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With the rise of digital technologies, a political‐economic configuration recognised as “platform capitalism” has raised concerns over monopolistic tendencies, lack of accountability, expanded rentiership, workers’ precarity, and more. Existing analyses, however, show a distinctly urban bias—centring on housing, transportation, retail, and gig labour—and have yet to engage with the agrarian dimensions of this phenomenon despite considerable potential impacts on the future of farming. Here we begin the process of theorising agrarian platform capitalism, offering a typology of platforms in the agri‐food sector, and bringing together critiques of platform capitalism with the distinctive features of agrarian political economy. Our analysis identifies four prominent characteristics of agrarian platform capitalism which largely corroborate existing critiques albeit with some distinctive contours. As in other sectors, platforms intensify rentiership regarding both real estate and digital assets. Agricultural platforms also display a familiar tendency to thrive in spaces of regulatory retreat and are in some cases even endorsed by regulatory agencies, highlighting the potential for public–private platformisation. Some agricultural platform companies deploy populist rhetoric beyond established tropes of consumer welfare, latching onto farmers’ deep frustrations with the highly concentrated agribusiness sector. Efforts to reign in agrarian platform power may be further constrained by legitimising discourses of hunger relief and sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of popular commentaries in recent years have contended that the emergence of an advanced, platform-oriented digital economy marks the end of capitalism as such. This paper evaluates these claims from theorists such as Mckenzie Wark and Yannis Varoufakis. Ultimately the paper suggests that a more useful and plausible alternative to them is to be found in the Regulation School assertion that 'platform capitalism' constitutes a new 'regime of accumulation': a successor to 'Fordism' and 'post-Fordism'. The paper explains the historical origins of this approach, arguing for its continued usefulness and its compatibility with important recent developments in institutional, technological and media sociology. It explains the compatibility of an approach characterising 'platform capitalism' as a new regime of accumulation with a range of other perspectives on both 'platformization' and contemporary capitalism, and discusses both recent changes to popular music culture and broad trends in populist politics in recent decades as exemplifying cultural, social and political features of platform capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing body of research on the platform economy provides a variety of interpretations of platform labor. Nevertheless, current studies have either placed exchange rather than production at the core of their interpretations or overlooked the historical continuity of the type of labor to which platform labor belongs. Employing a historical-comparative approach, this article introduces the concept of "cross-boundary subsumption" to illuminate the characteristics of platform labor. Drawing insights from investigations and interviews conducted on ride-hailing platforms in China from 2018 to 2020, this article delves into how cross-boundary subsumption works in reality. The goal is to improve the understanding of platform labor and uncover the limits of the current models of the platform economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2024 presidential election campaign in Indonesia has produced various unique phenomena, including the emergence of the "Low Human Resources' (SDM Rendah) label directed at the supporters of candidate pair 02 by the supporters of candidate pairs 01 and 03. The existence of this label has become a spotlight because it reflects the dynamics of politics and social interaction within the community. In conducting the netnographic research strategy in this study, the primary focus is on gaining a deep understanding of the underlying reasons for this labeling, as well as how it affects public perception and the overall political dynamics. The social media platform X was selected as the research subject due to its crucial role in facilitating communicative interaction, including the labeling process, especially in the increasingly digitized political context. It is expected that the results of this research can provide deeper insights into the phenomenon of labeling in the political realm on the X social media platform, as well as provide a better understanding for politicians and the public regarding the importance of using social media platforms wisely in the political context. Furthermore, this research also has significant academic implications in the field of communication science, particularly in the theory of ComputerMediated Communication (CMC), which can contribute to a deeper understanding of the role of social media in contemporary politics. The practical implications cannot be overlooked either, especially in the efforts to raise awareness of the power and impact of social media platforms in the political context during the 2024 presidential campaign in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When it comes to the study of the messaging of online political campaigns, theory suggests that platform divergence should be common, but much research finds considerable convergence across platforms. In this research, we examine variation across digital and social media platforms in the types of paid campaign messages that are distributed, focusing on their goals, tone, and the partisanship of political rhetoric. We use data on the content of paid election advertisements placed on YouTube, Google search, Instagram, and Facebook during the 2020 elections in the United States, examining all federal candidates who advertised on these platforms during the final 2 months of the campaign. We find that YouTube is most distinct from the other platforms, perhaps because it most resembles television, but convergence better describes the two Meta platforms, Facebook and Instagram. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative communication research needs to catch up to other disciplines. In this special issue and the associated International Communication Association preconference, we focus on comparative work related to digital political communication. This introduction argues that comparative digital political communication needs to consider comparisons across various dimensions, including countries, platforms, and time, whereas existing comparative communication research focuses on country or territorial comparison. We highlight the six submissions' approaches to comparative work. Each submission provides at least one of these three dimensions of contrast. We conclude with a discussion of enduring gaps in this field of research, such as the lack of studies using time as a dimension of comparison. Time is crucial for understanding ever-changing digital media platforms. We also conclude by discussing some ongoing challenges in political communication research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Facebook's censorship of Kurdish political activism at the request of the Turkish government. I argue that Facebook's censorship of political voices belonging to the marginalized Kurdish community is an articulation of platform coloniality, an outcome constituted by the intersecting of the social media giant's global political economy imperatives with racialized and hierarchized conceptions of human worth. The effects of platform coloniality are exacerbated due to it being mediated by the Turkish nation-state's internal colonial politics and militarist regional policies, thus intensifying the marginalization of Kurds inside and outside Turkey. Covered in a typical neoliberal discourse of freedom and human rights, platform coloniality represents a continuation of the age-old patterns of Western power and its flow toward the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the process of training the innovation and entrepreneurship ability of electronic information talents, there are common problems such as the lack of effective cross-training means, the training mechanism of deep integration of industry and education, the lack of long-term management mode and evaluation mechanism of innovation team, and the lack of effective integration of ideological and political education platform. It has been established five platforms: "Ideological and Political Platform", "Competition Group", "Training camp", "humanoid Robot Innovation Base" and "Young Scholars Forum" by teaching team, which organically integrate courses, graduation designs, major innovation projects, training camps, competitions, social services, and youth scholar forums. The "three-cross, three-integration" mode of collaborative innovation and entrepreneurship training for undergraduate and master's students of electronic information majors in local applied colleges has been built, which includes ideological and political leadership, professional intersect, undergraduate and master's students intersect, Intra-and extra-curricular intersect, industry-learning integration, research competition integration, and competition and teaching integration. Through practice, it has been proven that the collaborative training model of undergraduate and master students has achieved good results in innovation and entrepreneurship education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the evolution and effect of Palestinian digital activism within the setting of cyber colonialism, accentuating the extraordinary capability of digital platforms for political resistance. The ascent of digital media has introduced another time of for Palestinians, empowering them to conquer physical and political hindrances forced by the Israeli occupation. This examination dug into the essential utilization of social media and other internet-based platforms by Palestinians to document human rights abuses, mobilize global support, and challenge dominant narratives. It likewise inspected the double-edged nature of digital technologies, which act as devices for both empowerment and surveillance. Through happy examination, contextual investigations, and meetings with activists, the review features successes and challenges of Palestinian digital activism. The discoveries highlight the meaning of digital spaces in molding worldwide discernment and encouraging fortitude, while additionally uncovering the tireless dangers of restriction and cyber reconnaissance. The paper concluded with proposals for improving the adequacy of digital activism and recommended future examination bearings to additionally grasp its effect on the Palestinian struggle for self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, the rise of social media has profound effects on political communication activities. Political parties and political actors use social media platforms effectively in order to reach voters, disseminate their ideas and ideologies and gather support. The aim of this study is to identify the social media platforms actively used by political parties. The study aims to measure the usage and participation levels of political parties represented in the Turkish Grand National Assembly on social media platforms, which have a high number of users, with LBWA, WEDBA, PSI, LMAW, IRPA, CRADIS, one of the Multi-Criteria Decision-Making methods. In order to analyse the social media performance of political parties, the model includes an evaluation within the framework of the number of followers, number of followers, number of shares, number of likes and number of comments and aims to rank the most effective social media platforms used by political parties. According to the findings obtained as a result of the study, it is seen that the use of social media by political parties other than TİP and DEM party is carried out within the framework of similar strategies and this use is carried out within the framework of political communication opportunities offered to users within the framework of the basic features of the platform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws from an ethnographic investigation of YouTube to argue the significant and specific role of advertising in the governance of platformised cultural production. We pursue this investigation in a critical dialog with theoretical approaches drawn from platform governance, platformisation and political economy communications, foregrounding the concept of the audience commodity. In our analysis of official and unofficial YouTube content, the role and desires of advertisers were discussed in depth. Community commentary videos publicly argued that YouTube cared about advertisers more than a content creating community; marketing-orientated entrepreneurial growth content advised creators to pursue a 'buying audience'; and YouTube's official communications painstakingly reminded creators to 'put themselves in advertisers' shoes'. Each of these perspectives contributes an understanding of the ways advertising structurally shapes the governance of cultural production in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media has emerged as a significant platform for political, economic, and social dialogue worldwide, acting as a vehicle for self-expression and a means to hold political leaders accountable. In Nigeria, platforms such as Facebook, X, WhatsApp, and Instagram have played a crucial role in the organisation and mobilisation of protests. This study explores the impact of social media on youth participation in the August 2024 #EndBadGovernance protests in Nigeria. Using the public sphere theory, the research adopted a quantitative survey approach, collecting data from 300 respondents across the six Area Councils of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. The results reveal that social media was instrumental in mobilising and engaging young people during the protests. Prominent themes discussed on social media included the high cost of living, reversal of the fuel subsidy removal, investigation of the fuel subsidy regime, reduction in electricity tariffs, high cost of governance, corruption, deficiencies in educational and healthcare systems, unemployment, insecurity, and widespread poverty. This study highlights social media's dual function as both a catalyst for mobilisation and a tool for organisational coordination. It is recommended that public training on the responsible use of social media be implemented to maximise its effectiveness in civic engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the distribution of content posted on Twitter in response to a specific event or crisis from 2014 to 2019. The aim of the study is to identify any shifts in the focus of the content and to explore the possible reasons for these changes. The findings suggest a shift from a disaster arena to a political arena over the six-year period. The initial years were dominated by content related to reporting on the situation, requesting help, and coordinating relief efforts, while the latter years saw an increase in content related to criticizing the government, appreciating government effort, and discussing social and political issues. The study provides insights into the changing nature of public responses to events and crises, and highlights the role of social media as a platform for political discussions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eighty percent of football fans involved in the present study do not want EURO2024 to be deployed as a platform for protest against the extensively covered conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza. The majority accept that, as one of 2024's global sports spectacles, EURO2024, like the Paris Olympics, will be watched by billions and command the attention of the global media. They also understand how sport has catalysed geopolitical change, for example, playing a role in isolating apartheid-era South Africa. Yet a majority believe EURO2024 is a sporting event and, as such, should not be weaponized by social and political events. This commentary is based on a self-contained project involving 1010 fans conducted during April–May 2024, though it continues themes the authors have explored in the recent past, their central question being: has sport been prominently politicized since Colin Kaepernick's gesture in 2016? Since then, many of the world's governing organizations have relaxed their traditional positions on political and socio-cultural issues and, in some cases, have approved of athletes taking the knee as a symbol of their commitment to inclusivity. Individual athletes have displayed their values, but fans are not convinced of their sincerity. They also question governing organizations' genuineness. Many are sceptical enough to believe football's corporate sponsors are the chief beneficiaries of protest. Fans agree football can be a potent platform on which to mount social and political missions. They just do not want it to happen during EURO2024. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an attempt to understand the Adivasi landlessness in the context of the implementation of the Forest Rights Act (FRA) in Kerala. Kerala has been projected as a model of development so far as social development indicators are concerned. Based on in-depth personal interviews with 72 Adivasis and three Adivasi and human rights activists in eight districts of Kerala, this article examines whose landholding has been a topic of debate in various political platforms. The study was carried out to explore whether the State's development initiatives and economic growth trajectory had any space for the Adivasis of Kerala. Adivasi landlessness and lack of efficient land distribution may be attributed to the so-called State-led development narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Civil War and Reconstruction Era, elite Californios—Mexicans of mixed-race descent made citizens by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo—supported legislation and political platforms that rejected the varied attempts at biracial democracy. Through an examination of the political life of Antonio Coronel, this article reconsiders elite Californios as state makers and obstructors of Reconstruction in California. At the end of the U.S.-Mexico War and until his death in 1894, Coronel, like other Californios, collaborated with Anglo American politicians to maintain his regional power by supporting a racially restrictive state. In offering their cooperation, elite Californios momentarily maintained their privileged social status in areas where Californios held local political control, such as Los Angeles and Santa Barbara. While Anglo American settlers relied on elite Californios for political legitimacy and state making, they viewed Californios as unassimilable into whiteness because of their Spanish culture and mixed ancestry, and they gradually denied Californio claims to racial superiority and socio-legal privileges, as political cooperation became less crucial to the success of the state project. As a direct result of Coronel's and other elite Californios' cooperation before the U.S. Civil War (1861–1865) and through Reconstruction (1863–1879), the California government rejected the federal government's experiment in biracial democracy and supported policies of white supremacy that targeted the state's growing non-white populations, a rejection that eventually jeopardized Californio power, including Coronel's. This article demonstrates that Californio participation was crucial to the state's rejection of Reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The work aims to critically portray the first journalistic writings of Euclides da Cunha. To this end, we look at the series "Acts and Words", published by the newspaper A Província de São Paulo, between January 10 and 24, 1889, as representative of the ideas, style and language that marked the entire intellectual trajectory of Euclides. da Cunha. At the time, the future author of Os Sertões had just arrived in São Paulo after the bayonet episode, which had cost him expulsion from the Military School, and at the invitation of Júlio Mesquita, then editor of that São Paulo republican periodical, he began to publish political articles under the pseudonym Proudhon, in allusion to the French philosopher. In this series it is already possible to perceive the Euclidean style of writing guided by dramatic language, a hallmark of all his work, by the use of a wide range of historical and philosophical-scientific references, demonstration of his broad mastery of different fields of knowledge, and by the ardent combat in favor of republican ideals, the political platform of an entire generation of Brazilian intellectuals, to which Euclides da Cunha belonged. The documentary-methodological path of the work deals not only with Euclides' original texts published in the press, but also with studies that address Euclidean critical fortune, such as the works of Walnice Nogueira Galvão (2009), Olímpio de Sousa Andrade (1960) and Roberto Ventura (2003). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crises were highly relevant in the 2022 Italian general election. The label of "crisis" was associated with multiple policy issues, ranging from the environment and health to foreign policy. Previous studies have extensively discussed the impact of crises on voter behavior, demonstrating that voters are particularly concerned with parties' valence attributes, such as the effectiveness of policies and leaders' ability to resolve emergencies. However, limited attention has been paid to assessing how parties mobilize the crisis paradigm on social media. This study seeks to bridge this gap by analyzing the impact of crisis-related content on Facebook user engagement, with a special focus on distinguishing the relative effectiveness of populist versus mainstream parties in deploying such narratives. Moreover, this research explores how the intertwining of crisis narratives with portrayals of party responsibility or irresponsibility influences the virality of social media posts. To answer these questions, we manually coded 4,827 election campaign posts to create an original dataset. The evidence shows that crises have an impact on boosting user engagement, although this effect seems to be limited to populist parties. The results also suggest that irresponsible claims cease to be rewarding during a crisis. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of the strategic use of crisis narratives by political parties on digital platforms and underscores the complex interplay between crisis communication and public engagement in the contemporary political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal is the property of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While TikTok has established itself as a new platform for political communication, its role during elections remains understudied by researchers. In this article, we present a content analysis of actor dynamics and ideological content characteristics on TikTok during the early phase of the 2022 election campaign in Sweden, combined with an analysis of how political orientation and utilization of TikTok's platform features impact user engagement. Results reveal that party youth organizations had a prominent presence during the campaign, while traditional party actors were less established. TikTok tends to lean toward right-wing content, with right-wing praise being a significant predictor of user engagement. Semiotic resources such as stickers and emoticons but also added music, were widely used platform features, but these features had no or weak negative effects on user engagement. Added speech, particularly when praising right-wing politics, positively influenced user engagement, suggesting the importance of verbal communication on a platform characterized by multimodal experimentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The study aimed to examine the impact of using the MOODLE e-learning platform in ideological and political education on Chinese students' motivation and academic performance. Methods: The study involved 447 students from China-based universities (the experimental group − 232 students who studied using electronic educational platforms, and the control group − 215 students who used no digital technologies in their learning). The following methods were used: Measuring the need to achieve success among students; T. I. Ilyina's method for studying motivation to study at university; Method for studying student success motivation; Method for studying the motives of students' educational activities; Method for determining the main motives for choosing a profession (E. M. Pavlyutenkov); Motivation of learning activities: Levels and types (I. S. Dombrovskaya). Students' academic performance was assessed by testing in the studied disciplines at the beginning and end of the study. Results: As a result, the significance of the motivational component in achieving the success of ideological and political education and the impact on students' motivation to use e-learning platforms is theoretically substantiated. Conclusions: It has been confirmed that using e-learning platforms in ideological and political education helps increase student motivation and academic performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Definition: The ecumene defines a beyond-border space of strong cultural encounters, flows, and merging, grounded within the traditions of world-systems, globalization, transnationalism, and cosmopolitanism discourses. Furthermore, the ecumene links directly with international regions as core political platforms in the making. As such, there are several ecumenes on the forefront, as evidenced by the literature, which can be clustered into ideal types. Epistemologically, it is a relevant concept and tool for a science-of-the-future that focuses on conviviality and transformation for the yet-to-come. Analytically, the ecumene has a descriptive, normative, and critical dimension, and can be empirically accessed through operational concepts such as triggers, hubs, and types of beyond-border conviviality. To apply the ecumene as a research program means to detect convivial common-sense spaces within the global context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The critical platform studies literature has built a compelling picture of how techniques like worker (mis)classification, algorithmic management and workforce atomisation lie at the heart of how 'work on-demand via apps' actively restructure labour. Much of this emerging scholarship identifies that platform workforces are predominantly comprised of migrant and racially minoritised workers. However, few studies theorise migration and race as structuring logics of the platform model and the precarity it engenders. This paper addresses this gap by exploring how the platform economy – specifically work on-demand via apps – both shapes and is shaped by historically contingent contexts of racialisation, and their constitutive processes such as embodiment and immigration policy/rhetoric. Beyond identifying the over-representation of racial minorities in the platform economy, it argues that processes of racialisation have been crucial at every stage of the platform economy's rise to dominance, and therefore constitutes a key organising principle of platform capitalism – hence the term 'racial platform capitalism'. In doing so, this paper draws on the racial capitalism literature, to situate key platform techniques such as worker (mis)classification and algorithmic management as forms of racial practice, deployed to (re-)organise surplus urban labour-power following the 2008 financial crisis. This framework will be explored through an ethnographic study of Uber's rise in London. Through this, the paper demonstrates a co-constitutive relationship, where the conditions of minoritised workers in a global city like London post-2008, and the political economy of platform companies can be said to have co-produced one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a comparative-historical perspective on the moral economy of land. We reconstruct the moral economy of the popular land reform movement that opposed the illegitimate income streams of rentiers and speculators in the early 20th century, tracing the movement's legacy through a long-run analysis of political party platforms since 1880 in the USA, the UK, Germany and Sweden. We find that the land reformers' conceptualization of land as a moral good was a key topic in early 20th-century party politics. Parties across the political spectrum called for wide-ranging interventions in unregulated land markets. But despite the movement's relative success, the new ideal of the ownership society soon gained ground as an alternative to the more radical politics of land decommodification. We find growing multipartisan support for small property owners over time, culminating in the rise of a new moral conceptualization of land as capital. With the recent comeback of the land question, both rural and urban, we conclude that an understanding of historical land reform debates should inform future research toward a much-needed sociology of land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This afterword discusses the three articles in the theme section "Affective regimes of care beyond humanitarian crisis," suggesting that they offer us important ethnographies that each pry open and reevaluate the nature of care, including its political potential. Building on how these alternative forms shift the meaning and practice of care, but focusing on the one structuring hierarchy of humanitarianism left intact—racism—I end by briefly discussing the more radical politics of care being articulated by The Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) to show how politics and care are being combined to create revolutionary political platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Republicanos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones de Estudios Republicanos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social networking sites have become important platforms for obtaining political information. Nevertheless, a crucial inquiry in this context pertains to the reliability of social networking sites (SNS) as a political information source. This study investigated the extent to which politically engaged online users perceive social networking sites (SNS) as trustworthy. The positivist philosophical stance was adopted to explain the phenomena. Moreover, the deductive approach was intricated in this study to test the framed hypotheses. A digital survey strategy was used for individuals who frequently engage with social media platforms. The data was electronically collected from October 19 to November 1, 2023. The target population for this study was active social media users in Pakistan who were between the ages of 18 and 34 and data was gathered using the purposive sampling technique. The ultimate sample comprised 384 users via using the cross-sectional study design. This study found social networking sites (SNS) the least credible among the various traditional and online sources. The strongest indicator of social networking site (SNS) credibility was found to be the extent of reliance on these platforms. Moreover, it is concluded that utilizing social network sites (SNS) can be an as effective means to convince voters to support their campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Diversitas Journal is the property of Diversitas Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Political advertisements play a significant role in improving the relationships between political parties, candidates, and voters. Political advertisements serve as a platform for political entities to establish their identity, articulate their political narratives, secure the loyalty of their existing voter base, and influence the electoral inclinations of opposition supporters, the undecided and apathetic segments of the populace. Political advertising is a crucial method of political communication for political actors, and it is widely acknowledged that well-crafted political advertisements have an impact on election results. This study centers around commercial films with the slogan 'Let's go/do it' (Haydi), created for the Presidential candidates of the People's Alliance and the Nation Alliance during the 2023 Presidential and 28th Term Parliamentary General Election campaign process. In this study, the explicit and implicit meanings of visual and linguistic signals in political advertisements were determined and the presentation forms of the messages conveyed to the voters were analyzed by using the semiotic method. İt was observed that the AK Party utilized positive rhetoric in its advertisements to appeal to voters to preserve the status quo. Conversely, the CHP employed a strategy of negative discourse against the AK Party, aiming to disengage voters from their allegiance while simultaneously cultivating sympathy for its own candidate through positive rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media are seen as a catalyst for personalized politics, and social media activity has, therefore, been used as an indicator of personalized representation. However, this may lead to an overestimation because politicians can behave as party soldiers even on their personal social media platforms. This article proposes that we need to examine the content of politicians' social media communication to evaluate levels of personalized representation and understand the drivers behind it. Based on a full year's Facebook activity of Danish members of Parliament including 28,000 updates, this study documents two main results. First, politicians do use Facebook to manage their personal image, but they also attend to their party duties. Attending to content suggests that activity measures overestimate personalized representation by at least 20 percentage points. Second, in contrast to expectations, mainly electorally secure politicians personalize communication on social media, which suggests that vote getters may enjoy more party duty leeway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research seeks to understand the effects of social media on political discourse, information access, and democracy by examining the interplay between message spread, algorithms, and citizen behaviour. To clarify the complex relationship between online platforms and political activity, this study draws on examining theoretical concepts such as agenda-setting (McCombs & Valenzuela, 2020), echo chambers (Sunstein, 2009), social media filtering algorithms (Bozdag, 2013), and digital citizenship (Ribble & Park, 2022). This study aims to investigate how political messages are disseminated and how public attention is drawn to particular messages, thus influencing the political discourse in online spaces. It will also explore how social media algorithms filter and deliver content to users, possibly forming echo chambers that limit exposure to opposing points of view and strengthen pre-existing ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Correspondencias & Analisis is the property of Universidad de San Martin de Porres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is recognized as one of the world's populist politicians who are steadily increasing in number around the world. During Erdoğan's 22 years in power, Türkiye first experienced a period of significant economic and democratic growth, which was then significantly reversed with the 2016 coup attempt and the presidential government system that Türkiye adopted based on a referendum. Simultaneously with this regression in Türkiye, the content and opportunities offered by social media applications have improved. Appropriately, politicians attach more importance to these platforms for political communication. Although the number of studies in the field of political communication is increasing, visual political communication is not being widely researched. Erdoğan's Instagram posts are important examples of his populist political understanding within the scope of visual political communication. Hence, in this study, 242 image posts shared by Erdoğan via his Instagram account in 2022, which constitute a total of 685 photos due to Instagram's feature of sharing multiple photos per post, were analyzed. It was found that Erdoğan made significant use of Instagram visuals in constructing his image as "one of the people" and as a tool to maintain his claim to masses that he was "one of them." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Javier Milei won the Argentine presidential elections on 19 November 2023 to the astonishment of his detractors in Argentina and a large part of international public opinion. His incendiary discourse against la casta and his groundbreaking promises catapulted him to stardom on television, from where he began to articulate an electoral platform around a political identity with no roots in Argentina: libertarianism. However, in order to win the final victory, Milei had to articulate this new identity with the sedimentation of the previous period, presided over by the dichotomy generated around la grieta. From the perspective of Political Theory, we will question the specificity of this articulation and its particular use of antagonisms in order to understand the reasons for its success. We will explore the challenges and risks posed by Milei’s mandate in terms of civil rights and liberties, democratic memory policies and a whole series of elements that seemed to form part of an unquestionable political and social consensus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores recent politics of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) by focusing on the examination of the continuing involvement of France and Italy in it, which are two – of the EHEA's founding countries. The study reported in this article is built on a theoretical observation that higher education is political. It relies on expert interviews with representatives from key policy-making institutions in France and Italy, and key recent EHEA official communications. The thematic analysis of these data sources reveals that the EHEA is not just a forum for higher education cooperation, but a political platform for cross-country relations in the European region and a platform for generating responses to crises. Additionally, specifically, France's and Italy's continuing involvement in the EHEA has a particular political undertone dictated by the internal politics of both countries and the evolving politics of the EHEA. This study contributes to a better understanding of the political nature of the EHEA and its implications for higher education policy outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a context of permanent electoral campaign, an increasing number of political communication specialists are trying to unravel the resources with which government officials and their parties seek to influence TikTok users. From a broad perspective, the theme is more current than novel, however, in the specific case of this research, an academic void is identified by combining the identification of idiosyncratic traits of the feminization of political discourse in TikTok with the study of reactions (text and emojis) that audiovisual content imbued with this trend provokes in users. The intention is to find out whether the inclusive tone of the feminized rhetorical style can be extrapolated to the Chinese-origin social network and, if so, whether its particular characteristics mitigate forms of incivility. To carry out the checks, the first seven months of activity on TikTok by the political platform Sumar with its leader, Yolanda Díaz, as the protagonist of most of the videos, are selected. The mixed methodology of analysis on audiovisual content and comments allows to verify that, although the new Spanish party does not apply a strategy perfectly adapted to the social network under study, the anti-polarization rhetoric and the storytelling techniques manage to neutralize extreme forms of flaming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Recognizing the current conjuncture, this article explores the changing role of media and communications in the cohering of social struggles by antisystemic social movements. Transforming structural relations of media and their tactical uses, the authors argue, are key components to shifting the terrain upon which such movements build. In response to a deepening organic crisis, the authors argue for the importance of organizing against and beyond the existing political economy of platform media by building new narrative blocs as bases of power that can serve as one of several determining factors for the direction of popular movements and the generalization of new notions and political programs around which a counterhegemonic consensus may emerge for society. Transformative resistance and collective power will depend on the ability to develop movement‐based media infrastructures to deepen international communication processes with and relationships to an ongoing global mass movement against the rise of antidemocratic politics, popular authoritarianism, and other morbid symptoms of a declining order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Investigates stability and change of actors in issues in a mature policy discourse. • Applies a temporal network analysis of the policy discourse in three subsequent periods. • Shows how international and national policy processes trigger change in the discourse coalitions over time. • Shows that key actors and most salient issues remain stable in a policy discourse linked to a mature policy subsystem. Policy discourses are important platforms for political actors to express their preferences on certain issues and are usually linked to a specific policy subsystem. From a research perspective, they have the potential to indicate ideological coalitions, policy change and learning. Using discourse network analysis, we identify core policy actors, issues, and coalitions in Switzerland's climate policy discourse and investigate how they have evolved over the past 15 years. In line with the policy process literature, we expected to see more stability than change in the discourse linked to the mature climate policy subsystem. However, our results have shown that policy discourses are more volatile than policy subsystems, and that national and international policy developments are able to trigger change, particularly in terms of the configuration of actor coalitions and the issues discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses the political aspects of the Clubhouse platform used in Kuwait as an emerging social media. An e-questionnaire considering demographical variables and scales was distributed, and 1,539 social media users in Kuwait were surveyed. SPSS (version 24) was used for data entry and analysis. Data showed a difference in the percentages of males and females using this platform without significantly changing the degree of use. There were variations in the use of the Clubhouse platform regarding political news. Additionally, positive relationships exist between the degree of using the Clubhouse platform and new and traditional media covering political news on related platforms. Results indicated that date of birth, educational level and the use of radio broadcasting, Facebook, Snapchat and Twitter were factors impacting activity on the Clubhouse platform. The data in this study demonstrates how new media has been adapted to political affairs and concerns in Kuwait. Although Clubhouse is new, with fewer social media users, it has been characterized by political social media users, and COVID-19 could be one of the reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the present essay, I argue that lyric ecopoetry is particularly suited to alter our worldview in favor of a more ecologically-aware stance. In itself this position has been announced by numerous ecocritics, with some doubts as to its adequacy expressed by Timothy Clark in his Ecocriticism on the Edge. Partly in response to his critique, it is here argued that poems do offer a viable way of altering human modes of thinking not by what or how they evoke but by the way in which they register in the reader's consciousness. To this effect, I depart from the theories of the lyric advanced in the last two decades by the likes of Jonathan Culler, Derek Attridge and the poet Don Patterson, all of whom argue that lyric poetry differs from any other form of linguistic expression in being itself the event it evokes rather than a representation of an event. This is because by dint of being performed by readers, lyric poems compel one to embrace the voices that comprise them as one's own, as a result helping one interiorize an experience of ultimate otherness. It is this modus of poetry's existence that makes it a particularly apt literary form for impelling one to appreciate the complexity of and one's imbrication in the networks of planetary ecosystems. In this way, as I claim further on, poetry may be conceived of as a vehicle for instilling a form of thinking that Bruno Latour has recently theorized as Terrestrial. For him, the Terrestrial is characterized by what he calls the system of engendering, a way of dwelling in the interrelated systems of the Earth that is reciprocally beneficial for human and non-humans. After an overview of Latour's idea, which is put forward as a potential political platform, and its relation to the extant theories of environmental humanities that emphasize poetry's role in conjuring the awareness of the intricacy of natural processes, I suggest that lyric poetry offers not only a means of linguistic expression of the interdependence of all elements in any given ecosystem but also constitutes a language capable of swaying human modes of thinking in favor of the Terrestrial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2021 county elections in Croatia were the perfect example of political change amidst continuity. Relatively new parties and independent candidates made significant inroads against the dominant players of the center-right and the center-left, most notably in the capital city of Zagreb, where a novel leftist political platform won the elections conclusively. The rise of new and credible alternatives resulted in increased fragmentation of the county assemblies and likely more unstable regional governments in the near future. On the other hand, the party that has dominated Croatian politics since independence, Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), continued that dominance on the county-level by winning 15 out of 21 offices of county prefects. More important, the determinants of electoral support for the principal political blocs have remained unchanged from the pattern observed in all national elections since the end of Croatia's War of Independence more than two and a half decades ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]