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As part of a larger study (not discussed) ten educated Malaysian citizens were interviewed to find whether their rising political consciousness, over a ten year period (1988-1999), indicated that their transformation was influenced by their culture. The subjects were between 35-45 years old, married, with an average of four children. All were members of the majority race, Malay, and held membership in the United Malay National Organization (UMNO), the biggest political party in Malaysia. The following research questions guided the study: (1) What triggered individuals' transformations; and (2) what facilitated the transformation to occur. Voting patterns in the 10th General Election of 1999 were meshed with interview transcripts. Two themes emerged from the data: (1) abhorrence of political scandals and upheavals during 1998-1999; and (2) a feeling of being intellectually demeaned (lied to by government authorities). The major conclusion of the study was that a political event could trigger perspective shifts and lead to transformative learning if it is perceived as threatening to the communal cultural identity. A second conclusion was that the methods used to handle the national crisis were against participants' cultural and religious values. The researchers believe the study contributed to theoretical explanations of transformative learning among individuals in a developing country. (The bibliography lists 28 references). (AJ)

In Canada and elsewhere, the shift from more horizontal models of governance and toward a more organized, diverse, and empowered civil society has sparked renewed interest in citizen involvement. The various dimensions of citizen involvement in policy processes are as follows: (1) mobilizing interest; (2) claims making; (3) knowledge acquisition; (4) spanning and bridging; (5) convening and deliberating; (6) community capacity building; (7) analysis and synthesis; and (8) transparency and feedback. These dimensions play various roles in the following stages of the policy process: (1) problem identification; (1) priority setting; (3) policy formation and design; (4) passage of policy instruments; (5) implementation; and (6) evaluation. An analysis of the adequacy of Canada's existing political institutions in providing for the dimensions of citizen involvement in each of these stages reveals that those institutions are not assuming as effective a part in citizen involvement as they might. Possible types of reforms to address this problem are as follows: (1) improving existing institutions and processes and developing institutionalized mechanisms for funding citizen involvement; (2) creating a new institution for citizen engagement, such as a civic forum; (3) changing culture within government; and (4) investing in civil society, including by promoting strong associational networks and supporting capacity building in voluntary organizations. (Contains 100 references.) (MN)

This paper presents the foundation of an exploratory study about the effects of primary school education provision by the ultra-orthodox Shas party on electoral support for the party in Israel. Specifically, the research explores the question of whether and to what extent religious organizations that provide services for their clients are able to redirect the loyalties of their targeted communities away from the state and its ideology and toward the ideological goals of their organization. In addition to the discussion of prevailing theories for Shas's party success, the paper theorizes how the success of Shas can be regarded and tested as a case of political clientelism, manifested through the provision of services by the party's publicly funded education network, the Wellspring of Torah Education. Currently, the Shas school system operates schools (n=101) and kindergarten classrooms (n=484). The empirical research for this project is a work in progress. Therefore, no definitive conclusions are presented at this time, pending completion of field research in Israel. (Contains 51 references, 2 notes, and 1 table.) (BT)

The Internet presents a unique opportunity for third party candidates in presidential campaigns. The growing popularity of the Internet offers the potential for equal access despite unequal resources and limited media coverage. This study examined the "Vote Nader" Web site in its attempts to overcome traditional cultural and structural barriers through Internet campaigning. Four criteria for evaluating Web sites (format, language, multimedia, and links) provided the framework for the study. The ultimate result is a rhetorical analysis of the Green Party as they adapt their vision to fit current political realities and transcend traditional structural and cultural barriers to third parties. The analysis reveals the need for more interactivity, self-promoting language, and credibility through diverse sources. Contains 13 references. (Author/RS)

In Latin America and the industrialized nations of North America and Europe, the traditionally small impact of women on politics is gradually changing. Five avenues for women to achieve positions of leadership and political impact are: (1) government positions, (2) political parties, (3) women's organizations, (4) other organizations, and (5) the business sector. A study examined women's leadership in political parties, women's organizations, and other organizations in two traditional Latin American societies, Ecuador and Colombia. It draws heavily on surveys conducted previously by the author in Ecuador and Colombia. During the 1993-94 academic year, in-person interviews with a national urban sample of Ecuadorian women (n=120) involved in politics and similar samples of women (n=70) in business and the professions and of male (n=70) political leaders. During 1984-85, a sample of Colombian women (n=121) political leaders was questioned, followed by a sample of male political leaders (n=82) in 1987. Survey results suggest that while group action by women is possible, there are serious obstacles reducing the likelihood of success. For example, respondents felt that many women were indifferent to women's political success. In much of Latin America, women's (particularly feminist) organizations are frequently denigrated by both male and female leaders. Findings suggest that opportunities for women to lead are slowly increasing but are still at a low level. The anomaly is that women are far more likely to hold major decision-making roles in Colombia than in Ecuador, but women leaders in Ecuador show more concern for the problems of other women. (Contains 25 references and 8 tables.) (BT)

Many observers thought that Slobodan Milosevic's fall from power would defuse the political crisis between Serbia and Montenegro (both countries comprise the Republic of Yugoslavia). Instead, Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic sharpened his stance on Montenegrin independence despite Belgrade's desire to maintain the federation. The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) remains committed to supporting democratic reforms in Montenegro as it addresses the continued need for internal political liberalization as well as economic and democratic reforms, either as part of Yugoslavia or as an independent country. The long-term goal of NDI's Montenegro program is to strengthen Montenegro's emerging democratic political system through increased organizational capacity, improved public outreach by political parties, and the initiation of direct participation in the political process by nongovernmental organizations as a means to promote civil society and broad-based citizen participation in political affairs. The specific objectives of NDI's program in 2001 were: (1) political parties begin to implement democratic forms of internal debate and decision-making; (2) the parties increase their direct contact with voters and solicit feedback from the grassroots on party positions; (3) party municipal branches and other functional units become more active in the party life; (4) political parties improve the work of their caucuses inside parliament and more effectively integrate the caucus into general party activities; and (5) existing nonpartisan advocacy organizations become effective watchdog institutions and advocates for an accountable and transparent parliament and government. The quarterly reports state that NDI accomplished the following in 2001: (1) assisted the Center for Democratic Transition with drafting a Code of Conduct for political parties during an election campaign and helped the group prepare for campaign and election-day monitoring; (2) trained the Social Democratic Party to improve its media outreach and direct voter contact; (3) organized a first-ever, multiparty conference for elected members of parliament; and (4) organized the first-ever, multiparty conference for women political party activists and another conference for leaders of women's NGOs. The final quarterly report contains a "Parliamentary Guide." (BT)

From April 1994 through December 1998, with funding from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) worked with civic organizations, parliament, and political parties to conduct democratic development programs in Albania. NDI conducted education programs in cooperation with its Albanian partner organization, the Society for Democratic Culture (SDC). In addition, NDI and SDC made significant contributions to Albanian electoral processes during this period. With guidance from NDI, SDC designed and implemented civic awareness programs to help educate citizens and elected officials on issues such as the role of women in politics, local government administration, and community organizing. SDC reached citizens across the country using nationwide television broadcasts, radio transmissions, public meetings, and a monthly newsletter. Since 1992, it has consistently mobilized thousands of volunteers to monitor the election process. Recognizing the need for public participation in the democratic system and dialogue on policy questions, NDI worked to foster communication among and between Albanian citizens and elected officials by conducting programs focusing on members of Parliament, political party leaders, and government officials. NDI's programming was severely limited due to separate crises in 1997 and 1998 that prompted NDI to close its Tirana (Albania) office on both occasions. (BT)

The Australian Family Income Transfer Project (AFIT) is designed to examine the impact of government policies on the economic well being of Australian families. The AFIT Project uses published national statistics as well as data and information collected by the Australian Institute of Family Studies (the project's sponsor) in its own studies and surveys to assess the impact of tax and pension proposals on different family types. This bulletin, the seventh in a series, examines the impact upon families of the changes in taxation proposed in the Coalition Parties' Family Tax Package for the 1990 election. To provide a perspective, it compares the impact of the Coalition Package with the impact of an illustrative Alternative Package, which, at the same total cost, would provide additional benefits to families in the form of family allowance, child care rebate, and a new family rebate. The document contains 7 tables and concludes with a 17-item bibliography. (DB)

The Australian Family Income Transfer Project (AFIT) is designed to examine the impact of government policies on the economic wellbeing of Australian families. The AFIT Project uses published national statistics as well as data and information collected by the Australian Institute of Family Studies (the project's sponsor) in its own studies and surveys to assess the impact of tax and pension proposals on different family types. This bulletin, the eighth in a series, provides an analysis of the policies developed by the Labor Party for the 1990 election. The analysis focuses on the impact on family incomes of the Labor Party's proposed changes in the rates of personal income tax, the levels and structure of wages, and the impact of new rates of child care relief. Of special interest to educators will be material on "The Education Completion Allowance" (p. 3 and p. 19). The document contains six tables and concludes with a nine-item bibliography. (DB)

This article explores the meaning of inclusion within the context of socio-economic factors, political forces, and management of education in England and Wales. The impact of the "New Right" and the marketing of education are discussed, along with the influence of New Labour, teachers, and advocacy groups. (Contains references.) (CR)