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This study used the Best-Worst Method (BWM) and the Game Theory Algorithm (GTA) to prioritize and determine critical sub-watersheds based on flood generation potential in the Sehezar and Dohezar Watersheds, Iran. The necessary information was collected through semi-structured interviews conducted with stakeholders. Based on their indigenous, technical, and political knowledge, stakeholders prioritized the sub-watersheds in flood generation potential. Then, BWM and Condorcet Game Theory algorithms were used to prioritize the sub-watersheds based on stakeholders' voting. Finally, the sub-watersheds were classified into high, moderate, and low potential based on flood generation. Based on BWM in the Sehezar Watershed, sub-watershed 9, and in the Dohezar Watershed, sub-watershed 10, respectively, with weights of 0.253 and 0.283, had the highest flood generation potential. The prioritization pattern in the policymakers' group was similar to that of residents, but the difference between the two groups was that policymakers prioritized sub-watershed 12. The difference between the stakeholders' opinions of executive experts and policymakers was 33.3 and 50%, respectively. In the Dohezar Watershed, approximately 33% had a high flood generation potential. Meanwhile, in the Sehezar Watershed, 22% of the area showed a high potential for flood generation. In conclusion, based on field observation and anecdotal evidence, sub-watersheds 9 and 1 needed to be in better condition in terms of vegetation. Also, glacial floods in summer have made these two sub-watersheds based on flood generation to be the priority. Finally, the results of the BWM confirmed that this method provided better prioritization based on the consensus of stakeholders than GTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

David Chalmers has recently developed a novel strategy of refuting external world skepticism, one he dubs the structuralist solution. In this paper, I make three primary claims: First, structuralism does not vindicate knowledge of other minds, even if it is combined with a functionalist approach to the metaphysics of minds. Second, because structuralism does not vindicate knowledge of other minds, the structuralist solution vindicates far less worldly knowledge than we would hope for from a solution to skepticism. For, solipsism threatens surprisingly vast swathes of worldly knowledge across multiple domains, including at least some knowledge about: political affairs, religious practices, artistic movements, historical events, and cultural trends. Third, the significance of these results exceeds their implications for the structuralist solution; these results suggest that no solution to external world skepticism which does not also solve the problem of other minds will ultimately yield the kind of solution we might have hoped for. Relatedly, these results suggest that the problem of external world skepticism should perhaps be construed as two different problems, since the problem might turn out to require two substantively different solutions, one for knowledge of the kind that is not dependent on other minds and one for knowledge that is. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines, from an epistemic perspective, the ideal of democratic meritocracy that has been advocated by a group of scholars known as 'Confucian meritocrats' in East Asia for nearly two decades, but which has thus far only been treated by Western political theorists as a kind of wholesale epistocracy designed specifically for a non-Western cultural context. In particular, I focus on two aspects that help to institutionally distinguish democratic meritocracy from the kind of wholesale epistocracy most enthusiastically supported by epistocrats: the meritocratic selection process consisting of a set of non-electoral mechanisms and the combination of meritocratic institutions with democratic ones. I argue that each of them could be understood as having its distinct epistemic value which, taken together, may render some versions of democratic meritocracy epistemically superior to both epistocracy and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the effects of three different television genres on perceptions of a political candidate during an election period. Students at a large Southeastern university (n = 172) were assigned to one of three conditions: late-night comedy, traditional news, or sketch comedy to assess differential impacts on perceived trust, evaluations, and electability of Elizabeth Warren during the 2020 Democratic presidential primary period. Results showed that participants in the late-night condition rated Warren as more trustworthy than those in the traditional news condition. However, there were no differences across the conditions in terms of perceptions of electability or candidate trait evaluations. Finally, this study found that political knowledge moderated the relationship between condition and trust. More specifically, results showed that as knowledge increased, participants in the sketch comedy condition reported higher levels of trust in Warren whereas the opposite occurred for those in the traditional news condition. Perceptions of trust remained fairly high and stable in the late-night condition, regardless of political knowledge. Results demonstrate the importance of understanding how politicians (or their likeness) are perceived in different television settings and how certain media appearances could affect viewer perceptions of those politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, researchers’ interest in the role of emotions in individual political learning has grown. However, it is still unclear whether and how discrete emotions are associated with political learning. Through a cross-disciplinary systematic review and multilevel meta-analysis, we reviewed which discrete emotions have been analyzed in the context of political learning so far and meta-analytically synthesized how these emotions relate to political learning. We addressed this question by synthesizing associations between discrete emotions and various aspects of learning about political matters, such as political attention, information seeking, discussions, knowledge, and knowledge gain. The final dataset included 66 publications with 486 effect sizes, involving more than 100,000 participants. Most of the effect sizes were based on negative-activating emotions (65%; mainly anxiety, 32%, and anger, 19%) and positive-activating emotions (32%; mainly enthusiasm, 15%), while studies on positive-deactivating emotions (e.g., contentment) and negative-deactivating emotions (e.g., sadness) are largely lacking. We uncovered small positive associations (r =.05 to.13) for activating emotions, of both negative (especially anger) and positive valence (e.g., enthusiasm, only in cross-sectional designs), but no associations for negative-deactivating emotions. We discuss theoretical implications and recommend future research to include previously unconsidered emotions in order to extend existing findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops an account of political legitimacy based on the articulation of a social choice theoretic framework with the idea of public reason. I pursue two related goals. First, I characterize in detail what I call the Ideal Two-Tier Social Choice Model of Politics in conjunction with the idea of public reason. Second, I explore the implications of this model, when it is assumed that decision rules are among the constitutive features of the social alternatives on which individuals have preferences. The choice of the decision rule cannot be made independently of considerations regarding the likelihood that individuals will vote based on political judgments that are not publicly justified. The result is an account of political legitimacy according to which only "elitist" decision rules are amenable to public justification. Some of them are plainly compatible with liberal democracies as they currently exist. Others are however more naturally associated with the concept of epistocracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last two decades have seen an increase in the intensity and frequency of extreme weather events, placing complex demands on police and emergency services in the UK. Despite the growing recognition of the cascading and multidimensional threats, there is limited understanding of how policing and local governance actors are preparing for the climate crisis. In this paper, we argue that polycentric governance approaches, such as the Local Resilience Forums (LRFs), provide an essential focal point for emergency planning and disaster response activity that is rooted in localised contexts. However, while the LRFs are designed to benefit from the inclusion of a broad range of actors, dominant mentalities, knowledge hierarchies and powerful actors may limit their epistemic potential. We propose that a pathway towards a resilient and adaptive policing agenda for the Anthropocene necessitates acknowledging the limits of policing knowledge, expertise and traditional command-and-control mentalities. We draw on the notion of epistocracy to propose a policy and research agenda for police and partner agencies to harness the epistemic potential of LRFs. By adopting approaches to leverage pluralised forms of knowledge and identifying strategies for co-opting community-based actors in emergency planning and response activities, police and partner agencies can strengthen local capacity-building and better promote local resilience and adaptation efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective Methods Results Conclusion Scholarship has now recognized the potentially detrimental effects of social media on political knowledge, but the question as to whether political knowledge and susceptibility to misinformation are related remains open. Furthermore, there are not many cross‐national comparison studies. This study compares the general and differential factors of the mechanisms of misinformation formation in social media between China and the United States from the perspectives of media factors and psychological factors.Using the 2020 Netizen Social Awareness Survey, we analyze the relationships between social media, personality traits, cognitive closure, and misinformation in China and the United States.The study shows that social media such as Microblog and Twitter do not mislead news consumers. Personality traits and motivational factors have a significant impact on people's misinformation. Authoritarian personality is a general psychological factor affecting public misinformation. Moreover, under different media systems in China and the United States, the impact of social media on misinformation varies with the degree of cognitive closure.It is evident that in the era of social media, cultivating rational and knowledgeable democratic citizens cannot focus solely on the role of the media. It must also consider the cultural and psychological characteristics of the national population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has shown that sexual and/or gender minority voters are prone to mobilizing when LGBT+ issues are on the political agenda. This increased level of political engagement is attributed to the experience of discrimination, understood both in legal and social terms, which spurs LGBT+ individuals to participate with the aim of advancing their rights. However, a crucial question remains unanswered: do these gaps in participation persist in contexts where core LGBT+ rights are protected? Drawing from comprehensive and verified data on the population of Sweden, this study finds evidence of a positive and sustained sexuality‐driven voter turnout gap across multiple elections. This gap manifests itself both shortly and a decade after the enactment of same‐sex marriage and shows no tangible signs of abating. In addition to improving our knowledge of political participation patterns among sexual minorities, these findings underscore the potential role of minority rights protection as a mechanism to ensure enduring inclusion of social minority groups within democratic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The comprehensive promotion of ideological and political construction in universities requires the integration of ideological and political education throughout the entire process of talent cultivation. By selecting materials from the development history of nanopore single-molecule analysis technology, this study constructs teaching cases that embody the ideological and political elements of practicality, exploration, and innovation. Through the integration of nanopore electrochemistry knowledge and ideological and political education, students are trained in critical thinking, scientific literacy, and a sense of responsibility through scenario-based teaching. This ensures the realization of the goal of cultivating high-level talents with both professional expertise and ideological integrity through the synergy of professional education and ideological education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is exposure to false information necessary for misbelief? In this article, we consider the possibility that certain individuals hold misinformed beliefs without encountering misinformation, thus questioning for whom exposure to "fake news" is most deleterious. Using a pre-registered experiment on a diverse sample of 1079 US respondents, we find that the young, those with low information literacy, and those with high trust in government tend to hold mistaken beliefs, even without exposure to misinformation. Because these groups are already misinformed, eventual exposure to fake news does little to influence their misperceptions. Instead, misinformation exposure affects the elderly, those with high information literacy, and those with low trust in mainstream media the most. These results suggest that research focused on correcting misperceptions should avoid studying how certain characteristics correlate with misbelief only in misinformation's presence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extensive research investigates the impact of descriptive representation on women's political participation; yet, the underlying mechanisms remain unclear. This article develops a novel theory of descriptive representation, arguing that women politicians mobilize women's political participation by recruiting women as grassroots party activists. Evidence from a citizen survey and the natural experiment of gender quotas in India confirm that women politicians are more likely to recruit women party activists, and citizens report greater contact with them in reserved constituencies during elections. Furthermore, with women party activists at the helm, electoral campaigns are more likely to contact women, and activist contact is positively associated with political knowledge and participation. Evidence from representative surveys of politicians and party activists and fieldwork in campaigns, further support the theory. The findings highlight the pivotal role of women's party activism in shaping women's political behavior, especially in contexts with pervasive clientelism and persistent gender unequal norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, the "Third World" was an expression used to refer to regions seen as lacking prosperity and progress, on the one hand, and as a rallying call for anti‐colonial struggles on the other. The concept evoked the uneven distribution of power and wealth following World War II, replaced the forms of oppression and disparities distinctive of the former colonial world, and fostered liberatory and autonomous projects. In recent discussions on intellectual decolonization, however, the Global South became a popular way of expressing purportedly similar understandings of what I name as "moral geographies of inequality." This article reviews the genealogies, uses, lives and afterlives of these two concepts, discussing whether the "Third World" and the "Global South" refer to one and the same; the contexts in which these terms are most commonly used; why one term has been substituted for the other; and the possible repercussions of this shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social or relational egalitarians try to defend democracy non-instrumentally as a constitutive element of a society where no one stands as inferior or superior to anyone else. However, they face an instrumentalist challenge from within: Why not uphold a non-democratic regime if it outperforms democracy in protecting or promoting egalitarian social relations, for example, by stably producing substantive political decisions that guard against social hierarchies? This article explores the best response to this challenge from the social egalitarian non-instrumentalist standpoint. It argues that the instrumentalist challenge can be accommodated without abandoning the essential non-instrumentalist commitment to democracy; while a nondemocratic regime may be justified under less-than-ideal circumstances as a contingently effective means to realize more social equality, democracy can nevertheless be viewed as a necessary condition for the realization of full social equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the intricate relationship between ideological and political education (IPE), cyber security, and digital literacy within the context of online information warfare, aiming to shed light on strategies for navigating the digital divide. Utilizing a quantitative research approach and convenience sampling, data were collected through a meticulously crafted online survey from a diverse range of participants, including students, professionals, and other individuals. Analysis of the data, conducted using SPSS software and Smart-PLS 3, revealed several significant findings. Firstly, there exists a pronounced disparity in access to diverse online information based on individuals' levels of IPE. Additionally, media literacy skills exhibit significant variation across different levels of IPE. Furthermore, the study elucidates how IPE influences individuals' propensity to engage in online echo chambers and their susceptibility to cyber security vulnerabilities. Finally, it underscores the role of IPE in shaping digital participation and civic engagement. Overall, this research contributes novel insights into the complex dynamics of online information warfare and highlights the pivotal role of ideological and political education in mitigating the digital divide. This study underscores the critical importance of IPE in shaping individuals' digital literacy, cyber security awareness, and engagement with online information environments. By elucidating the impact of IPE on navigating the digital divide, this research contributes valuable insights for policymakers, educators, and stakeholders seeking to foster a more informed, resilient, and inclusive digital society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study extends the concept of selective exposure by examining different types of selectivity, including topical selectivity (entertainment vs. hard news), information channel selectivity (social media vs. traditional media), and ideological selectivity (like-minded vs. cross-cutting exposure). Drawing on a two-wave panel survey of American netizens (N = 834), this study revisits the debate about the potential of selective exposure to enhance or erode political learning. Results show that both topical and information channel selectivity directly reduce audience's political knowledge while ideological selectivity does not significantly affect political learning. Topical selectivity reduces political knowledge indirectly through decreased offline political discussion, while ideological selectivity enhances political knowledge gain indirectly through increased offline political discussion. Online political discussion fails to mediate the relationships between all three types of selectivity and political knowledge since it does not have a significant relationship with political knowledge. The findings imply that the prevalence of entertainment media and social media use may even enlarge existing political knowledge gaps. In addition, the political knowledge gained by ideological selective exposure is also dangerous because it could be less comprehensive, unbalanced, and attitudinally biased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates how partisan YouTube use can paint biased evaluations of one's own as well as others' knowledge. Understanding of these relationships is enriched by a fresh theoretical perspective via the Dunning–Kruger effect, suggesting that people, especially those who perform poorly, tend to overestimate their own competence. Using South Korea and the United States as two different contexts, we also attend to how cultures moderate these relationships. Findings based on two independent surveys in these countries shed light on the role of partisan YouTube use in shaping people's hyperbolic self-evaluations and contrasted assessments of in- and out-group members. Furthermore, these trends are more pronounced among those with relatively a low level of actual knowledge. Finally, using partisan YouTube for news is strongly associated with group-based evaluations of knowledge in Korea, whereas it yields significant relationships only with self-evaluations of knowledge in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political readers of Shakespeare often turn to the Tempest as a means of judging Shakespeare's view of the relation between theoretical knowledge and political authority. Both David Lowenthal and Paul Cantor, for example, turn to the character of Prospero as a test-case for understanding the relation between philosophy and politics. Although it receives less attention, Shakespeare's Measure for Measure focuses on the same theme. Considering the two plays together, as Shakespeare apparently did, provides more robust evidence of the author's view of the promise and limitations of guiding political life by theoretical wisdom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Civic education fosters societal stabilization and democratic resilience by equipping individuals with the knowledge, skills, and values necessary for active citizenship. This comprehensive review examines the impact of civic education on societal stabilization, synthesizing empirical evidence from diverse disciplinary perspectives. The results show a positive association between civic education interventions and various indicators of civic knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors. Specifically, comprehensive civic education curricula enhance political knowledge, cultivate positive civic attitudes, and promote democratic participation. Challenges such as the marginalization of civic education within educational systems and the politicization of curricula pose significant obstacles. Recommendations for enhancing civic education include integrating comprehensive curricula, professional development for educators, promoting experiential learning, fostering partnerships, and promoting inclusivity and diversity. Addressing these challenges and implementing evidence-based practices can maximize the impact of civic education on society, contributing to social cohesion, democratic governance, and protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION: The rapid change in artificial intelligence has evaluated ideological and political education ability in colleges and universities as a significant challenge. OBJECTIVES: To assess the level of competence of universities in ideological and political education to determine the effectiveness and efficacy of educational programs and to provide a basis for improving and upgrading academic competence. METHODS: Based on the CIPP model, the author constructed an index system and selected a suitable evaluation model to conduct a study on the evaluation of ideological and political competence of colleges and universities in the context of Artificial Intelligence, which helps to understand the background conditions, resource allocation, teaching activities and quality of teaching of educational programs, as well as the level of ideological and political literacy of the students and their achievements. RESULTS: The evaluation results show that this kind of evaluation research helps to improve and enhance the capacity of ideological and political education in colleges and universities, and at the same time, it can dig into the implementation effect of the educational program, find problems and shortcomings, and promote the continuous improvement of the educational program. CONCLUSION: Through evaluation, the quality and level of ideological and political education in colleges and universities can improve students' ideological and political literacy and sense of social responsibility. In addition, based on this, it makes the development of ideological and political ability in colleges and universities can be better adapted to the era of artificial intelligence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mary E. Wilkins Freeman, a New England writer, focused on the experiences of women in her stories, depicting their struggles with poverty and patriarchal barriers. Despite her own unconventional choices, such as delaying marriage and not having children, Freeman opposed women's suffrage. In a recently recovered essay, she expressed her belief that women already had sufficient rights granted by the Constitution and that active participation in the suffrage movement would compromise their womanhood and domestic responsibilities. She also argued that women's involvement in politics and clubs would not be supported by their husbands and families. [Extracted from the article]

Accurate estimation of public opinion in diverse countries requires survey questions that operate similarly across languages. We leverage 3,026 bilingual Latinos across four studies to investigate how language-of-administration affects the measurement properties of political science scales. We randomly assign bilinguals to English and Spanish survey forms and uncover item bias, also known as differential item functioning (DIF), across items measuring identity, attitudes, and political knowledge. We examine whether translation errors are the culprit, yet find that perceived translation quality does not predict the magnitude of DIF and questions with minimal text exhibit item bias. Our findings suggest otherwise similar Latinos may be estimated to possess different levels of knowledge, attitude strength, and group identification due to survey language selection. We discuss the implications of our findings on the design of multilingual surveys and the study of racial and ethnic politics more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Trump-era political environment in the United States is characterized by changes to our information environment, specifically discourse surrounding so-called "fake news," and knowledge of political scandals. We explore whether news trust or knowledge of Trump administration scandals impact individuals' levels of internal, information, and external political efficacy. We find significant and surprising relationships between these measures and political efficacy outcomes. Results contribute to our understanding of how political efficacy is responsive to changes in the political environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most prominent and influential Geography literatures about the Global South are predominantly produced by scholars in the North and less so by intellectuals whose homes are located in the Global South—the 'local scholars'. As a Cambodian scholar, I argue that the challenges of participating in collaborative, English language knowledge production derive not merely from skill disparities between international and 'local' academics, but also from constraints in finding the right platforms for research and academic expression. Constrained conditions for knowledge participation and expansion are rooted in a long history of colonialism in the Cambodian education system and the contemporary political economy of academia. Rather than directly engage with international intellectual and political discussions, in many cases, Cambodian scholars largely supply compelling stories—in the form of ethnographic evidence, data, images and affect to fuel theoretical debates taking place in the North. Beyond emphasising this well established inequity in the political economy of knowledge production, I contend that being 'on the ground' not only equips local scholars with contextual depths but also confines them to think and act locally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are many warnings about growing political cynicism in the news and political science literature. While some people may be truly cynical about politics, for others cynical responses to politics may be a form of impression management—the practice of presenting oneself to others in the way one wishes to be perceived. In three studies, I demonstrate that people report they are cynical in order to avoid giving the impression they do not know much about politics. Political cynicism is not a "socially desirable" characteristic—people do not believe cynicism is normatively good. At the same time, many see value to cynicism in politics, a finding which carries broad implications for the relationship between cynicism and perceived knowledge in political discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the effect of fake news on electoral outcome. Using post-election surveys, previous studies found associations between exposure to fake news and voting behavior, though these observational studies failed to show that these changes were actually caused by fake news. To examine whether fake news really affects voting behavior, we need to experimentally manipulate voters' exposure to fake news in real elections and see if voters regret their vote choice knowing that the information was false. For this purpose, our study focused on Mexico's 2018 presidential election, which provided an ideal setting. During the campaign, false information about a scandal allegedly involving Ricardo Anaya, a candidate from the National Action Party, was widely disseminated. However, his innocence was officially acknowledged after the election. Using this correction of fake news as a treatment, we tested a sample of 1,561 individuals to assess whether the retraction of fake news caused post-election regret: would Mexican voters have voted differently if they had not been exposed to such false information. Our multivariate analyses found that the retraction of fake news did cause post-election regret among voters with lower internal political efficacy, but voters associated with higher political knowledge and internal political efficacy were not affected by the retraction and were less likely to experience regret. About 20% of the respondents (N = 168) experienced post-election regret, and of those, about 35% would have switched their vote to Anaya. The findings corroborate lasting effects of fake news, which may have non-negligible effects on electoral outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the USA, for the first time in the 1960s, and in a very systematic manner from 1976 onwards, pre-election debates (televised presidential debates) have become a fundamental and integral method of communication for political parties, as well as an institution of American democracy that contributes significantly to shaping a culture of public political dialogue at a relatively high level, through which citizens accumulate knowledge about political figures and their parties' positions within a very short period of time before the elections. In Greece, on the contrary, these television programs have not sparked significant interest to date. The subject of this study is the television debates in Greece, evaluated through a brief historical overview and commentary on their structure, culminating in the two televised confrontations that took place within a five-month period during two electoral contests in 2023. Firstly, the reactions to and reception of the two televised debates by citizens on platform X and, secondly, the commentary on the two debates by journalists, columnists, and renowned analysts, reveal the differing interests of both sides. The research results confirm that, in addition to the performance of politicians, citizens are also interested in the conditions and form in which these pre-election televised debates are staged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is everything good in political economy incorporated into modern graduate education in economics? With the transition of the art of political economy into the science of economics, there was a significant narrowing of graduate education curriculum. The prevailing technique in economics, a neoclassical framework focusing on formal empirics, gradually compressed artistic components of economics, including philosophical underpinnings, democratic justifiability, theoretical intuition, comparative institutional analysis, and political economy. Courses on the history of economic thought, which historically played a role in introducing graduate students to the complexities of the art of political economy, are now only offered as an elective. This paper argues, however, that there are still insights to be gleaned from studying the classics of political economy in graduate education. We highlight the tradeoff between theoretical cumulativeness and knowledge, arguing that significant insights from historical works of political economy are often absent in contemporary technical expositions of economics. We explore examples of useful knowledge in political economy that was lost in the transition away from the art of political economy. To remain an operationally valid social science, economists should reintroduce the artistic elements of political economy into the graduate training of economists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to find out the needs and to design a course for the political sciences based on need analysis. To achieve this goal, a need analysis approach was employed with survey and interview to the social and political science students of Hasanuddin University and the professionals of political sector in the Banyumas Regional Government. The data collected were analysed using language-centred course design approach. The study highlights the specific language skills and communication needs in politics. It provides insights for designing a tailored ESP course by recommending relevant materials, authentic political texts, and interactive activities to enhance language proficiency and political literacy. The implications of this research are significant for English language educators, curriculum designers, and policymakers in the field of political education. By addressing the specific needs of students and providing them with appropriate language support, this study is beneficial to contribute to the academic and professional success of students in the political sector with English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faced with the violence produced by coloniality and the resistance woven by the multiplicity present in the body-territory of indigenous and black women. This article seeks to reflect on the contributions of the writings of the Tehêy de Pescaria do Conhecimento by indigenous teacher Dona Liça Pataxoop to the weaving of research committed to knowledge, ancestral memories and the body-territory of indigenous and black women. In this study, the act of "Tehêyá" is seen as a form of literacy for the political and subjective formation of the body-territory, as well as a methodological device for "sharpening our gaze", to think of alternatives that can connect the various worlds that have been fragmented by the Modern/Colonial System. We conclude that Tehêy de Pescaria do Conhecimento positions itself as an intersectional, embodied, localized and autobiographical way of knowing. These positions reaffirm ethical and methodological frameworks committed to the voices of the women of Abya Yala and also question the objectivity defended by the traditional sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of political information media has progressed very rapidly. This research tries to explore and measure the political literacy and political participation of young people in Bandung City. The theory then used is cyberdemocracy to see the development of information space. The article uses a qualitative method based on library research to collect and analyze data from various literature sources, complemented by survey results from IPRC, to explore Cyberdemocracy theory and its application to social realities in Bandung City. The results show that the level of political literacy and political participation of the younger generation in Bandung City towards political information is still low. The results show that the advancement of information media only goes linearly with the increase in political literacy and political participation in virtual public spaces. As many as 42.3% of young people in Bandung City have been exposed to doubtful news or information. Exposure in this context is like receiving, reading, or even spreading information that is still doubtful and 52.4% have never expressed an opinion about political issues on digital sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a simple but powerful framework to measure political sophistication based on open-ended survey responses. Discursive sophistication uses automated text analysis methods to capture the complexity of individual attitude expression. I validate the approach by comparing it to conventional political knowledge metrics using different batteries of open-ended items across five surveys spanning four languages (total $ N\approx 35,000 $). The new measure casts doubt on the oft-cited gender gap in political knowledge: women might know fewer facts about institutions and elites, but they do not differ substantively in the sophistication of their expressed political attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Despite the long-lasting efforts to promote the quality of obstetric care, Brazil requires robust changes in the care practices throughout the prenatal-labour-postpartum continuum. The ongoing National Program for the Humanization of Prenatal and Childbirth (PHPN) efforts address the fight against obstetric violence (OV), the improvement in the quality of obstetric care, but its implementation has faced obstacles and difficulties, such as responding to cultural values and operating with a weak infrastructure. This research explored Brazilian health and social service professionals' perceptions of the PHPN's recommendations regarding innovation, policy and practice changes necessary to respect women's human rights to receive a high quality, dignifying obstetric care. Methods: An online multi-site survey in which data were collected (Jun 2019-Mar 2020) from health professionals working in the public health system in Brazil. Data analysis used descriptive statistics and thematic analysis. Analytical themes were Perceptions of Program effectiveness to minimize obstetric violence and Program's gaps, inadequacies and needed changes. Results: Respondents (n=369) disclosed their perceptions about the Program's nature, utility, and gaps towards an improved implementation. Key issues were rooted in the outdated university education, reduced accountability, and governance in services' management; unfavourable work conditions and climate; professional power-imbalance; population's lack of information about the Program; underutilization of obstetric nurses' and midwives' skills; neglect of professional development; no denunciation & re-education, and culture of quality improvement. Conclusions: Firmness, hope and determination will be needed to transform society's culture of silence about OV, awakening the public awareness and mobilizing to enhance collective health and political literacy to ensure professional accountability while protecting women and newborns. There is a need for a realignment of work processes, an investment in professional education, and education within women's social networks for women to become partners in the active process of improvement of quality of obstetric care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the twenty‐first century the Philippines has sent more people abroad to work than almost any other country. Among them have been millions of women hired in New York, Los Angeles, London, Dubai, Hong Kong, Singapore, and other locales as domestic workers. Building on organizing experience and political knowledge they acquired as activists while still in the Philippines, overseas Filipina domestic workers have organized for better working conditions and fairer immigration policies in countries around the world. Among those are Waling Waling, a UK movement named after a Philippine orchid that grows in the dark. Some of the women of Waling Waling have been active since the 1980s. They are now seeking to organize a movement together with other Filipina domestic worker groups in countries around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a social media platform, X (formerly Twitter) has become a massive source of real-time, unstructured data, providing valuable insights into people's opinions on various issues. One crucial social phenomenon that has attracted attention on social media is the discourse around abstention (commonly known as "golput" in Indonesia) in the context of the presidential election. Abstention refers to the deliberate act of refusing to vote. Understanding the patterns, preferences, and topics associated with abstention discourse can provide valuable knowledge for political analysis. This study aims to discover knowledge based on patterns, sentiment polarization, and issues from unstructured X data to understand the discourse surrounding abstention in the 2024 Indonesian presidential election. The methodology involves collecting data from the X API, conducting Social Network Analysis (SNA) to analyze the social structure, preprocessing the data, and searching for the best sentiment analysis model through hyperparameter tuning on six Machine Learning (ML) models. Then, Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) is employed with coherence score evaluation to identify topics related to the issue. The results indicate that 2,489 tweets discussing abstention were collected during the study period, exhibiting varied daily trends. SNA analysis reveals the formation of clusters within the dataset, alongside the identification of influential actors through three different centrality calculations. The sentiment analysis results show that the Logistic Regression (LR) model with count vectorizer is the bestperforming model, with a predominance of positive sentiment polarity over negative sentiment. Evaluation of LDA using coherence scores indicates the presence of five topics related to abstention. This research contributes to knowledge discovery on the X platform by providing valuable insights into the discourse surrounding abstention in the Indonesian presidential election. These findings offer a deeper understanding of public opinion, political engagement, and election dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of diasporas has expanded the intricate web of political relations on a global scale. Transnationality has increasingly replaced methodological nationalism, and relationality blurred diaspora's boundaries. This article argues for framing diasporas as socio‐material assemblages to capture the political agency of diasporas in action in a transnational space. This highlights diasporas' ability to forge their transnational political actorness and to expand their power of attractiveness. By tracing ideas and things behind the essential task of representing the homeland, this research explores the connections of the Kurdish freedom movement in Europe, making three main arguments. First, it outlines the existence of transnational infrastructures of solidarity, which highlight a multi‐ethnic plurality at work. Second, it illuminates the diasporas' role in the south–north flow of knowledge and political influence. Third, the article examines the desire which stabilizes the assemblage and makes the circulation of ideas possible and smooth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have recently sought to explain why some voters remain loyal to "their" parties or candidates "no matter what they do" – an attitude that has been labeled as obstinate partisanship (OP) and limits electoral accountability. We argue that the development of OP may have to do, at least partly, with people's (in)ability to critically evaluate political information and their tendency to isolate themselves in online bubbles of congenial information and interactions. Building on this framework, we use two-wave panel survey data (NW1 = 1,259; NW2 = 982) to explore direct and indirect associations between information evaluation – a key component of information literacy – and OP. We find that information evaluation is negatively associated with OP in cross-sectional and autoregressive regression models. Analyses also support an indirect relationship between information evaluation and OP through political homophily in social media and online. We discuss possible implications for democracy and information literacy initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are certain citizens more likely to feel entitled to evaluate the quality of democratic institutions in their country? Previous studies show that women are more likely than men to answer "don't know" when asked to express their views about the state of democracy. This article analyzes how political knowledge and internal efficacy contribute to such a gender gap in item non-response rates in research on democratic evaluations. Based on an original survey in the United States (N = 1,093), we do not find that respondents' political knowledge is associated with a higher probability of expressing their views about democracy. However, we do find that this is the case for internal efficacy and that these effects are largely driven by women. These findings suggest that gendered social roles about who is entitled or expected to express their views about democracy lie behind the gender gap in item non-response rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the Marxist humanism of two recent essays published in leading Marxist journals, by Sunyoung Ahn and Matthew Flisfeder, who argue that posthumanism within social science and philosophy has produced an apolitical response to the question of ecological crisis, removing the human subject from the center of theoretical enquiry and leaving theory without a political motor, whereas Marxist theoretical responses to ecological catastrophe must contain a political and ethical injunction upon the human subject to act. This essay argues that posthumanism's apoliticism stems from its ideological structure shared with theoretical humanism, and any insistence on a Marxist humanism will reproduce this very apoliticism. However, the renewal of this discussion realizes what Louis Althusser called a crisis of Marxism, and this gestures toward a theoretical antihumanism, reconstructed through a Spinozist-Marxist political anthropology, for developing an effective knowledge of political intervention in the face of ecological catastrophe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the news media exacerbate or reduce misinformation problems? Although some news media deliberately try to counter misinformation, it has been suggested that they might also inadvertently, and sometimes purposefully, amplify it. We conducted a two-wave panel survey in Brazil, India, and the UK (N = 4732) to investigate the effect of news and digital platform use on awareness of and belief in COVID-19 misinformation over time (January to February 2022). We find little support for the idea that the news exacerbates misinformation problems. News use broadened people's awareness of false claims but did not increase belief in false claims—in some cases, news use actually weakened false belief acquisition, depending on access mode (online or offline) and outlet type. In line with previous research, we also find that news use strengthens political knowledge gain over time, again depending on outlets used. The effect of digital platforms was inconsistent across countries, and in most cases not significant—though some, like Twitter, were associated with positive outcomes while others were associated with negative outcomes. Overall, our findings challenge the notion that news media, by reporting on false and misleading claims, ultimately leave the public more misinformed, and support the idea that news helps people become more informed and, in some cases, more resilient to misinformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article discusses the impact of millennials' digital literacy on political choices in both national and local elections. This theme is considered important considering that political preferences are strongly influenced by paradigms built from a process of reading social phenomena both through classical literature and contemporary digital literacy. The problem is that social media as the main reading material for millennials is often filled with news that is almost without filters and comparisons, making it difficult to differentiate between black and white information. This was a field research with qualitative study pattern and questionnaires and interviews being the main data sources with research objects from the Wahdatul Ummah Metro Lampung Gru SD-IT Board. The selection of research objects was determined based on considerations where SD-IT Wahdatul Ummah, a superior Islamic school (SD Pengmobil), has a millennial teacher board, is social media literate, and understands social and political issues in society. The main problem formulation that will be studied in this research is the impact of the digital literacy of the Wahdatul Ummah SD-IT Teachers' Council on their political choice tendencies in election contestations. The results of the research found that the majority of the Wahdatul Ummah Metro City SD-IT Teacher Council is very active with social media, social media is used as a medium for educating students, and also for self-education, especially when dealing with socio-political issues in the election year. The research also found that the political preferences of the Wahdatul Ummah Metro City SD-IT Teachers' Council were greatly influenced by their maturity in digital integration on social media so that they do not easily accept news without a clarification process, and act moderately and are not carried away by issues of polarization due to the impact of the existing political process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the complex dynamics of communication in the changing field of journalism influenced by the use of media. It specifically focuses on how thoughts and perceptions are expressed in this evolving landscape. Information and communication technologies significantly influence journalism by rapidly disseminating news, updates, and societal impacts. Utilizing critical discourse analysis, the study aims to reveal systematic language usages and uncover latent meanings beyond news texts. Focused on the 2023 Turkish Presidential Election, news texts from four prominent international newslets Al Jazeera, BBC, CNN, and Euronews are analyzed. The comprehensive analysis of international media coverage investigates the interplay of linguistic and thematic choices in shaping narratives. With a dual focus on macro and micro levels of discourse, the study uncovers diverse approaches among foreign media outlets. Each outlet adopts a distinctive thematic approach at the macro level, emphasizing key figures and sociopolitical contexts. Al Jazeera spotlights competition, BBC underscores post-election polarization, CNN focuses on Erdogan's victory, and Euronews provides insights into national challenges. Visual elements, like photographs, contribute significantly to framing events, offering nuanced political messaging. Micro-level analysis explores linguistic choices, syntax, and rhetoric, emphasizing the active voice to underscore leaders' agency. Deliberate use of the passive voice in presenting election results maintains a neutral tone. The way sentences are structured and the cause-andeffect connections help readers understand political developments by providing context. The study underscores the importance of media literacy in decoding political event representations, emphasizing the multifaceted complexities of media discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizens with political knowledge can contribute to the quality of democracy in their country. Previous research has established the existence of differences between the actual (objective) and perceived (subjective) level of political knowledge, but the factors driving citizens' subjective political knowledge in a specific setting in which they can take direct decisions remain unclear. To explain what determines subjective knowledge about referendum topics among voters, the present analysis focuses on seven referendums held in Eastern Europe between 2015 and 2019 in Bulgaria, Hungary, Moldova, Poland, Romania (twice), and Slovakia. We use individual-level data from surveys conducted in the aftermath of each referendum with a total number of 1825 actual voters. The results indicate that more politically engaged citizens, those who trust parties and are satisfied with democracy, and those who are critical towards the government consider themselves more informed about the referendum topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A major concern in the ongoing debate over school choice is whether private schools help to increase their students' levels of tolerance necessary for a functioning democracy in the United States. Over 40 years ago, scholars at the University of Minnesota created a survey which measured political knowledge, political tolerance, perceived threats from opposing groups, and support for democratic norms anchored in each respondent's view of the political group they find most distasteful. In 1997, researchers at various universities used a similar survey instrument to derive responses from students in eighth-grade social studies classes who were enrolled in seven public and twenty-four private schools in New York City and Dallas/Fort Worth, Texas. Those original data remained archived and unexamined for decades. We analyze those data using Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and rigorous Nearest Neighbor Matching (NNM) methods based on propensity scores. We find that students who attended private schools demonstrate higher levels of political knowledge and stronger support for democratic norms when compared to observationally similar students who attended public schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To explain the participatory effects of news exposure, communication scholars have long relied upon the "virtuous circle" framework of media use and civic participation. That is, news consumption makes people more knowledgeable, and trustful toward institutions and political processes, making them active and responsible citizens, which then leads them to engage in various political activities. In a social media environment, however, the applicability of the "virtuous circle" is increasingly dubious. A mounting body of empirical research indicates that news consumption via social media does not necessarily yield actual information gains. Instead, it often fosters a false perception of being well-informed and politically competent, thereby stimulating political engagement. Furthermore, selective information consumption and interaction within like-minded networks on social media frequently exacerbate animosity toward opposing political factions, which can serve as a catalyst for political involvement. In light of these findings, we propose replacing the "virtuous circle" framework for a "selfrighteous" one. In this new model, social media news users develop a heightened sense of confidence in their knowledge, regardless of its accuracy, and consequently become more inclined to engage in politics by reinforcing the perception that the opposing side is inherently wrong and that achieving victory is imperative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]