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Copyright of Bandung: Journal of the Global South is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the properties of proper names involved in visual political communication from the standpoint of multimodality and functional pragmatics. The material encompasses 198 campaign posters, spanning 1999–2022, which have a verbal element containing anthroponyms, toponyms and other proper names. Such political advertisements incorporate linguistic and visual elements so they are viewed as multimodal texts in which politically relevant information is created due to the integration of various modes. The research rests in the realm of socio-onomastics and uses the systemic functional approach to multimodal discourse analysis. The findings show that in juxtaposition to other semiotic signs, an onym’s meaning is equally conditioned to the internal semantics and broad social and cultural contexts. Hence, functionally, they are a part and parcel of those complex semiotic relations shaping the message and the image-language models of the visual political discourse. The research elucidates the functions names perform in political posters which encompass identification, attention drawing, ludic, identity assessment and evaluation ones. The findings have implication for studying the manipulative potential of proper names set in a socio-political context.

Islamist political parties are a structural feature of politics across the Muslim world, raising persisting questions for scholars of democracy. Under what conditions will Islamists moderate to support democracy and pluralism? Under what conditions will they adopt more exclusive behavior? Taking a fresh approach, we focus on electoral competition and the conditions under which Islamic party candidates campaign using either inclusive nationalist appeals or exclusively Islamic appeals. Using a unique data source, we coded the appeals contained on the campaign posters of 572 Islamic party candidates in Indonesia. We found that demographics, urban–rural differences, and the level of government office (i.e., national or regional) affected the inclusive or exclusive nature of campaigns. We also highlight differences in appeals made by candidates from Muslim democratic and Islamist parties. The study illustrates the effectiveness of posters as a data source and presents a new approach to understanding the behavior of Islamic parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the effects of WhatsApp as a mode of dissemination of political posters. It found that platform affordances that control the crafting and dissemination of political messages open up the possibility of vague political messaging by conforming to the social media's visual culture and limit the spread of these messages, restricting the ability to organically gather support for a political cause. Despite the growing appeal of social media in political campaigns, social media messages when used by individuals and small, independent social media groups, who are not a part of a larger, organized political party or movement, have little influence on electoral decisions of voters about a political cause that faces weak public support. This was discussed in the context of electoral results of the Leftist political party in India in 2019 national elections. The paper then contributes to our understanding of the extent of the influence of social media platforms on political media messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Al-Frahids Arts is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the construction of a Soviet learning society represented in Soviet political posters during the first decade after the 1917 Socialist Revolution. The theoretical framework is based on studies of learning societies, lifelong education and learning, Soviet education, and the theory of multiple modernities. We employed a post-structuralist discourse analysis that allowed us to explore verbal and non-verbal poster elements to identify key domains in the construction of the Soviet learning society. Our study identified six main discursive visual and textual messages in political posters as educational devices in the development of the Socialist learning society. Findings show that learning was embedded in broader social, political, economic and cultural practices and took multiple forms. Political posters were motivators for learning, learning devices, means to communicate the Soviet party-state agenda, and part of the social-political and cultural curriculum of the learning society to come. Our study makes a contribution to scholarship on learning societies as these are constructed in socialist as well as capitalist societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Hizbullah's annual ʿAshura posters. It focuses on the campaigns created between 2007 and 2020 and places them against a backdrop of contemporary political events to demonstrate how the posters act as a significant site of political contestation and nationalist manifestation. By linking ʿAshura to contemporary politics in an ongoing reinterpretation of Imam Husayn's martyrdom, Hizbullah places the Karbala battle at the center of its ideological identity, political actions and resistance activities, ultimately elevating its own fighters to Husayn's position during Karbala. While Husayn is a figure mostly venerated within Shiʿa Islam, the article also demonstrates how Hizbullah utilizes the ʿAshura narrative to elevate Husayn—and ultimately the party's fighters—to a transnational context by transforming the Karbala battle into a model for global resistance and victory. This is manifested in the posters' meanings but also within the visual transformations whereby aesthetic changes reveal Hizbullah's attempts at broadening its reach to a wider audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the comparative analysis of social advertising use as the state instrument of patriotic promotion. The source basis for the analysis is the posters and videos of patriotic orientation of different periods of history. For direct consideration advertising products from the USA, China, Germany, Israel and Russia were taken. The influence of the dominant ideology on the formation of patriotic advertising images is traced. Special attention is paid to the formation of an image of the enemy through advertising and the national specifics of its visual representation. Patriotic advertising relates to the specific interpretation of patriotism in various ideological and national contexts. The conclusion is drawn about the most consistent distinction between patriotism and nationalism in the tradition of forming a political advertising product in Russia. The practical significance of the article is determined by the possibilities of using the results obtained in forming the modern Russian social advertising in the field of patriotic education.

Unauthorised posters stuck on public walls and street furniture contribute to a sense of place in ways that transcend their usual characterisation as unwanted graffiti and visual pollution. They are a common sight in Newtown-Enmore, a destination precinct of Sydney, Australia. In September-October 2020, at a time when COVID-19 restrictions were easing, I found that many of the fly-posters in this district related to COVID-19 either directly or indirectly. While some advertised entertainment venues, most were political, their messages ranging through leftist, anarchist and conspiracy theorist propaganda. This visual essay documents not only the posters themselves but also evidence of public engagement with them. It captures a two-way battle that was being waged, with people ripping some posters down or writing over them, and in return, bill posters pasting up new notices condemning the defacers. The effect of this heightened flyposter activity was to bring about change to the local streetscape in a remarkable but subtle way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the findings of an analysis on a sample of three 2019 South African election posters. Posters that feature the party leader from the ruling African National Congress (ANC), the opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) and the "largest of the small parties" the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) are analysed to provide insight into the manner in which the posters are designed to appeal to the voting public through the design of their textual and visual elements. The elements analysed are the representation of the leader, the party logos and colours used, as well as the textual content and fonts selected for each poster. The interpretation is supported by positioning the elements within their historical and cultural bases and referencing political communication research. The analysis finds that while the choice to foreground the party leader on the posters is similar between the three parties, their posters also show significant differences with regard to the size and positioning of each leaders' image, their nonverbal cues and clothing. Such differences, coupled with differences in the use of colour, logo design and the choice of typography and slogans results in three distinct identities which I have named President, Preacher and Populist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prenatal images on anti-abortion campaign posters in the Irish referendum of 2018 were an overwhelming presence in the ambient spaces of Irish towns and cities, and generated a strong public reaction. This article examines this aspect of the visual and material ephemera of the referendum campaign in order to critique the continued use of in utero images within conservative reproductive politics. The article places existing accounts of the uses and abuses of foetal imagery into an Irish context. Referencing feminist critiques of prenatal images, ethnographic studies of ultrasound, Peter Paul Verbeek’s discussion of these photographic practices as complex imbrications of the human and technological and paying attention to a striking, oppositional use of a sonogram by the Spanish photographer Laia Abril, this article will interrogate the assumed stability of meaning which motivates the adoption of prenatal images by anti-abortion campaigns.

Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties’ political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties’ choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes.

Party-political posters, banners and hoardings mark the everyday urban landscape of Bangladesh. They have become pervasive visual and material expressions of everyday politics in an environment where 'visibility means everything'. This article seeks to understand local politics and power dynamics in Bangladesh through party-political posters while suggesting that the symbolism and material permanence of these posters may be considered efficacious elements in a wider network of party politics. Political posters in Bangladesh are more than mere conveyors of political messages for electoral victory. Instead, they are essential 'to the composition, maintenance, and assemblage' of inter- and intra-party politics. Political posters emerged as an important device in the socio-material conceptualisation of power, political performance and space in local politics in Bangladesh; it is through these posters that inter-party rivalries over space and authority are mediated and how intra-party power relations become structured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Election campaigns in hybrid media systems are characterised by the integration of newer and older media. With the rise of social media platforms, newer tools of political communication emerge, such as online campaign posters, complementing older tools, such as traditional campaign posters. This raises the question whether the newer medium online campaign posters replicates strategies of professionalised political communication (i.e. personalisation, de-ideologisation and negative campaigning), and whether major and minor parties differ in their use of these strategies in online campaign posters. Against this background, we conducted a quantitative content analysis of visual and textual elements of online campaign posters and traditional campaign posters (N = 1,069) for the 2013 and 2017 German Bundestag elections. The results indicate that online campaign posters are significantly more negative than traditional campaign posters. Moreover, the use of online campaign posters tends to moderate the inter-party competition in the social media environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes the methodological framework of visual narrative analysis through the study of images and narratives. We are interested in the appeal of political storytelling. In applying an approach of layered interpretation, we study images and slogans to consider the more complex underlying narratives in their political and cultural context. Our exploratory case studies draw on material from right-wing populist parties, namely election campaign posters from Germany and the UK as material for the analysis. We find that narratives operate with a 'fantasmatic logic', which adds fantasy to politics, to depoliticise and camouflage their radical intent and gain approval by making consent desirable. We identify two exemplary narratives (honest men under threat; proud mothers) that entrench traditional gender roles in accordance with patriarchy and nationalism. Theoretically, our approach contributes to debates in IR on cultural underpinnings in international politics and the construction of collective identities through shared/divided narratives. Visual narrative analysis provides a promising methodological tool for analysing visual representations in their productive relationship with text. This perspective foregrounds the power of political storytelling through fantasmatic appeal and fosters a better understanding of the global rise of populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author talks about the Theological Critique of Sovereignty which determines the range of legitimacy and economic distribution. Topics discussed include critique of sovereignty upon human political life visible and hopes to contribute to an alleviation of suffering; Jewish theological perspective, promoting a prophetic political posture; and articulation of the ethical consequences of the immediacy of presence in one's religious self-understanding.

Copyright of Ars & Humanitas is the property of Ars & Humanitas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the propaganda potential of political posters, created during the Spanish Civil War by republicans and nationalists. The Spanish Civil War is typically presented as a military narrative of the ideological battle between socialism and fascism, foreshadowing World War II. The art of posters was a massive manifestation of the art and public expression of ideologies. Republican posters appeared on the walls a few days after the war began. Political posters became important weapons in the battle for a free Spain. Visual propaganda creation and distribution processes of republicans and nationalists are compared. Propaganda uses messages to produce a more emotional rather than rational response to the information presented. Employing cultural studies methods to read propaganda posters as texts, symbols depicting how their meanings interacted with changing identities are analyzed. Principal concepts of ideology are represented in political posters; concept of sense of justice and geopolitical conspiracy. Republican posters were brighter, more varied and had a great mobilization effect. But republicans lacked a unified ideological line. Republican modernist experiments were not always clear to the viewer. Most part of republican and nationalist posters is characterized.

The relationship between political posters and their intended viewers was the focus of numerous texts in the 1920s; this article analyzes the ways in which Soviet theorists sought to understand this relationship. They operated in an intellectual context that tried to conceive the modern subject as an active consumer and co-creator, rather than a passive audience. Their study of the contexts of viewing, of display practices and of the role of the viewer as an active participant in the creation of meaning, caused concern about the risk of misunderstandings and led to calls for images to address specific audiences with greater clarity. Many imagined that audiences and producers of images were in dialogue with one another, negotiating over the content, form, and function of political art. The image would thus mediate the relationship between individual and state, integrating political messages into everyday life, and aiming to integrate the individual into the process and practice of propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The letter is dedicated to the fact of translating the book «Iconography of Power» by American sociologist and historian Victoria Bonelli. The political poster is a mirror of its era, as it depicts visual narratives of official ideology and provides visual scenarios of new patterns of behavior. The poster plays a role as an indicator for reflecting on the political aspects of totalitarianism, particularly the Soviet past, as it conceptualizes the reality of that era. The book describes the stages of forming the Soviet political poster as an expression of power, the factor of social mobilization, and the visual phenomenon of everyday life. The pictures on the Soviet poster are not only reminders of the past, but also help with social diagnostics. Understanding and reading its political archetypes and semantics is desirable right now in the post-Soviet era. This type of reading is taught by Victoria Bonnell's book "Iconography of Power", which gives us a desire to research and create a work on the Georgian political poster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The algorithmic turn in photography raises the question of whether an algorithmically generated image is even a photograph at all. This paradox is abundant on India's urban streets, where the pedestrian or road user is met with giant photo saturated flex hoardings printed with political and community messages and photo-shopped portraits of gods, chief ministers and party workers. In this article, attention to photo-based political posters alongside art practices sharing common elements of digital capture and postproduction contextualizes a reading of technologically produced visual landscapes in the South Indian city of Bangalore. Informed by Vilèm Flusser, the techno-materiality of hoardings are interpreted as visual practices whose reliance on Microsoft and Adobe softwares reveal more than the semiotic information that is ostensibly transmitted; in so doing the extent to which photography is a useful entry point for assessing the visuality in which we're currently living and how this gets locally inflected in the case of India is explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history and radical significances of psychedelic artwork in particular posters from the 1960s and 1970s. Topics discussed include iconic political poster art designed by Wes Wilson, after the first U.S. troops arrived in Vietnam; art work possessing strong political views and concerns about U.S. policy; and poster's history as a tool for propaganda and political agitation.

This article presents the rather unknown experience of two of the most prolific graphic collectives during the military dictatorship in Chile (1973-1989): Agrupación de Plásticos Jóvenes (APJ) and Tallersol Cultural Center. The work of both groups was tackled from a perspective that focuses on the production process as a political practice, rather than only on the explicit political content of a graphic piece. The article aims to rescue the technical innovations and associative work of poster designers that overcame the restrictions and censorship imposed by the regime of Augusto Pinochet. Through an in-depth research that features archival work and interviews to members of the APJ and Tallersol, this article unravels a fragment of the history of the political posters in Chile that has been marginalized from design historical discourses, proposing at the same time a processual perspective for the study of the work of graphic activisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article narrates a personal journey of learning and unlearning the images in school textbooks, its uses potentials and challenges as experienced by the author. It reflects upon the experiences of the process of selection of these images within the context of political science as a discipline. These experiences have been formed over a decade while working for Eklavya in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, and also at the NCERT in New Delhi. It locates changes in understanding the perspectives on political cartoons and posters as could be used in a school textbook. It also argues that there is a need to rethink ways in which cartoons are used in textbooks. Furthermore, it tells us something about the way political science as a discipline is taught in schools across India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Im Wintersemester 2017-2018 hat der erste Autor ein Seminar zum Thema "Geschichte in der Werbung" angeboten, das für Studierende der Studiengänge Geschichte der Pädagogischen Hochschule Heidelberg und der Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg zugängig war. Dieser Beitrag berichtet über diese Lehrveranstaltung und beinhaltet eine Auswahl studentischer Arbeiten, die aus dem Seminar herkamen.

The increasing cost of electoral campaigns raises the need for effective campaign planning and a precise understanding of the return of such investment. Interestingly, despite the strong impact of elections on our daily lives, how this investment is translated into votes is still unknown. By performing data analysis and modeling, we show that top candidates spend more money per vote than the less successful and poorer candidates, a relation that discloses a diseconomy of scale. We demonstrate that such electoral diseconomy arises from the competition between candidates due to inefficient campaign expenditure. Our approach succeeds in two important tests. First, it reveals that the statistical pattern in the vote distribution of candidates can be explained in terms of the independently conceived, but similarly skewed distribution of money campaign. Second, using a heuristic argument, we are able to explain the observed turnout percentage for a given election of approximately 63% in average. This result is in good agreement with the average turnout rate obtained from real data. Due to its generality, we expect that our approach can be applied to a wide range of problems concerning the adoption process in marketing campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos em Comunicação is the property of Labcom / Universidade da Beira Interior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research has shown that a candidate's appearance affects the support he or she receives in elections. We extend this research in this article in three ways. First, we examine this relationship further in a non-Western context using 2015 local elections in Japan. Next, we show that this positive relationship is more complicated depending on the characteristics of the election under consideration. Specifically, we distinguished election contests by levels of turnout and found that despite a positive relationship between turnout and the extent to which smiling increases a candidate's support levels, the marginal increase in support declined as turnout increased and, in fact, became negative when some high-turnout threshold was crossed. Finally, we show that the number of candidates competing in an election is negatively related to the impact of a candidate smiling, confirming research conducted by the Dartmouth Group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populist parties have been extremely successful in recent years. It is often argued that their focus on emotion-eliciting appeals instead of rational arguments contributes to this success; however, there is a lack of empirical evidence to support this assumption. The objective of this article is to test whether populist appeals do indeed elicit emotions and whether this increases the persuasiveness of the appeals. An experiment was conducted (N = 580) comparing populist and nonpopulist appeals on political advertising posters. The results show that populist appeals elicit stronger emotions than nonpopulist appeals and that these emotions mediate the persuasiveness of the appeals. The widespread assumption that populist appeals are persuasive because they are inherently emotional is thus supported. This finding helps to explain the success of parties that make use of such populist messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National campaigns are an extension of governance that aim to subliminally (re) align a society to a country's nation-building objectives or ideals. They are carefully curated government projects that are heavily invested in the dissemination and reinforcement of nation-building ideologies. This paper has focused its research on the National Courtesy Campaign, which was launched at a time when the 'Asian values' discourse dominated much of Singapore's statal narratives. Although not overtly marketed as part of the 'Asianizing' Singapore movement, posters of the National Courtesy Campaign were found to be sites in which ideologies that informed the 'Asianizing' Singapore movement were reproduced. This paper explores the micro-communication strategies employed for the dissemination of these nation-building ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politicians and people professionally involved in politics agree that negative campaigning is a frequently used campaign communication strategy by Austrian political parties. Yet, there is no empirical investigation of such claims. The present study examines party-controlled communication channels to identify the use of negative messaging strategies from a political actor's perspective. The data for this study come from a 6-week content analysis of campaign posters, newspaper advertisement and press releases of the 2008 Austrian National Elections. I examine the degree, source, target, and type of negativity. Results show that there are great differences in the degree and type of negativity between the three communication channels. Whereas in press releases all Austrian parties constantly engaged in going negative, campaign posters hardly contained any negative message. To a great extent negative campaign tactics are adjusted depending to whom the message is addressed to in the first place, the voter or the media. Concerning the source and target of negative appeals, results show that in particular, parties sitting in opposition employ negative campaigning. Yet, they are hardly ever the target of negative messages. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Research on the truth effect has demonstrated that statements are rated as more credible when they are repeatedly presented. However, current research indicates that there are limits to the truth effect and that too many repetitions can decrease message credibility. This study investigates whether message negativity contributes to this boomerang effect and whether the interaction of credibility and negativity influences political attitudes. These assumptions were tested in an online experiment in which the frequency of exposure to political campaign posters and message negativity were manipulated. The results show that negativity on political campaign posters functions as a crucial moderator, especially in combination with high-frequency exposure. Repeatedly presented negative posters resulted in a more negative attitude toward the presented political issue, which was mediated by a decrease in credibility judgments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]