Search

The article analyzes the problem of implementing freedom of speech in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine, as well as compares the actual situation of observing the human right to freedom of speech before and after Russia’s annexation of four regions of Ukraine in 2022. During the study, cases of arbitrary restriction of this freedom by the occupation administration of the Russian Federation were characterized and the reasons for such restrictions were determined. The article emphasizes that the real purpose of establishing restrictions on freedom of speech and other human rights and freedoms by the aggressor state is to ensure the internal stability of the Russian authoritarian regime. In order to achieve this goal, the Russian political nomenclature resorts to the practice of underestimating or excluding the role of representative institutions, as well as canceling or significantly limiting the political rights and freedoms of residents of the territories controlled by Russia. The article states that due to the effective control of certain areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions by the Russian Federation since 2014, the Russian establishment managed to spread its autocratic practices on the territory of the self-proclaimed «republics» even before their annexation. In order to realize this goal, the occupation administration created formal grounds that allowed it to significantly limit the rights of residents in the territories under its control, although arbitrary restrictions on human rights, in particular the right to freedom of thought and speech, to the free expression of views and beliefs, were observed in the territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions from the first days of their transition under the control of Russian militants. As a result of conducting a comparative legal analysis of the real situation of freedom of speech in the occupied territories of Ukraine before and after their annexation by the Russian Federation, it was concluded that the annexation by Russia of four regions of Ukraine in 2022 made it more difficult for residents to exercise their right to freely express their views and beliefs. The deterioration of the situation with civil space and fundamental freedoms in the occupied regions of Ukraine is explained by the fact that, as a result of the violent and illegal temporary rejection of part of the territory of Ukraine, Russia extended the effect of its administrative-delict and criminal legislation to these territories, in particular the so-called «fakes laws», by which the Russian Federation introduced military censorship on its territory in March 2022. Compared to the territory of the Russian Federation, in the occupied Ukrainian regions the realization of human and citizen rights and freedoms is further complicated by the introduction of martial law by the Russian occupation administration, which gave Russia a formal opportunity to continue arbitrarily restricting a number of rights and freedoms in the aforementioned territories. Taking into account these and other arguments presented in the article, the conclusions were reached that improving the situation of freedom of speech in the respective regions is possible only in the case of restoration of Ukrainian sovereignty over the temporarily occupied territories and the prevention of any form of interference of the Russian authoritarian regime in the public and political life of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the concept of militant democracy and its paradoxes, with a focus on the ideas of Otto Kirchheimer. Kirchheimer analyzed the challenges faced by Weimar democracy in defending itself against legal revolutionaries and identified weaknesses in its defensive measures. The text discusses Kirchheimer's views on the German Basic Law and the use of political rights restrictions to counter antidemocratic organizations. It emphasizes the importance of recognizing and confronting antidemocratic organizations early on and the need for careful governance when implementing political rights restrictions. The article also acknowledges the potential for abuse and highlights the importance of addressing underlying socioeconomic issues. The text concludes by providing a list of academic resources on the topic for further research. [Extracted from the article]

Migrants' access to the national territory is filtered through categorisation processes that entangle the legal–administrative statuses produced by immigration controls with stratified access to social and political rights, representing a form of internal bordering. Drawing upon qualitative data on Civil Society Actors (CSAs) who provide services to homeless migrants in an Italian frontier town, this article identifies two main types of practices that can be used by CSAs to reshape internal borders: either de-institutionalising internal borders through the circulation of non-state resources or engaging with institutionalised internal borders by expanding or ensuring migrants' access to state resources through a mix of cooperation and conflict with governmental actors. The article contributes to the broader debate on the role of CSAs in drawing internal borders in frontier towns and discusses the policy implications of CSAs' actions at the local level and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we critically examine the nature and legal force of interim measures requests (IMRs) issued by the Human Rights Committee (HR Committee) in response to communications received under the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR-OP1). Despite the lack of express provisions in the Covenant or the Optional Protocol regarding the power of the HR Committee to issue IMRs or the obligation of States to comply with them, the HR Committee has established its own Rules of Procedure to issue purportedly binding IMRs in certain circumstances. This article is the first thorough examination of whether IMRs are binding and, if so, on what basis. We conclude that States parties must comply with IMRs in good faith under Article 26 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. However, we note that this interpretation requires a forward-leaning approach that privileges the object and purposes of the ICCPR-OP1. The article contributes to the ongoing debate surrounding the legal nature and force of IMRs issued by the HR Committee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between democracy, capitalism, and inequality in America. It discusses the arguments made by Angus Deaton, who claims that democracy is undermined by money's influence on the legislature and wealthy minorities blocking provisions for the less wealthy. However, the article presents counterarguments, suggesting that "deaths of despair" and income stagnation may not be as prevalent as Deaton suggests. It also challenges Deaton's claim that the rich drive policy, presenting evidence that the middle class often gets what it wants in terms of congressional votes. The article explores the undemocratic nature of the Senate and proposes reforms, but argues against them, stating that they misunderstand the divisions in America and that the Constitution was designed to create unity. The article concludes by cautioning against further expansion of executive power and majoritarianism, suggesting that federalism may offer a solution to accommodate the differing tribes in America. [Extracted from the article]

In today's world, the socio-economic statuses of women and men have evolved; however, the effects of masculine ideologies are still evident, particularly in developing and underdeveloped countries. The function of governments as a shield that protects the interests of men is widely believed to be historically and institutionally related to this inequality of opportunities. As a result, the present paper has investigated the role of political structure and power on gender inequalities using two methods of variance analysis and random forest, as well as over 2500 observations from 94 countries between 1970 and 2020. For this purpose, Hofstede's cultural dimensions and political rights and civil liberties indicators were implemented. Based on the variance analysis, two dimensions of democratic political structure were found to be significantly involved in the explanation of the disparity between gender development and gender inequality, particularly the primary difference between not-free and partly-free countries and free countries. In order to experience a society with minimal gender discrimination, it is imperative to prioritize civil liberties and political rights, as the random forest results also confirmed. However, the results concerning cultural characteristics are exceedingly susceptible to fluctuations and are contingent upon the sample or gender index . A policy trade-off between gender freedom and development is not presented to policymakers in developing and underdeveloped countries; rather, they are presented with an all-or-nothing choice. Reducing gender inequality and achieving a free political system are two aspects of the same coin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within recent public policy and administration scholarship, there has been a growing focus on the concept of “administrative burden” to describe the learning, compliance and psychological costs incurred by citizens when trying to access services and exercise social and political rights. Specifically, in the context of activation and welfare‐to‐work programmes, scholars have highlighted the effects of administrative burdens on claimants' autonomy, dignity and well‐being. We bring critical social policy scholarship on administrative harm into conversation with Adam and Balfour's concept of “administrative evil” to highlight the underlying dynamics of masking, moral inversion and dehumanisation that facilitate street‐level workers to adopt dispositions of enforcement of administrative burdens. To illustrate the applicability of Adam and Balfour's work to understanding how experiences of administrative burden can be intensified by the practices and dispositions of street‐level workers, we draw on examples of from an ethnographic study of the delivery of welfare‐to‐work in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberalism advances democratic rights and representation through three principles. First, it seeks to protect individuals from abusive state power. Second, it shares an affinity with the epistemology of the Enlightenment, where an objective world can be discovered and observed. Third, it limits "tyranny of the majority" through civil liberties that counter the weight of public opinion and political rights that enable political competition of ideas. Rapidly evolving demands for recognition in the United States have advanced a broad critique of liberalism, highlighting the boundaries it imposes on representation as well as its limited success protecting rights. This essay traces disenchantment with liberalism to two very different sources: first, many progressives who resent how the jurisprudence of equal opportunity obscures efforts to achieve actual equality reject "anonymity" under the law-removing a core civil rights principle for promoting fairness. Such demands for more explicit rights and representation conflict with the majoritarian model's application of liberalism, which biases cultural assimilation over multicultural integration. Movements for recognition increasingly challenge both assimilation and the institutional devices of multicultural integration. The other source of tension around recognition comes from the right, where populists have set out to revive nativist ideas of coerced assimilation or outright homogenization through exclusion (ie, nonrecognition). Such failures of representation have promoted subjectivist views as a credential for contesting facts. The paper argues for "pluralist solidarity" as a tool for reconciling multiculturalism with new rights and demands for recognition emanating from liberalism's traditions of individual liberty. This device aims to help separate the quest for recognition and dignity from the subjectivity that contributes to post-truth politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the colonial history of the theory of ‘property-owning democracy.’ Focusing on R.R. Torrens’ title registration system, the paper links property-owning democracy to nineteenth-century debates on land rights and title registration. Instituted in South Australia in 1858, Torrens’ system linked the simplification of transactions in land to visions of a property-owning society. Seeking to replace complex land laws, Torrens’ system’s emphasis on speeding up land transactions appealed both to settler society and metropole. This transformation facilitated the dispossession of Indigenous lands and intertwined property law with colonial narratives of progress, liberty, and democracy. Ultimately, Torrens’ vision identified democracy with a new property regime securing the future of property title and political rights. Through a common engagement with nineteenth-century Britain’s ‘land question,’ Torrens’ project in South Australia is linked to the development of the twentieth-century political concept of property-owning democracy. The paper makes the case that exploring land registration debates reveals the importance of secure property rights and human capital in the history of ideas of property-owning democracy. Legal and bureaucratic innovations like the property register were considered to free individuals to invest in their own economic development and create the economic conditions for democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the increasing engagement of indigenous movements with international law-making challenges the state-centric approach to international relations, few studies explore how Indigenous peoples of the Global South struggle for the international recognition of their political agency. This article analyzes Indigenous peoples’ role and aspirations in the international governance of the Amazon. Based on the study of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization (ACTO) and one of the biggest international indigenous organizations, the Coordinator of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon River Basin (COICA), the article discusses how the international governance of the Amazon has incorporated Indigenous peoples by recognizing only a limited version of self-determination with no political rights. Although ACTO has formalized indigenous issues within its units, agendas, and programes, it fundamentally rejects the possibility of having Indigenous peoples in the deliberative processes of the organization. Indigenous peoples continue to struggle to decolonize the international governance of the Amazon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Reconstruction Revisionism Revisited" by Manisha Sinha in Reviews in American History delves into the complexities of defining and understanding the Reconstruction era in American history. Sinha challenges traditional narratives and offers a new perspective on Reconstruction, emphasizing the agency of Black people, the struggle for interracial democracy, and the interconnected reconstructions of democracy, capitalism, women's rights, and the West. The text highlights the ongoing scholarly debate surrounding Reconstruction, its impact on American society, and its relevance to contemporary challenges to democracy and racial equality. [Extracted from the article]

Contrary to the dominant narrative of the historical formation of democracy in Denmark, which emphasises a smooth and gradual linear transition to democracy and modernity, this paper accentuates a discontinuous and contentious road towards democratisation. Based on quantitative and qualitative sources, this article identifies four major waves of popular mobilisation that paved the way for the introduction and expansion of political rights. The first wave of popular protest began in the 1830s and culminated in 1848 with the fall of absolutism and the transition to constitutional monarchy. The next protest wave from 1885 to 1887 arose from the so‐called 'constitutional struggle' and mobilised hundreds of thousands of ordinary Danes and contributed to the nationalisation and parliamentarisation of the political system. The third wave unfolded around the end of the Second World War, while the hitherto last wave of popular struggle erupted in 1968 with the youth rebellion. The analysis shows that 'democracy' was the central issue of contention in all four protest waves and supports the main thesis that periods of intense interaction between popular protest and the state have had a decisive formative influence on the genesis and further development of Danish democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Brunei's state formation and development from 1906 until 2023 to demonstrate the hybridization and reformulation of subjecthood and citizenship within the last absolute monarchy in the Asia-Pacific region. The absence of active political parties and calls for a representative government has led most scholars to portray Bruneians as passive subjects of the Sultan. Such a portrayal is inaccurate; Bruneians are both citizens and subjects. The article thus introduces a new category of political membership based on synthesized ideas of subjecthood and citizenship, termed here, "civic subjecthood." This coexistence is only possible as a result of the British residential system, which was established in the Bruneian Sultanate at the beginning of the twentieth century. The British resident initially created a dual-state apparatus – consisting of the traditional negara and the modern state – to keep the façade of indigenous rule in Brunei. However, the Sultan of Brunei and the traditional ruling class eventually took control of both apparatuses after abolishing the residential system in September 1959. Both apparatuses function to this day, allowing for the coexistence of subjecthood and citizenship in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article, drawing on Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) and embracing the decentring agenda in European Union (EU) external relations, discusses the substance of human rights promotion in the negotiations of the Samoa Agreement. It documents how the EU has concentrated on civil and political rights, whereas Africa has advanced an innovative approach to economic, social and cultural rights underpinned by the right to development. More importantly, going beyond the 'heaven–hell binary', which draws neat lines between the good North and the bad South, and the 'one‐way traffic paradigm', which claims that human rights flow from the North to the South, it shows that the human rights corpus may be slowly evolving from its paradigmatic western orientation towards a truly universal project: the EU and Africa have started recognising each other as being holders of diverse yet legitimate perspectives on human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the limitations associated with the basic classification of human rights into several categories. The topic of whether international trends have an impact on the view of the State regarding the significance of implementing rights through the acceptance of individual complaint procedures is complex. Starting with an acknowledgment of the infinite extent of the issue, this paper displays a belief in the fallacious conceptions of differences in human rights. It investigates and assesses the institutional contribution to the advancement of human rights through a chronological analysis of historical processes that give rise to changes in the 20th century. To address this particular distinction, this paper examines the 1993 Vienna Declaration and Program of Action and the new Optional Protocol for validation and endorsement. By highlighting many similarities in the language and nature of State responsibilities, it challenges the reader to consider whether non-justiciability provides a basis in the first place. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the function of dispute resolution mechanisms during the implementation phase. From a practical standpoint, it compels the reader to contemplate if the committee procedures outlined in international conventions serve just as symbolic representations of non-cooperation by States or are put into effect. This paper ultimately presents the reader with some thought-provoking material in the dichotomy between enforcement and justiciability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the notion of a 'morally equipped' childhood and adolescence, and how such a notion can help us get a fresh perspective on the relation between young people's participation and empowerment, and the formation of personal and the collective moral repertoires of modern society. Utilising a mixed-methods approach inspired by the sociology of conventions (SC) and the sociology of regimes of engagement (SRE), we analyse letters to the editor of the Norwegian children's newspaper Aftenposten Junior, to investigate the formats of children's generalised moral arguments. We demonstrate that our informants exhibit a broad moral sensibility in the letters we have analysed, particularly showing keen engagement with issues related to civic rights. We discuss the young participants' expressions in the light of convention theory. We make a case for how becoming 'morally equipped' could be understood as being able to engage, challenge, and articulate the tensions and negotiations between personal formats of daily experiences and interactions, and collective formats, such as public expressions, throughout childhood and adolescence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public servant’s exercise of political rights is not absolutely like this, but rather a set of determinants derived from the legislation at times, and from the subjectivity of the public function at other times, and the determination of such determinants does not aim to ban political rights, but rather to place the exercise of these rights in its correct framework compatible with job duties, so it is Either they are fixed by legal texts, or they are derived from the nature of the public job, and these restrictions are imposed on all public officials, but in a relative manner according to the type of job, and the employee’s rank in the levels of the administrative ladder. And others, neglecting the duty of presidential obedience and not disclosing job secrets, so it was necessary to state who the employee is and then clarify the determinants imposed by legal texts

Multiculturalism, a federal policy that emphasises cultural, social, and political rights for ethnic minorities in Canada, is a crucial aspect of immigrant life. Concurrently with the implementation of multiculturalism by the federal government, Canada adopted bilingualism as its official language policy. Although the primary motivation for this policy was to protect the French language and culture, it holds significant relevance for immigrants, especially those residing in Francophone-dominant areas such as Quebec. Despite the importance of these policies to immigrant life, few studies have explored immigrants’ perspectives on both federal policies. Addressing this gap, the present study examines the lived experiences of six adult Chinese immigrants who arrived in Canada and obtained permanent residency or Canadian citizenship after 2010. Through narrative inquiry, this research shares participants’ stories to explore how recent adult Chinese immigrants understand Canadian multiculturalism and bilingualism. Taking a critical stance on multiculturalism and bilingualism, this study examines, discusses and interprets the lived experiences of its participants with the goal to confront issues of inequality, privilege, and power dynamics. The findings reveal that Chinese immigrants’ understanding of multiculturalism and bilingualism is shaped by their personal experiences with both policies. Participants leverage their experiential knowledge of multiculturalism and bilingualism to navigate their new lives in Canada. Although participants voice some concerns about these policies, they also presented nuanced perspectives and opinions on both federal policies. These perspectives not only enrich the literature on Canadian multiculturalism and bilingualism, but also highlight Chinese immigrants’ desire for integration in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Amid Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, the human rights community has understandably focused its attention on human rights violations committed by the Russian state, leaving the human rights implications of Ukraine's martial law on civilians largely unexamined. This article highlights the ways Ukraine's travel restriction on "battle-aged" civilian men has harmed three overlapping groups: civilian men, families (including women and children), and trans and nonbinary individuals. It then demonstrates that wartime policies such as this one are at odds with several areas of international human rights and humanitarian law: the right to freedom of movement, the right to conscientious objection, and the principle of respect for family life—all of which are meant to be implemented without discrimination on basis of gender. We conclude this type of gender-based law is not justified according to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights' rules on derogation in time of national emergencies and emerging customary law and should receive greater attention by the human rights community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical studies to date on the political and institutional determinants of life satisfaction have been constrained by country sample size and timeframe. The Gallup World Poll now provides extensive coverage of countries and a long enough timeframe to allow for meaningful within-country evaluations as democratic performance ebbs and flows over time. Using these updated data, the analysis reveals that common measures of level of democracy focused on political rights and competitive elections appear unrelated to life satisfaction with a worldwide sample. Breaking down the quality of democracy into process and delivery using the World Bank's Worldwide Governance Indicators also reveals no relationship. However, when the six indicators are tested individually, higher levels of government effectiveness in particular are related to more positive life evaluations using two-way fixed effects models and a variety of robustness checks. These findings provide additional understanding about the relationship between democratic performance and life satisfaction around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is a special issue of the Hague Journal on the Rule of Law focusing on populism, democracy, and the rule of law in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The issue originated from a conference on Democratic Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism, where scholars and graduate students gathered to discuss the impact of populist movements on democracy and the rule of law. The special issue includes articles that examine the rise of populism in CEE countries, particularly Hungary and Poland, and its implications for constitutionalism and the rule of law. The articles explore topics such as constitutional justice, the operation of constitutional courts, electoral law, informal checks on political authority, eternity clauses, and the relationship between democracy and the rule of law. The issue aims to contribute to the understanding of the challenges faced by constitutional democracy and provide insights into ways of addressing these challenges. [Extracted from the article]

In recent years, the paid withdrawal of rural homesteads has become a widely discussed topic within the academic community. However, from the perspective of protecting farmers' rights and interests, literature exploring the impact of this policy's implementation remains scarce. As the reform of the separation of the three rights of the homestead deepens, disputes related to paid withdrawal of homesteads have escalated rapidly. This study aims to highlight the importance of protecting farmers' rights and interests, seeking to enhance their property rights and revitalize unused rural resources. Employing a case study methodology, this study systematically examines the issue of farmers' rights and interests protection during homestead withdrawal. This analysis is based on the survey, collection, and evaluation of 324 judicial cases. The findings reveal the following: (1) Disputes involving paid withdrawal of homesteads encompass the entire withdrawal process, with the majority of conflicts arising during the withdrawal stage. (2) Prior to withdrawal, farmers express heightened concern regarding their political rights, particularly the right to be informed and to participate in withdrawal decisions. (3) During the withdrawal process, farmers prioritize resettlement and compensation rights. Additionally, novel issues such as the allocation of withdrawal compensation surface after farmers receive resettlement and compensation benefits. (4) After withdrawal, farmers anticipate more suitable "alternative" social rights and remedies. Based on these findings, this study presents policy recommendations for realizing farmers' rights and interests in the context of paid withdrawal of rural homesteads. These suggestions include consistently respecting farmers' autonomy and preserving their political rights throughout the withdrawal procedure. During the withdrawal stage, emphasis should be placed on the comprehensive value of resettlement compensation, encompassing both the residential and social security aspects of rural homesteads. Post-withdrawal, farmers' social rights and the development rights of their homesteads ought to be fully guaranteed, ensuring a harmonious balance between farmers' immediate and long-term interests. Furthermore, optimizing the dispute resolution mechanism stands as a pivotal aspect of safeguarding farmers' rights and interests through legal recourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A critique of both homogenizing and vertical power runs through the Zapatista social project in Chiapas, Mexico, lending a distinctive character to both Zapatismo's political vision of self-governance and to the educational vision of its community schools. Zapatismo's critical practices may thus offer valuable contributions to antifascist praxis and pedagogy. This paper considers anti/fascism through a micropolitical lens, focusing on two prevailing tendencies: binarization of power relations and homogenization of identities. It then suggests that Zapatista practices undermine microfascist tendencies in social-political life through subversion of command relationships, plural identification, critique of representation and safeguarding of alterity. The paper concludes by tracing the manner in which a critique of state schooling within Chiapas's indigenous communities has led to the development of Zapatista autonomous schools, examining ways in which these schools refuse totalization and prefigure community autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the concept of freedom has been appropriated by the far right to impose a number of authoritarian policies designed to dismantle the critical functions of public and higher education. It explores, in particular, the ways in which Florida Republican Governor Ron DeSantis has used an appeal to freedom to punish critics, wage a war on trans people, misrepresent the history of slavery, and impose a new version of McCarthyism on higher education. It challenges what it terms neoliberal and fascist notions of freedom by making clear that democracy and capitalism are incompatible, and that any viable notion of freedom must address not only personal and political rights but also economic rights. Freedom from domination must be matched by a freedom to live in a world marked by the principles of justice, equality, and dignity. There is no freedom in the midst of massive inequalities in wealth, power, and education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rights of civilians during times of armed conflicts and wars must be maintained and must not be violated or encroached upon. Objectives: The current study aims to: )1( Clarifying the situation of civilians during armed conflicts throughout history. (2) Identifying the types of rights of civilians in times of armed conflicts. (3) Specifying the political and social rights of civilians during armed conflicts in Islamic Fiqh and international law. Methodology: The present study employs the descriptive method that is based on analysis while borrowing from both the deductive and inductive methods. Findings: The study at hand arrived at the following: (1) Islamic Fiqh established civilians’ rights during wars and armed conflicts including political and social rights. (2) Islamic Fiqh has precedence when it comes to the rights of civilians during such times, compared to International Law. (3) The application and maintenance of civilians’ rights during such times is considered a form of worship bringing Muslims closer to their Lord. (4) The text of International Law and the application thereof is subject to the fluctuations of political interests of major powers, international power balance and the hegemony of superpowers. Conclusion: Islam has precedence when it comes to the establishment of civilian rights during armed conflicts over International Law with regard to the same issue; moreover, Islam is superior to International Law in terms of the application of such rights and holding to account anyone that breaches or encroaches upon these rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Taiwan's robust democratic system and the challenges it faces in maintaining its democratic values amid increasing external pressures. Topics include the resilience of Taiwan's democracy in the face of growing authoritarianism, the impact of populism and racialization, and the implications of digital surveillance for privacy and public safety.

The need for association and cooperation in its primary forms is existentially determined, embedded in the human psyche and morality before it becomes a rationally realized expediency and long before it becomes a right. The right of association is a fundamental right referred to in the group of political rights and freedoms, economic rights, and personal rights. This right combines the liberal idea of individual freedom with the collectivist idea of uniting the efforts of more people to achieve certain goals; exercising the right of association is an expression of free will. The principle of solidarity is exploited by hegemonic state doctrines and governments – communitarian, totalitarian, religious-fundamentalist, nationalist, modernizations, which call for the solidarity of tolerating restrictions, the renunciation of freedom in the name of certain collective goals, as well as in the doctrines and practices of revolutionary violence. The Code of Administrative Procedure provides wide participation of organizations in the various proceedings, both before the administration and in judicial administrative cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the often-overlooked classification processes employed by courts in employment and labor law. Topics include the examination of the different classifications and exclusions of workers such as volunteers; a proposed framework for a narrower set of preconditions to enhance the consistency and predictability of labor laws; and the three suggested preconditions for employment status, which focus on the benefit to the employer.

The article discusses the pivotal year of 1976 in the history of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT). Topics include the founding and impact of TDU as a grassroots movement aimed at enhancing union democracy, the legal history of TDU in relation to federal labor law and the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA), and the broader implications of rank-and-file activism in promoting transparency and accountability in labor unions.

Social media platforms have played a significant role in recent elections in the U.S. and other democracies. While Facebook and Twitter (now renamed X) claimed that they are "on a journey to connect the world," to serve the goals of reforms and to bring about more democracy, their platforms have been effectively used to spread lies, misinformation, and disinformation which led some analysts to argue that we now live in a post-truth world and that the Orwellian dystopia is upon us. This paper is an attempt to assess whether big tech companies have created an Orwellian state in the U.S. We argue that the idiom of the Orwellian dystopia has been misused by scholars, commentators, and politicians on the political left as well as the political right. Our analysis of social media, especially Facebook, shows that the social media companies are not intentionally trying to subvert American democracy. Instead, as a business, they are driven by a profit motive and the logic of "surveillance capitalism." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is an examination of war propaganda and correspondents in concomitance with the 1948 Resolution 217A of the UN Covenant prohibiting war propaganda under the rubric of media ethics and the applicable principles and guidelines. The thematic internal contradictions of war propaganda and the intentional or unintentional disregard for ethical news analysis, coverage, reportage, and objectivity are examined. The United Nations' International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits war propaganda. This qualitative study calls for the continuation of compelling scholarship to advance human rights to live in peace and constructive social change through serious ethical application and consideration in the coverage and reportage of war. Four of the objectives of this study are to (i) promote an update of the 1948 Resolution 217A of the UN Covenant prohibiting war propaganda; (ii) re-emphasize the necessity for media ethics in belligerent and non-aggressive theaters; (iii) address some of the internal conflicts in media ethics' principles of universality; and (iv) contribute to the literature on war propaganda, human rights to live in peace, and media ethics. The study is significant because there is the need for a dispassionate, objective and scholarly examination of the phenomenon at a time of crises across the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cognitive linguistics, as a newly established method for the study of language that emerged in the 1970s, focuses on the study of general cognitive abilities and conceptual processes of human beings. With the development of society, many new lexical items and concepts emerge, and they all need to be encoded in the form of language expression. An economical and practical way is to give a word multiple meaning. Based on the prototypical theory of cognitive linguistics, this paper analyzed the semantic network and semantic distribution of the polysemous word "power." Fourteen senses of "power" used as nouns were collected from the Oxford Advanced English-Chinese Dictionary (9th Edition), and connections between different senses were explored by analyzing the semantic features. Meanwhile, 100 sentences containing "power" were randomly extracted from the BNC corpus to figure out the distribution of different senses. It was found that the prototypical sense and extended senses of "power" revealed the characteristics of family resemblance, and extended senses centered on the prototypical sense and extended radially outward. Among the 14 senses of "power," the sense of "political right" is the most commonly used, while the senses of "multiplication" and "deity" are rarely used. Finally, some suggestions on the teaching of polyseme are put forward hopefully to offer valuable guidance for English learners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 21st century, new means of information and communication technologies have become an important tool for many countries in terms of expanding political rights and freedoms, forming a rule-of-law state, and achieving the ideals of a democratic society. The paper aims to study trends and carry out a qualitative assessment of the interdependence of the media and social platforms and political culture of citizens of three Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan. This work aims to fill the existing theoretical gap regarding the issues of mutual influence of political culture and media in the states above. The study reveals the factors of public political participation in the three countries examined through the prism of comparing indicators of public participation in political processes in the context of the development and emergence of new types of media and social network platforms. The paper analyses the essential features of each country’s development of democratic institutions and civil dialogue, considering the role of traditional media and social networks as implementation tools. Based on the experience of the three countries examined, the results of the study give reason to say that the media (including social networks and media platforms) do not have a decisive influence on the formation of political culture. Transformation processes in the sphere above of these countries are fragmentary, affecting to a greater extent issues of individual perception of political processes, as a rule, without significant external manifestation. The findings of the study provide grounds to assert that the theoretical comprehension of political culture in the examined countries is scarcely distinguishable from the concept of political awareness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal is the property of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The text provides an overview of the Arctic Council, its purpose, and its composition. It discusses the role of the Council in managing international relations, promoting environmental research, and incorporating the voices of Indigenous peoples in the Arctic region. The text also explores different theories of international relations and their application to the Arctic Council, as well as the challenges of including non-state actors in international institutions. It presents a lesson plan that involves a role-play simulation of an Arctic Council meeting to further explore these concepts. Additionally, the text discusses a hypothetical scenario in which China seeks full membership in the Arctic Council, encouraging students to research and debate the role of non-Arctic states in the region. The simulation exercise aims to develop students' research, presentation, and collaboration skills while deepening their understanding of geopolitics and international relations. [Extracted from the article]

The French Revolution and the changes in Europe in the first half of the 19th century increasingly called into question the caste order, under which only a small percentage of society could enjoy freedoms, including not only political but also private and criminal rights. Based on Western European ideas followed by the legal fight of brave Hungarians, in 1848, Hungary almost got its constitution in the form of 31 Acts, called the Hungarian April Laws. Among others, those Acts consisted of the issues of equality of rights, political rights, freedom of the press, freedom of religion and academic freedom. Freedoms that, after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, the Hungarian Parliament went back to and built a reform era on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Group from 'Viata romineasca': A Literature of Space and Community" by Maricica Munteanu is a book that delves into the literary circle that formed around the journal Viata romineasca from 1906 to 1930. The author examines the interactions among the members of the circle, their resistance against the dominant culture, and the significance of space in shaping their identity. This book offers valuable insights into the study of literary circles in Romania and their connection to community and space. Additionally, the text briefly discusses the Foreword and Introduction of another book that explores Moldavian identity, as well as the political context surrounding the establishment of an airship airfield near Timisoara during the First World War in the Balkan area. It also touches upon the perspective on the relationship between a literary group and space. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University School of Law Review is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University School of Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper seeks to argue that Locke proposes a coherent theory of restorative justice regarding historical crimes. In two cases that he sets out in the Second Treatise, that of the Greek Christians living in the Ottoman Empire and Englishmen living in the wake of William I's conquest, the preliminary standard of historical redress is whether the descendants of the conquerors and conquered possess equal political rights. Conquered peoples cannot simply be subsumed or annexed into an existing political order. They must have some say in articulating or agreeing to the laws that govern them. In this respect, Locke's theory of historical redress emphasizes the redemptive power of contract to overcome historical crimes. Furthermore, the disposition a community has to reimagine its body politic, to enfranchise the dispossessed by forming one body of people, speaks to the degree to which historical injustice is likely to occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2024 has been dubbed the "ultimate"1 election year, with more than 60 countries and territories worldwide undertaking major elections. Some elections in many parts of the West come as the world is transiting through a post-COVID-19 phase amidst further intensifying Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Hamas conflicts and a general economic slowdown. Across the West, the political centre has somewhat eroded, and a sizeable segment of the political right has shifted further to the right. Worryingly, extreme right-wing terrorist incidents in the United States (US) have increased in recent years, 2 and the threat has "remained significant" and stable in Western Europe.3 This article assesses how the extreme right-wing terrorist threat could evolve and take advantage of the inroads the right-wing political movement has made in the just concluded 2024 European Union (EU) parliamentary election and the upcoming US presidential election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 23 December 1994, the UN General Assembly adopted a plan of action for the United Nations decade for human rights education (HRE). 30 years later, this challenge is still increasing. As Hannah Arendt pointed out, human rights are valuable only as political rights, not for abstract individuals but for natural communities. While HRE in schools and classrooms is in focus, the context of adult education transfers philosophical and political thoughts into an educational context, particularly concerning biographical traumatic situations such as refuge and expulsion. Therefore, this paper presents and explains adult education approaches which facilitate coping strategies with ethical perplexities by evaluating the 30 Articles of the UNO Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late eighteenth century German conservatism – conveyed primarily by Prussians – was imbued with certain reactionary ideas, but at the same time did not deny the importance of changes in state and society. Conservatives recognized the irreversibility of the Reform Era that followed the defeat by Napoleon, and the need to accommodate changes required for the survival and development of a unified German state. One of the major challenges they had to face in this context was the rising concept of nationalism and the efforts to establish a German nation-state. This article argues, however, that until the 1848 Revolution, conservatives formulated a political theology which aimed to respond to the growing German national movement and the gradual spread of popular national sentiment. Such a response was neither anti-modern nor an outright denial of nationalism. Rather, many of the conservatives, who were associated with the reemergence of Christian Pietism, namely neo-Pietists, sought to accommodate nationalism by forging a religious-national synthesis that invested the people with the task of representing the essence and true spirit of the ‚Deutsche Nation' For these Christian devotees, the Volk had an organic identity that defined the national state. And while according to the conservative theory the people were not to be entrusted with full sovereignty, in fact they formed a German nation that eventually – especially during the 1848 Revolution – won certain political rights. The conservative religious-national synthesis, which advocated confessional reconciliation within German Christianity, introduced a specific democratic concept of the nation based on the people's identity and solidarity as the core of the nation. It was embedded in the ideal of the ‚Christlicher Staaf'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]