-colonial struggles.

Presents literary criticism of the book "Levantado do Chão" by José Saramago. The author discusses how the book utilizes aspects of Portuguese literary and cultural conventions, including epic poetry and fado music, but reconfigures them for the book's peasant characters. He suggests the book relates the Portuguese April Revolution to Portuguese cultural traditions.

The article discusses the 2008 film "Le Passeur" by Portuguese artist and filmmaker Filipa César, about the 1974 revolution in Portugal. The French word "passeur" is discussed, as is the movie, in the context of film theory and the post-1968 political Left in Europe, with reference to the ideas of French film critic Serge Daney, among others.

An abstract of the article "The Portuguese revolution of 1974-1975 and its impact on the Spanish transition to democracy through the eyes of the Spanish clandestine press," by Raquel Varela is presented.

Copyright of Lusotopie is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When a dictatorship is overthrown and a transition to democracy begins, the police force's place in the new regime becomes a contested issue. Can they be trusted? Are they to be held responsible for having enforced the dictatorship's rules? The April 1974 Carnation Revolution put an end to Europe's longest right-wing dictatorship. The Armed Forces Movement, in order to consolidate its power after the revolution, dismantled the political police (PIDE) and imprisoned its officers. Other police forces were ordered to remain in their headquarters and wait for democratic reorganisation. During the two revolutionary years that followed, the provisional governments could not count on the police and did not exercise effective authority: workers occupied factories, shanty town dwellers occupied empty houses and angry mobs destroyed the headquarters of political parties. How could the new authorities deal with the people's disruptive mobilisations if repression was the mark that stigmatised the overthrown fascist dictatorship? The post-revolutionary governments had to devise a new interpretation of the police's repressive practices, learning to distinguish which were a mark of fascism, and which could simply be understood as the exercise of ordinary public order duties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analyses the agrarian reform in the southern part of Portugal, which took place as a result of radical legislation issued right after the 25 April 1974 revolution. The municipality of Avis is presented as an example of this movement, because of its charismatic leaders and the huge adhesion of their followers, who set in motion land occupations throughout the entire region. Personal and group motivations are described, using both written (institutional and literary) and oral sources. Thirty years later, consequences of the movement can still be found in the region and new ways of life were established in order to cope with the changing rural world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Compares the factors which led to the success or downfall of the moderate, centrist government placed into power after the downfall of the dictatorial regime in the Portuguese revolution of 1974-1975 and other revolutions in Europe and Latin America. Use of elections to legitimize the moderate governments; Relations of the moderate governments with churches and religious bodies; Role of the moderates in the revolutions.

Reflects on Portugal's democratic transition from 1974 to the middle of 1976. Appointment of Marcello Caetano as prime minister, succeeding Antonio de Salazar; Implementation of political decompression measures by Caetano; Bloodless coup by the Armed Forces Movement on April 25, 1974; Struggle between the democratic camp and the revolutionary communist camp; Aversion of civil war and suppression of communist coup.