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ABSTRACTResearchers in ‘hard' science disciplines are exploring the transformative potential of Artificial Intelligence (AI) for advancing research in their fields. Their colleagues in ‘soft' science, however, have produced thus far a limited number of articles on this subject. This paper addresses this gap. Our main hypothesis is that existing Artificial Intelligence Large Language Models (LLMs) can closely align with human expert assessments in specialized social science surveys. To test this, we compare data from a multi-country expert survey with those collected from the two powerful LLMs created by OpenAI and Google. The statistical difference between the two sets of data is minimal in most cases, supporting our hypothesis, albeit with certain limitations and within specific parameters. The tested language models demonstrate domain-agnostic algorithmic accuracy, indicating an inherent ability to incorporate human knowledge and independently replicate human judgment across various subfields without specific training. We refer to this property as the ‘implicit intelligence' of Artificial Intelligence, representing a highly promising advancement for social science research.

There are two opposed views on the proper relationship between academic research and political activism. The first argues that academics who study politics must remain objective, hence precluding activism. The second argues that academics can and should also be political activists, hence precluding scholarly objectivity. This article argues against an assumption shared by these otherwise opposing positions: that activism and objectivity are incompatible. It conceptually identifies and then normatively defends a form of objectivity characterized by active engagement with evidence that is what Max Weber calls "inconvenient" for one's existing beliefs and commitments. Far from being incompatible with political activism, this form of objectivity is essential to its success. Since scholars, activists, and scholar-activists alike would all benefit from active engagement with inconvenient evidence, I conclude that academic institutions should promote this form of objectivity among both activist and non-activist scholars, while political organizations should promote the same virtue among both academic and non-academic activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nudging, according to its inventors and defenders, is supposed to provide a non-coercive way of changing human behavior for the better-a freedom-respecting form of 'libertarian paternalism.' Its original point was to complement coercive modes of influence without any need of justification in liberal frameworks. This article shows, using the example of food-product placement in grocery stores, how this image is deceptive. Although nudging practices may not restrict the freedom of consumers, nudging arrangements by public health authorities do restrict the freedom of shopkeepers in standard liberal senses. Libertarianism cannot justify this coercion, and the creed is best left out of the equation as the ideological ruse that it, in this discussion, is. Other liberal theories can justify the coercion, but on grounds that can also be applied to other methods of public health promotion by subsidies and regulation. This result reaffirms that nudging should be seen to complement, not to replace, those other methods., Author(s): Matti Häyry [sup.1] , Johanna Ahola-Launonen [sup.1] , Tuija Takala [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.5373.2, 0000000108389418, Aalto University School of Business, , PO Box 21210, FI-00076, Aalto, Finland Nudging-the [...]

Generations can be useful for explaining cohort-level differences in partisan preferences. Yet a critical aspect of studying political generations is the selection of one period of dates instead of another. The common definitions of generations, popularized by the Pew Research Center, have been found to tell us a considerable amount about contemporary divides in American politics. Yet within the popular definitions of generations, age cohorts can diverge politically because their formative experiences are dissimilar. Subsets of generations can have their own political idiosyncrasies as their early experiences can differ in important ways. The traditional definition of the generations, therefore, may not be the best way to categorize generations in the USA from a political perspective. Reclassifying generational cohorts yields some important age-cohort political differences that get lost in the traditional definition of the generations, altering our perceptions of generational political attitudes. Such a categorization of the generations exhibits younger cohorts that are strongly Democratic and a middle-aged cohort that in recent presidential elections has moved strongly towards the Republicans. What stands out, however, is the politics of older Baby Boomers, who have emerged as Democratic leaning. Thus, unlike the traditional definitions of the generations, the alternative generational cohorts we present portray a generational divide that does not get consistently more Republican as one ages., Author(s): Patrick Fisher [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.263379.a, 0000 0001 2172 0072, Department of Political Science, Seton Hall University, , 504 Jubilee Hall, 400 South Orange Avenue, 07079, South Orange, [...]

The rise of populist leaders and nationalist parties has provoked a spate of commentary warning about the dangers posed by nationalism. Yet analysts often deploy the term as a catch-all for everything opposed to liberalism and fail to distinguish between different forms of nationalism. Differentiating expansionist authoritarian nationalism from national populism can help us clarify the serious threats facing the liberal international order as well as the lessons that populist expressions of democratic discontent might hold for strengthening liberal democracies., Author(s): Heather P. Wilford [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.47100.32, 0000000419368710, Yale University, Political Science, , New Haven, CT, USA The prospects for liberalism appear precarious when only yesterday they seemed [...]

Thanks to the popular literature on the global expansion of neoliberalism, the concepts of Precariat, Precarity, and Precariousness have been accepted, in both the academic and the public spheres, to describe the essence of contemporary labor relations. This critical turn, however, has not sufficed to discredit traditional left concepts like Proletariat and Class Conflict. The turn has not yet provided the context for a decisive theoretical shift. The advocates of the orthodox Marxist framework have cast doubts on the significance of contributions made by such neologisms. Using a combination of qualitative methods, including participant observation, problem-centered interviews, and focus groups, this study has gone beyond the proletariat/precariat dichotomy to explore the lived experience of Iranian temporary workers. Based on the results, the precarious workers in Iran cannot reduce their demands to distributive fairness because their productive redundancy is the result of both precarian and proletarian moments. The supplementary themes of Marginality, Invisibility, and Centricity are also useful to explain the mechanisms through which the Iranian subalterns are dealing with precarity., Author(s): Hamid Gheissari [sup.1] , Nooh Monavvary [sup.2] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.412266.5, 0000 0001 1781 3962, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, , Tehran, Iran (2) grid.46072.37, [...]

This paper considers the early lineage of assumptions, current in both the public sphere and the academy, that the United States was safe from capture by an authoritarian populist figure because of some combination of long-standing democratic institutions and a supportive civic culture. It analyzes the arguments of three influential European commentators-Walter Bagehot (1826-1877), James Bryce (1838-1922), and Moisei Ostrogorski (1854-1919)-who studied American democracy during the period in which a new species of one-man rule, generally known as 'Caesarism' and originally associated with the regime of Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, was thought to be an inherent threat to liberal democracy. For different reasons, all judged that the United States, through a confluence of fortuitous circumstances, distinctive institutions, and national character, was largely immune to Caesarism. After considering their arguments for this alleged immunity, and especially the nature of the connection between institutions and national character, the article concludes with a discussion of how these earlier analyses might inform how we think about fears of democratic reversal in the United States in the age of Trumpism., Author(s): Cheryl B. Welch [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.38142.3c, 000000041936754X, Department of Government, Harvard University, , Cambridge, MA, USA Introduction Amidst a world-wide rise in authoritarian populism, the success of [...]

Despite the common interests of African states vis-a-vis the rest of the world, African states display autonomy and variety in their foreign policies with one another. How can we account for this variation? This article advances the idea that regime type and regime identity frame the overall foreign policies of African states. It identifies three regime types: the competitive multiparty regime, the party-dominant regime, and the personalist regime. The latter two types have identities that reflect the dominant party's ideology or the ruler's predilections. One can find distinctive patterns of foreign policy associated with each regime type in areas such as relations with Western powers, adherence to African norms, and willingness to engage in continental peacebuilding missions., Introduction Regime type and regime identity heavily condition the foreign policies of African states. Regime type refers here to institutional arrangements, but more importantly, to the enduring patterns of political [...]

The twenty-first-century global resurgence in populism has raised academic contention over whether populism undermines or deepens democracy. This question is particularly relevant in postcolonial contexts such as South Africa. Populism can be of both the left and right. Fascism, one permutation of it, has been confined by leftist academics to right-radical nationalism. Contemporary South African populism in the form of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), the country's third-largest political party, confounds neat categorization. An academic and political debate has ensued about whether the EFF presents a fascist threat to South African democracy. This article extends the scrutiny of the EFF beyond what has been undertaken thus far, to situate and analyze it in relation to economic, political, and social features of fascism, contextual and ideological conditions, and the use of rhetoric and violence., Introduction Since the start of the twenty-first century, as elsewhere in the world, populism increasingly has characterized South African political life. The country's apartheid legacy is exacerbated as demagogues turn [...]

This article stems from ethnographic research conducted in three Senegalese contexts: Louga, Diaobe, and the Saloum Islands. The underemployment of young people, deagrarianization, and other phenomena are intertwined with a growing criminalization of displacement and an irregularization of international migration. By debunking the idea that the processes of deciding to migrate are linear, we propose an alternative understanding of what choice means in the context of contemporary migration. We are not asserting that migrant agency is absent, but we argue that uncertainty is often the norm, rather than the exception, and that we need a more dynamic and sophisticated notion of choice as a lens for understanding why and how people migrate. The relationships among mobility-restriction regimes, development interventions, and the individualized way in which people represent their lived (im)mobilities affect migration choices in all three contexts. For those we encountered, it is the present that looks uncertain and the future that offers hope., Introduction It is just after 2 a.m. on a February night when we pull up alongside the Oil Libya Petrol Station on Route National n.2 outside Louga, Senegal. This intersection [...]

The stability of divided societies is an important and recurring concern in political science research. It has been suggested that distinctive socialization processes in the different regions of divided societies will lead to diverging trends in public opinion. Therefore, we investigate trends in public opinion on key political issues and attitudes in three divided societies: Canada (Quebec), the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Spain (Catalonia). Using over two decades of survey data, we show that these distinct communities indeed have a particular ideological profile but also that there is no indication these differences become larger over time. In other words, we do not observe any evidence for an increasing lack of public opinion coherence in these divided societies. We conclude with some observations on why divergence could not be observed at the level of public opinion but might still be present at the level of party elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Members of the United States Congress labor under a pressing fundraising imperative. Congresspersons believe that they must raise very large sums of money in order to secure re-election, to help their fellow partisans in Congress get re-elected, and to rise to positions of Congressional and party leadership. This leads members of Congress to accord tremendous importance to fundraising while in office. In this article, I draw on the normative scholarship on domination to offer a novel critique of the Congressional fundraising imperative. There is good reason, I argue here, to believe that the fundraising imperative promotes the domination of non-affluent Americans by their wealthy counterparts, thereby unjustifiably depriving citizens of ordinary means of their freedom., Author(s): Prithviraj Datta [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.256069.e, Department of Government, Franklin & Marshall College, , 17603, Lancaster, PA, USA The importance that members of Congress accord to fundraising while [...]

Singapore has been called a state that has 'disavowed' liberalism. However, a number of liberals have emerged who see political freedoms as essential to achieve accountable government that acts in the general interest. They draw on an institutional foundation that has been deeply shaped by liberalism while the rejection of liberalism is not based on an ideological alternative. Instead, it is portrayed as a necessity because citizens are told they need to sacrifice freedoms in exchange for economic growth and political stability due to the many vulnerabilities of a small, multi-ethnic country. Over the years, as the city-state became more developed and more secure, the government has liberalized some aspects, although often followed by greater restrictions. Two types of liberals have emerged, one seeking to change the system from the outside, the other advocating for political reform from within. However, both have been unsuccessful as the ruling party has sidelined liberal voices within the party and increasingly insists on the need for illiberal authoritarian rule., Author(s): Stephan Ortmann [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.194645.b, 0000000121742757, The Department of Politics and Public Administration, The University of Hong Kong, , Pokfulam, Hong Kong Introduction To write about liberalism [...]

This article examines Hannah Arendt's persistent and unfashionable rejection of the usefulness of compassion in politics, a rejection that runs through her entire philosophical and political project. It relies on a close reading of On Revolution, paying particular attention to the fictional narratives she relied upon to make her case-Herman Melville's Billy Budd and Dostoyevsky's 'The Grand Inquisitor,' along with her later interpretation of Dostoyevsky's The Possessed. Her controversial claim is that goodness and compassion in their purest forms are naturally subversive of the political realm, which must entertain a dialogue between various opinions. Compassion is impatient with mere talk and, she implies, will prefer instead the direct means of violence or coercion. Arendt's overarching point is that those who love the good (and their own souls) may not care enough for the world proper. Her countervailing ideal is amor mundi, a concept buttressed by her reading of Machiavelli, and fleshed out in the example of Max Weber, who also displayed a preference for an 'ethic of responsibility' for the world over an 'ethic of absolute ends.', Author(s): John Dickson [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.1018.8, 0000 0001 2342 0938, Department of Sociology, La Trobe University, , 3086, Bundoora, VIC, Australia Who in their right mind would dare [...]

According to political philosopher Carl Schmitt (1888-1985), the emergency or State of Exception (Ausnahmezustand) is the ultimate test of political power and reveals in whom that power is vested. The State of Exception determines who is truly sovereign in a given state. Schmitt defines the sovereign act as a decision on the question of the exception, and further classifies sovereignty as a liminal term, a borderline concept (Grenzbegriff), suggesting a geometric metaphoricity underlying his conceptualization. On this theoretical basis, he develops the concept of decisionism, whereby the actual content or 'what' of a decision is not the germane element, but rather the 'who' of the decision and whether a given 'who' (or decider) is the proper authority and possessor of the necessary sovereignty. This political philosophy is usually read in (and arguably tainted) by the immediate historical context in which it was conceived, namely 1930s Germany and the rise of National Socialism. Nevertheless, it has been reinvigorated recently as a paradigm used to explain government decisions taken under evolving COVID-19 pandemic conditions. The current use of Schmitt to understand the suspension of the normal order of things coincides with intense controversy about the work of one of his arch-critics-the surprising hero of the anti-lockdown anti-vaccination movement, Italian philosopher, Giorgio Agamben (1942 -). The COVID State of Exception will be situated here between the competing philosophies of Schmitt and Agamben, with illustrative examples from, amongst other things, challenges to the Irish Constitution under pandemic conditions, in an attempt to reveal the rhetorical constructions of exceptionalism at work in political theory., Author(s): Rachel MagShamhráin [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.7872.a, 0000000123318773, Department of German, University College Cork, , O'Rahilly Building, Cork, Ireland The 'State of Exception', first articulated as a political concept [...]

Jonathan Floyd's work explores the ways in which political theory can use empirical data to answer a fundamental question: what is the best kind of a contemporary regime? The goals of the current article are to understand Floyd's important argument, to clarify the argument's main attributes, and to suggest that the argument cannot rely solely on empirical data: even if all the conditions that are necessary for Floyd's framework present themselves, his approach still requires substantial theoretical, normative, or philosophical foundations. I argue that it is not possible to rely on empirical data to circumvent political philosophising; the justification for such reliance itself requires substantial philosophical arguments. Regardless, Floyd's project is a leading example of the benefits of bringing political theory and political science closer to each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the history of hosting political refugees in Kenya and Tanzania. It argues that refugee hosting is not merely a humanitarian act, but a complex interplay of domestic interests, political ideologies, and foreign policies. The intertwinement of economic, social, and political factors creates situations in which refugee-related policies and their implementation are fraught with inconsistencies and contradictions that explain varied reactions to refugees from different politiconational backgrounds. Tanzania and Kenya, at various points in their history of hosting refugees as postindependence states, have alternately embraced and rejected specific refugee communities, showing how refugee hosting is not exclusively about the principles of humanitarian law. Reactions to political refugees in Kenya and Tanzania have crystalized in recent times into stringent regimes, as domestic and foreign-policy interests are increasingly formulated in ways that exclude refugees., Introduction The 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (hereafter the Geneva Refugee Convention) describes refugee hosting as humanitarian and social, but refugee hosting is fundamentally also political, intertwined [...]

Migration has played a key role in the history of the Horn of Africa. This article looks at the migration experiences of three Eritreans who left their region for a safer life elsewhere, each under unique circumstances. Gerezghier, in the 1960s, could rely on his personal skills and luck. Fidel, in the 1970s, could make use of emerging asylum procedures and Western countries' anticommunist refugee policies. Samrawit's fate was more challenging and precarious, in the contemporary context of international refugees' deteriorating status. All three experienced violence, insecurity, and uncertainty. The global context of their personal experiences, however, has changed considerably over the past three generations. To explore the entanglements of individual trajectories with protracted regional conflict, international relations, and an emerging global refugee regime, this article adopts a phenomenological approach, one that takes into account social life-worlds and their zeitgeist., Introduction Refugee studies have repeatedly and fundamentally been critiqued for their claim to provide a pragmatic, technical, nonpartisan approach in a highly politicized field, their reliance on quick-and-dirty research, their [...]

This article analyzes how and why the apartheid government and white South African society assisted white refuge seekers fleeing from the present-day Democratic Republic of Congo to South Africa in July 1960. It argues that race-based solidarity shaped how white South Africans responded to Congo's white refuge seekers, generating a momentary but widespread sense of responsibility for their well-being. This article shows how the government's reaction to these refuge seekers informed its regional and national political strategy to maintain white minority rule. The South African government's racial solidarity with Congo's refuge seekers overlapped with a desire to bolster white population numbers and depict South Africa as a bastion of white refuge. Its reaction to Congo's refuge seekers therefore emphasizes how racial, regional, and national politics can work together to shape refugee policies., Introduction White refuge seekers form a small group in the history of refugees in Africa. It includes the twenty thousand Polish World War Two refugees cared for across British colonial [...]

More openness in the daily operation of public administrations is expected to increase their legitimacy and citizen trust in their activities. However, the effects generated by transparency reforms have raised numerous debates. Firstly, the relationship between transparency and trust can be multidirectional. Secondly, this relationship refers to a fragile balance since too much communication about sensitive issues may reduce citizen trust in public organizations. Finally, trust stems from multiple factors, thereby diminishing the impact of transparency. These various issues are analyzed and exemplified through concrete cases, based on a literature review of both scientific and media articles. Il est attendu du fonctionnement plus ouvert des administrations un regain de confiance citoyenne et de legitimite. Toutefois, les effets produits par la transparence alimentent de nombreux debats. D'abord, la relation entre transparence et confiance peut etre multidirectionnelle. Ensuite, elle correspond a un equilibre fragile dans la mesure ou un surplus de communication sur des enjeux sensibles peut reduire la confiance dans les organisations publiques. Enfin, la confiance se cree a partir de multiples facteurs, reduisant ainsi l'impact de la transparence. Ces differents enjeux sont analyses sur la base d'une revue de la litterature scientifique et mediatique et d'exemples., INTRODUCTION La transparence est un element cle de la gouvernance dans le secteur public. Elle est ainsi regulierement citee dans les plans d'action gouvernementaux, etudiee dans le champ scientifique, et [...]

Using a decade of administrative data from the Government of Canada, we provide fresh analysis of the composition and distribution of staff most formally associated with policy work, the Economics and Social Science (EC) classification. Comparative analysis across unit levels including 'ministerial departments' and central agencies, as well as non-standard organizations support but clarify the nature of the uneven distribution of policy analytical capacity across government. We demonstrate a dramatic increase in not only the overall complement of EC staff over time, particularly since 2017, but also significant growth at senior levels while junior EC staff have remained stable or declined. The findings also point to new dynamics related to the pace, orientation, and distribution of policy analytical capacity as governments gain, lose, and exercise that capacity often in the face of tough choices about how, where, and when to deploy policy resources. A partir d'une decennie de donnees administratives du gouvernement du Canada, nous formulons une nouvelle analyse de la composition et de la repartition du personnel le plus formellement associe au travail d'elaboration des politiques, la classification Economique et services de sciences sociales (EC). L'analyse comparative entre les differents niveaux d'unites, y compris les << ministeres >> et les organismes centraux, ainsi que les organismes non conventionnels, soutient mais clarifie la nature de la repartition inegale de la capacite d'analyse des politiques dans l'ensemble du gouvernement. Nous prouvons une augmentation spectaculaire non seulement de l'effectif global du personnel d'EC au fil du temps, en particulier depuis 2017, mais egalement une forte croissance au niveau des hauts dirigeants, tandis que le personnel subalterne d'EC est reste stable ou a diminue. Les resultats suggerent aussi de nouvelles dynamiques liees au rythme, a l'orientation et a la distribution de la capacite de formulation et d'analyse des politiques alors que les gouvernements gagnent, perdent et exercent cette capacite, souvent compte tenu des choix difficiles sur comment, ou et quand deployer les ressources politiques., INTRODUCTION Governments around the world are struggling with a variety of policy issues. Some are emergent like Covid-19 while others like economic productivity, social equality, and healthcare are longstanding. Part [...]

This article deals with the dynamics of continuity and change articulated during the presidential and representative elections in the aftermath of the Liberian civil war (1989-2003). Elections are often presented as pivotal moments, in which a violent past is left behind and an era of peace begins. Using interviews with politicians and voters, as well as observations during the 2011 and 2017 electoral campaigns, I describe how candidates reproduce local political practices in new contexts. The dichotomy between apparent continuities and radical change, as articulated during elections, is interpreted by considering the process of transitional justice, a long history of electoral violence, and the prominence of autochthony, reciprocity, and secrecy in local politics., Introduction Taking national elections as a case study, this article explores the complexity of local politics in the aftermath of a sociopolitical crisis. Following the Liberian civil war (1989-2003), election [...]

The League of Education is one of the most important French education confederations, with about 1.5 million members. Over the course of its 150 years of existence, it has been through many economic, ideological, and governance crises. But these crises have multiplied. The organization faces financial difficulties, a decrease in membership, a grassroots distrust of management and difficulty in ideologically positioning itself. This article draws from sociology and political science research about civic service policy within the League of Education and the transformations carried out by the organization under the French Fifth Republic. The authors deliver an analysis of the League of Education in light of new relations between the State and the associations, and considering transformations specific to the League of Education, its identity, its governance and its structure. The article illustrates why this crisis tends to last and analyses the resources mobilized by the League to overcome them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Building on scholarship studying Twitter and political campaigns, we examine Kenya's 2017 elections to learn which candidates used Twitter and how they used it. We collected and analyzed 15,691 tweets made by eighty-six candidates between June 8 and August 8, Election Day. We find that, like candidates in other contexts, ruling party candidates in Kenya rarely interacted with other users and instead used Twitter as a broadcasting tool. Nevertheless, while earlier studies questioned Twitter's ability to encourage dialogue between candidates and citizens, we find that some candidates--particularly independent candidates--used Twitter to engage with potential voters., Introduction Through social media applications--especially Twitter--Boniface Mwangi's campaign raised thousands of dollars, organized youth to register to vote, drew support from prominent Kenyans, and even received a most helpful in-kind [...]

Japan's volatile ties with democratic South Korea, and its relatively stable relations with autocratic China, seem to contradict theories of international cooperation, theories which posit cooperation between democracies, and non-cooperation between democracies and autocracies. Tokyo and Seoul exemplify a third type of relationship, that between different types of democracies. Given that even the most liberal societies demonstrate some gaps in the degree to which they uphold individual liberties, there is a potential for friction between these regimes, especially when differing collective memories of the same events trigger different features of their respective political cultures. With respect to human rights violations during the Japanese colonial era, the two democracies sharply diverge: Seoul espouses a victim-centered approach that prioritizes the dignity of victims over free speech, and Tokyo a free-speech approach that tolerates pluralist discourses. Unless one yields to the preferred mode of the other, each will criticize the other as illiberal, even though they are both liberal compared to China., Author(s): Joseph Yi [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.49606.3d, 0000 0001 1364 9317, Hanyang University, Political Science, , Seoul, South Korea Introduction Japan's relations with South Korea deteriorated after the 2017 [...]

This article explores the relationship among the institutionalization of Bolivian indigenous movement and its dynamics in the sense of the employment of extrainstitutional strategies and internal cohesion in the period 1997-2014, to capture possible changes in institutionalization with the arrival to power of Evo Morales in 2006. It concludes that the indigenous movement went through institutionalization under Morales's government, which is reflected in the growing number of indigenous representatives and participation of main indigenous organizations in state structures. However, institutionalization was a selective process that preferred campesino organizations to indigenous sector ones, which instead experienced co-optation. That selectiveness had different implications on mobilization. The favorable politics and access to the state structure moderated the campesino sector, while indigenous organizations faced governmental strategies of division. El articulo examina la relacion entre institucionalizacion del movimiento indigena boliviano y su dinamica en el sentido de su actividad de protesta y su cohesion interna durante el periodo 1997-2014, para capturar el posible cambio en la institucionalizacion del movimiento con la llegada de Evo Morales al poder en 2006. En base al estudio hemerografico de la prensa boliviana, el analisis concluye que el movimiento indigena paso por la institucionalizacion bajo el gobierno de Morales, el hecho que esta reflejado en la creciente representacion indigena en las estructuras del poder estatal. Sin embargo, la institucionalizacion era un proceso selectivo y prefirio organizaciones campesinas antes que el sector indigena originario, que al contrario experimento mas bien cooptacion que institucionalizacion. La selectividad del proceso produjo diferentes efectos en la movilizacion de las organizaciones individuales. La politica favorable y el acceso a la estructura estatal modero al sector campesino, mientras las organizaciones indigenas originarias afrontaron las estrategias gubernamentales de division., Los pobres tambien tenemos derecho a gobernarnos, y en Bolivia los pueblos indigenas tambien tenemos derecho a ser presidentes. Por eso, hermanas y hermanos, gracias al voto de ustedes, primeros [...]

Scholars, historians, and policy makers have taken close interest in China's role in the developing world. While a robust literature about Africa, Asia, and the Middle East has emerged, this article uses Chinese, Caribbean, and American sources to examine China's first ally in the Caribbean, the former British colony, Guyana. In 1972, Guyana became an unlikely laboratory for Beijing to sell its model of economic development and the site of its first foreign aid project in the Western Hemisphere. For China, Guyana was part of an effort to use modernization and economic development to form a united front of former colonies to hedge against a growing Soviet threat and Soviet-American collusion. Beijing used glossy English-language magazines, trade fairs, and the construction of a brick factory to invest in all facets of Guyana Prime Minister Forbes Burnham's ambitious national development plan to 'Feed, Clothe, and House the Nation' by 1976. Keywords: China, Caribbean, Guyana, Third World, development., IN EARLY 1972, Forbes Burnham, the Prime Minister of Guyana, a small Caribbean nation on the northern tip of south America, approached the first Chinese trade delegation stationed in his [...]

International relations scholarship has posited multiple pathways through which democracies accrue advantages in world politics. These range from enhanced warfighting capabilities to sovereign borrowing capacity to more constructive cooperation with like-minded regimes. A series of crises over the past generation, however, have called these advantages into question. This paper re-examines the key conceptual pillars underlying the democratic advantage in world politics. Scholars have posited that democracies possess inherent advantages in credible commitment mechanisms and public goods provision. The rise of populism has eroded these underlying advantages. Furthermore, the rise of China threatens to hamper the network effects that enhance democratic flourishing at the global level. Whether the democratic advantage is real and sustainable should be one of the defining political science research programs of this century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty alleviation and politics are interrelated in complex ways. Poverty governance is essentially a multi-faceted process of using political power, exercising political authority, mobilizing political resources, running political institutions, and gaining political legitimacy. However, the approach of economics has long dominated current discussions in the literature on poverty reduction, resulting in a relative lack of political science research on poverty reduction interventions. This special issue has gathered together carefully selected articles to examine the politics of poverty governance in non-electoral settings, with a specific area focus on China. Despite focusing on China, this special issue adopts a comparative analytical lens and extends beyond China studies by striving to position China's poverty governance in relation to general theories of political science. This introductory article seeks to expound the motives highlighted in the special issue, identify the literature gap that the special issue aims to fill, summarize the key findings and contributions, and finally suggest some promising new areas of future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In mobilizing funds that selectively support non-profits, foundations shape the political field. This study maps the funding relationships between foundations, ENGOs and think tanks in Canada and considers the implications for environmental politics. We examine foundation funding for different strains of environmental politics and policy-planning and consider how ENGOs and think tanks are clustered as communities within a foundation-centred support network. Of particular interest are 'clean growth' ENGOs that have emerged as key proponents of business-friendly approaches to the climate crisis. We find that the ENGOs receiving large grants tend to be conservationist while the think tanks tend to be conservative. Communities in the network are divided between several clusters of corporate and family foundations supporting conservative think tanks, clean growth ENGOs and conservationist ENGOs, and a segment of the network in which one municipal and several family foundations, support more social-ecological organizations, thereby facilitating more transformative visions and policies. Although few in number, clean growth organizations tend to receive giant donations, in some cases from corporate foundations aligned with the fossil-fuel sector. Recent adoption of clean growth as governmental policy and its embrace within philanthropie missions could reshape the environmental field towards 'clean growth', as ENGOs seek funding and legitimacy. En mobilisant des fonds qui soutiennent selectivement des organismes sans but lucratif, les fondations faconnent le champ politique. Cette etude cartographie les relations de financement entre les fondations, les ONGE et les groupes de reflexion au Canada et examine les implications pour les politiques environnementales. Nous examinons le financement des fondations pour differents types de politiques environnementales et de planification des politiques et nous etudions comment les ONGE et les groupes de reflexion sont regroupes en tant que communautes au sein d'un reseau de soutien centre sur les fondations. Un interet particulier est porte aux ONGE de 'croissance propre' qui sont devenues des partisans cles d'approches de la crise climatique favorables aux entreprises. Nous constatons que les ONGE qui recoivent d'importantes subventions ont tendance a etre conservationnistes, tandis que les groupes de reflexion ont tendance a etre conservateurs. Les communautes du reseau sont divisees entre plusieurs groupes de fondations d'entreprise et familiales soutenant des groupes de reflexion conservateurs, des ONGE de croissance propre et des ONGE conservationnistes, et un segment du reseau dans lequel une fondation municipale et plusieurs fondations familiales soutiennent des organisations plus sociales-ecologiques, facilitant ainsi des visions et des politiques plus transformatrices. Bien que peu nombreuses, les organisations de croissance propre ont tendance a recevoir des dons geants, dans certains cas de la part de fondations d'entreprises alignees sur le secteur des combustibles fossiles. L'adoption recente de la croissance propre en tant que politique gouvernementale et sa prise en compte dans les missions philanthropiques pourraient remodeler le domaine de l'environnement en faveur de la 'croissance propre', les ONGE etant en quete de financement et de legitimite., 1 | INTRODUCTION (S)he who pays the piper calls the tune. This adage summarizes a basic insight in political economy, and an entry point for this study of foundations, environmental [...]

Limitations pertaining to the discipline of International Relations (IR) in its approach to the non-core parts of the world have been debated over the last several decades. This paper looks at the contributions of two significant bodies of scholarship, namely Third World IR and postcolonial IR, to this conversation and questions whether there have been any differences regarding how 'the international' is understood in these two bodies of scholarship. Such an analysis is significant, argues the paper, because their conceptions of 'the international' inform how the limitations of IR and the place of the non-core in world politics can be understood. To this end, the paper looks at questions that constitute conceptions of 'the international,' namely, the what, who, and where of world politics. We conclude by enumerating the commonalities and differences between these two bodies of scholarship and discussing the implications of our findings for studying non-core and world politics. Keywords: Third World, Global South, Non-Core; International, Critical IR Approaches Uluslararasi Iliskiler (UI) disiplininin dünyanin merkez disi yerlerine olan yaklasimindaki kisitlar son yillarda tartismaya açilmistir. Bu makale, bu tartismaya katki sunan iki önemli yazin olan Üçüncü Dünya UI ve postkolonyal UI perspektiflerine odaklanmaktadir. Makale, bu iki yaklasimin 'uluslararasini' anlamada farklarinin olup olmadigini sorgulamaktadir. Makaleye göre bu analizin önemi 'uluslararasi' anlayislarinin UI'nin kisitlarini ve merkez disinin dünya politikasindaki yerini anlamadaki rolünden kaynaklanmaktadir. Bu amaçla makale, 'uluslararasi' anlayislarini olusturan üç temel soru olan dünya politikasinda ne, kim ve nerede sorularina cevap arar. Makale bu iki yazin arasindaki benzerliklere ve farkliliklara isaret ederken bu bulgularin disiplinde merkez disini ve dünya politikasini çalismaya olan etkilerini tartisarak sonuçlanmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Üçüncü Dünya; Küresel Güney; Merkez Disi; Uluslararasi, Elestirel UI Yaklasimlari, Introduction The discipline of International Relations (IR) has long witnessed discussions on the limitations of the discipline in its understanding of world politics, and the place of the non-core. These [...]

In recent years, a record number of people have been forcibly displaced or migrated due to conflict. Whilst established political science research suggests that displaced communities are an added risk factor for conflict due to their support for extreme co-ethnic political parties and movements, this has been challenged by recent research which shows that migrants can be a moderating force. We offer a potential reconciliation of these divergent findings by distinguishing between first- and second-generation migrants. Due to their relative lack of conflict exposure, second-generation migrants will have significantly less support for co-ethnic political parties than first-generation migrants and those who remain. We test our argument using granular survey data comparing Kurds who migrated out of the conflict zone in Turkey with those who remained. The results support our theoretical framework and have important implications for our understanding of migrant attitudes and the long-term effects of conflict exposure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several studies have focused on the impact of the main communication tools on political performance. However, little academic attention has been given to examine the influence of each communication strategy on voters as 'consumers.' The researcher aims to test the relationship between each of the four main communication tools (i.e. public relations, media, advertising, and social media) and political performance, and the relationship of each of the aforementioned communication tools with the 'offering' of political products that focus on voters. A survey of U.S. politicians indicates that public relations, media, and social media have a significant positive effect on political performance; public relations and social media also have a significant positive impact on the 'offering' of products that focus on voters. In turn, the results show a significant positive relationship between political performance and the 'offering' of political products that focus on voters., Author(s): Nicos Antoniades [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.264091.8, 0000 0001 1954 7928, Department of Marketing, St. John's University, , Jamaica, NY, USA Introduction In marketing, promotion refers to various types [...]

Among the many goals of advocacy organizations is motivating supporters to engage in actions that help move forward the policy goals of the group. This might include signing a petition, sending an email to an elected official, or attending a local government meeting. These actions are important for the maintenance of democracy, but also very rare; most people are not activists. How best to encourage supporters to engage in that necessary advocacy has thus been the topic of extensive political science research. We present results from a series of A/B experiments sent by a local environmental advocacy organization seeking to increase higher order levels of participation among their supporters. We find consistent evidence that framing those messages in negative terms (e.g., stop dirty energy) is more effective than framing them positively (e.g., promote clean energy). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Word embeddings are becoming popular for political science research, yet we know little about their properties and performance. To help scholars seeking to use these techniques, we explore the effects of key parameter choices—including context window length, embedding vector dimensions, and pretrained versus locally fit variants—on the efficiency and quality of inferences possible with these models. Reassuringly we show that results are generally robust to such choices for political corpora of various sizes and in various languages. Beyond reporting extensive technical findings, we provide a novel crowdsourced "Turing test"–style method for examining the relative performance of any two models that produce substantive, text-based outputs. Our results are encouraging: popular, easily available pretrained embeddings perform at a level close to—or surpassing—both human coders and more complicated locally fit models. For completeness, we provide best practice advice for cases where local fitting is required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The expectancy‐disconfirmation model has become the predominant approach in explaining citizen satisfaction with public services. It posits that citizens compare the performance of a service against their expectations of that service. Satisfaction occurs if the perceived performance meets or exceeds the expectations. We provide the first meta‐analysis of the empirical evidence on this relationship, and find that the model is supported across studies. However, our meta‐analysis also indicates that research design choices affect the results and that the scope of public services examined is not comprehensive. We make best practice recommendations for future research to improve the measurement of citizen satisfaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the treatment of one aspect of information literacy—establishing and understanding the scholarly context of research—in political science research methods textbooks. This important information literacy skill speaks to the ability of students to synthesize and engage with information. We analyzed how the most commonly assigned research methods textbooks addressed how to understand and use scholarly research and how these discussions compare to national standards and performance indicators for information literacy. We find that there are substantial discussions of how to establish and understand the scholarly context, at least in some of the textbooks. These discussions tend to focus on teaching students how to write a literature review for their research projects, stressing the importance, one hand, of reading and understanding the scholarly literature, and, on the other, understanding the key debates and concepts in the literature. Only a handful of textbooks provide concrete advice to undergraduates about how to go about this process. We conclude with some suggestions about how instructors and librarians can work to do more to integrate the lessons from these textbooks into assignments and also course and curriculum design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The secretariats of international organizations (international public administrations [IPAs]) constitute the institutional grid of global governance. While recent research has provided valuable insights into the independent capacities of international organizations (IOs) and the influence of I PAs, we lack systematic knowledge of how scholars conceptualize the preferences of IO staff. This is lamentable because understanding the (unifying) motivations of 'international civil servants' helps us to make sense of their behavior and influence during the adoption and application of IO policies. To review how IPA studies conceptualize the preferences of international bureaucrats, this article suggests a fourfold typology of ideal-typical bureaucratic behavior. It distinguishes between the underlying behavioral logic and dominant bureaucratic goal orientation. Applying the typology to thirty-nine journal articles allows us to map IPA preferences and behavior, and shows that the literature predominantly views IPAs as behaving responsibly and less self-centeredly than could be expected from economic accounts of bureaucracy. Keywords literature review - international civil servants - international public administration global public policy - bureaucratic behavior - administrative preferences, 1 Introduction (1) State interests have long been considered the only relevant force driving world politics. However, the dominant perception of international (governmental) organizations (IOs) has shifted. IOs were initially [...]

On the evening of June 28, 2008, Officer Paul Abel of the Pittsburgh Police Department was celebrating his wife's birthday. During the celebration, he consumed four beers and two shots [...]