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This paper makes a novel intervention in political geography by offering methodological reflections on contemporary radio and podcast listenership. It begins from the starting point that radio and podcasts are important and popular sites of geographical knowledge production with the power to shape how audiences understand, imagine and engage in the world. The paper heeds calls in critical and popular geopolitics to move away from the site of representation towards audience reception and presents the 'playlist‐diary' method as an innovative way of exploring listener responses to BBC radio journalism on migration. This method is then used as a springboard to think more broadly about everyday encounters with radio and podcasts. It argues that situating audience engagements within specific spatialities and temporalities, and considering the digital technologies and platforms though which audio is discovered, consumed and circulated, is critical to developing a nuanced understanding of radio and podcast geopolitics. This discussion reflects growing interest in materialities, networks and assemblages of popular geopolitics and points to a blurring of visual and aural media. Overall, the paper makes the case for amplifying methodologies of listening in political geography and aims to be a catalyst to future scholarship on radio and podcasts. This paper makes a novel intervention in political geography by offering methodological reflections on contemporary radio and podcast listenership. It begins from the starting point that radio and podcasts are important and popular sites of geographical knowledge production with the power to shape how audiences understand, imagine and engage in the world. It argues that situating audience engagements within specific spatialities and temporalities, and considering the digital technologies and platforms though which audio is discovered, consumed and circulated, is critical to developing a nuanced understanding of radio and podcast geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the study of genre specificity, means of artistic modeling of the image of the main character, and the problemthematic section of Yu. Shcherbak's "The Time" trilogy as important poetic features of the contemporary antiutopia. The analysis was carried out using general scientific (analysis, synthesis, description) and special literary methods (biographical, genetic, imagological and hermeneutic). The research emphasizes the antiutopian dominant of "The Time" trilogy, which is combined with certain features of a political novel, cautionary novel, fiction (elements of science fiction), adventure novel, detective story, etc. It was found out that in his antiutopias Yu. Shcherbak creates his own model of the character of the future, whose leadership qualities, life experience and orientation to traditional Ukrainian values enabled spiritual renewal, contributed to finding one's place in the world and helped to become a winner in the eternal conflict "man-system". It was determined that the problem-thematic level of the novels is understood through the disclosure of the inner world of the main character with the help of monologues, dialogues, reflections, etc. In the trilogy, the "eternal" philosophical and topical problems of today are actualized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Television series enhance the social visibility of their content, as is the case with Queen Elizabeth II and The Crown. Netflix is the streaming television platform that has turned Peter Morgan's successful series (2016) into a television icon where the monarch is the main protagonist, taking us on a biographical journey that mixes the historical and the political with fiction. The main character is made to seem more humane and is brought closer to the general public, all of which leads to a transmedia narrative. This research aims to analyze the content of the messages published on Twitter during the days surrounding the Queen's State funeral in September 2022 and their connection with the series through the hashtag #TheCrown. The topics that have become trends worldwide are quantitatively analyzed, using different digital tools. The sample collected 1,489,279 tweets published during the days from the announcement of the death of Elizabeth II to the day of her funeral (from 8 to 19 September 2022). The results show nodes of connection between different players and linked communities to #TheCrown while offering the traffic generated by the hashtag with different nodes and edges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Milan Kundera believes that science and reason understand what we call 'being' through the binarism of subject/object and, in the process, have reduced the world into pure instrumentality. To him, novel is the genre that strives to explore 'being' beyond this binarism. His fiction investigates different modes of being like the personal and the political, body and soul, and the particular and the universal. This article analyses the antagonism of the personal and the political in his novel The Joke using Slavoj Zizek's idea of parallax view. Parallax is the change of the position of the observed with the change in the position of the observer. Zizek applies this concept on the social and political field to prove that these two antagonistic positions might seem two but, actually, are ONE. Zizek has used Hegelian/Marxist theoretical framework to prove this ONENESS. The article, using Zizekian insight, argues that the perceived difference between the personal and the political is parallactical and both are, in fact, ONE. But this ONENESS should not be understood as an imposition or coercion but a necessary condition for the social field to function. Moreover, the article posits that the one-sidedness on the part of the individual when it comes to antagonistic modes of being, gives birth to extremist positions that ought to be avoided. A Parallactical reading of the selected text offers a critique of social and political polarization that has gripped the world in recent decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ABEI Journal: The Brazilian Journal of Irish Studies is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Estudos Irlandeses and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes Teju Cole's Open City as a political novel, arguing that Open City functions as a national allegory critical of the United States. This stance is facilitated by its portrayal of the protagonist Julius as suffering not a dissociative fugue but a dissociative amnesia, which I arrive at by using the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) V and a rereading of Ian Hacking to revise prior interpretations of Julius as flâneur-fugueur. Drawing on the work of Fredric Jameson, I read Julius's amnesia-like repression of his past crimes as allegorical of his adopted nation, the USA, which tends to forget its responsibility for its own historical injustices. By selectively forgetting these injustices and traumas--even as they happen--the USA behaves with the same dissociative amnesia as Julius. Open City reflects the psychopathology of the USA on the scale of the individual and the city. Within the palimpsests of history scattered materially throughout Manhattan (and within the repressed memories of society and the individual) resides the location of national allegory in Open City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to theorize the post-communist anti-communist novel as a distinct and productive genre in East-Central European literatures, which we describe -- in polemic with the better-known ostalgie -- as a narrative of ostodium. We argue that anti-communist fiction became a cohesive genre in post-communism owing to its rigid view of the past, which was kept alive and significant, while simultaneously being antagonized, even after communism had collapsed. To that end, we explain how the anti-communist mindset assumed by intellectuals from the region during communism (which had then been branded as 'anti-politics') maintained monopoly over post-communist cultural production, and merged with ascending post-communist neoliberalism that promoted an anti-statist public mythology. We further outline the shifting shapes in which the ideological bias of the post-communist anti-communist novel was conveyed, and draw distinctions from proximate genres, such as the political novel, le roman á la thèse and historiographic metafiction. One crucial argument in this respect regards the postmodern entanglements of the post-communist anti-communist novel: in maintaining an univocal rejection of the communist metanarrative, they took on a stronger political thèse than in Western postmodernism, but also enhanced postmodernism's anti-realist drive by failing to provide an understanding of the post-communist present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adam Mickiewicz never wrote down A History of the Future. We only have a few remaining fragments of the poet's project. However, A History of the Future exerted a powerful and long-lasting influence on Polish culture. After a sketch of these fragmentary contents, drawn according to Pigoń and Skwarczyńska, the main aim of this paper is to highlight the importance of Mickiewicz's project in the history of Polish literature and culture. Stressed are some aspects of utopian and dystopian thought, as well as the interest of Mickiewicz and other Polish Romantics in scientific and technical achievements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Soziologische Revue is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A growing body of research points to the influence of animosity in general and political animosity in particular (henceforth referred to as PA) on tourism behavior. However, past research overlooked the role of perceived intergroup threat (henceforth referred to as PIT) and trust in the context of PA. This research note challenges previous theoretical frameworks designed to elucidate animosity as a consumer phenomenon. Preliminary research findings suggest PIT, tourist trust, and overall destination image (henceforth referred to as ODI) are salient constructs accounting for a substantial proportion of explained variances in the proposed model. Initial analyses of the research data suggest that PA is more strongly associated with trust than willingness to travel (henceforth referred to as WTT). Furthermore, ODI partly mediates the relationship between PA and WTT. Several practical implications are suggested to assist intermediate to high-ranking administrators in the industry mitigate the effect of the health crisis on their companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kim Stanley Robinson uses science fiction as a means of political inquiry and a literary simulator of alternative socioeconomic solutions. In his novels, he frequently refers to the pressing need for a systemic transformation and envisions viable postcapitalist alternatives. The article discusses various aspects of the postcapitalist transition depicted in two of Robinson's recent novels: New York 2140 (2017) and The Ministry for the Future (2020). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contends that contemporary transnational dynamics have given rise to novel political subjects and territories for political engagement. By looking at how parties as organizational actors operate abroad, this study reworks extant classificatory attempts and proposes an amended typology in which the salient elements of variation are the origin of the party abroad and the degree of formalization. These two dimensions produce a matrix delineating four distinct types of party organization: branch-abroad, organization-abroad in franchising, committee-abroad, and semi-political structures. Conceptually, the typology elucidates the multifaceted nature of the structural approaches employed by home parties in their endeavors to establish connections with communities abroad. Empirically, this contribution enhances the comparability between organizational configurations abroad and extant research on party structures at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text is the first English translation of Cirilo Villaverde's 1839 "primitive" Cecilia Valdés, a short story that the author penned decades before publishing his canonical novel by the same name. The 1882 novel narrates the unwittingly incestuous relationship between the novel's eponymous mulata heroine and her creole half-brother Leonardo Gamboa. Though the work enjoys high-canonical status, its textual history, tightly entangled with nineteenth-century Cuba's racially fraught struggle for independence, is largely unknown to nonspecialists. The translation is preceded by an introduction that discusses the short story's relationship to the novel and the racial and political ideas present in the earlier text, as well as the translator's efforts to render these paradigms legible to an English-language readership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 2016 EU referendum on Britain's membership in the European Union, many people described themselves as "Leavers" or "Remainers." Here, we examine the emotional responses associated with Brexit identities using survey data collected from two nationally representative samples of the British public in 2019 (N = 638) and 2021 (N = 2,058). Confirmatory factor analysis indicated that many in both samples had coherent Leave or Remain identities. Remain and, to a lesser extent, Leave identities (regardless of how people actually voted in the referendum) predicted distress about Brexit‐related events and clinical symptoms of depression and anxiety at both time points. Structural equation models suggested that the effect of identities on symptoms was largely mediated by distress about Brexit‐related events. We demonstrate a lasting impact of Brexit on the mental health of UK citizens and show that the formation of novel political identities has been more important in this process than voting behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note contributes updated and extended point estimates of the ideological positions of Brazilian political parties and novel estimates of the positions of all presidents since redemocratization in 1985. Presidents and parties are jointly responsible for the operability of Brazil's version of coalitional presidentialism. Locating these key political actors in a unidimensional left–right space over time reveals rising challenges to the institutional matrix, particularly since 2013. Ideological polarization among parties has sharply increased, presidents have become more distant from Congress, and the political center has become increasingly vacated. Coalitional presidentialism is being subjected to unprecedented ideological stress as President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva begins his third term in office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Speculative fiction is based on one main question: what if? This paper addresses the question of how audiences interpret such interrogative. In particular, our main interest lies in knowing how the different political ideologemes that may inhabit speculative fiction are signified. Thus, in this study we have focused on the genre of dystopia. To this end, a total of five focus groups were carried out. Specifically, the ideologemes tested in the reception study belong to socialism, conservatism, neoliberalism, liberalism and religious fundamentalism. The significance of these ideological values is empirically grounded in extensive qualitative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to contribute to the debate on the economic implications of political institutions by conducting an empirical investigation of the relationship between political representation and economic growth in a panel data analysis. Showcasing two novel indicators of political representation that can significantly account for long-run cross-country differences in various measures of economic development, I employ two-step system GMM estimations to empirically test the growth effect of inclusiveness of political representation processes across 38 European countries in the 1950-2010 period. The results show that economic growth rates across Europe in the given time period have not depended on inclusiveness of said countries’ political institutions of representation, providing further evidence for the vein of institutional economics research that finds no relationship between features of democracy and growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper explores the adverse impact of socio-political turmoil that has long been in existence in Assam society on the psyche of children with reference to Aruni Kashyap's The House with a Thousand Stories. The ethnic conflicts between the natives and the immigrants from other parts of India have caused several problems: loss of life and property, extra-judicial killings, and their resultant adverse impact on the socio-economic, cultural, and psychological spheres of the social lives of weaker sections in Assam. This research aims to identify and understand the various psychological issues that children are subject to in a society when it is afflicted with socio-political turmoil and its consequent violence unleashed on people due to the armed struggle of the ULFA and the repressive administration of the state. The objectives of this research are (i) to study the characterization of Mamoni and Mridul, (ii) to understand and analyse the impact of socio-political turmoil on the psyche of children with reference to the above-chosen characters, (iii) to explore the connectivity between the narrative and the author's political inclination in the novel, and (iv) to understand how objectively the historical incidents were reflected in the novel. The research is carried out by studying the chosen primary source against the pragmatic concepts of psychologists, journalists, social activists, and significant historical facts that appeared in reliable data sources such as journals, web studies, newspapers, and other publications. In conclusion, this research sheds light on the profound psychological repercussions experienced by children in Assam society amidst socio-political turmoil, as exemplified in Aruni Kashyap's "The House with a Thousand Stories." By delving into the characters of Mamoni and Mridul, analyzing the intricate interplay between narrative and political inclinations, and objectively examining historical incidents reflected in the novel, this study not only enhances our comprehension of the multifaceted impact on the psyche of children but also contributes valuable insights for policymakers, educators, and communities striving to address and mitigate the enduring consequences of such tumultuous environments on the younger generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on the communicative strategy of G. Gospodinov's Time Shelter, the paper aims to identify some of the reasons for the success of the novel in a non-Bulgarian environment. The focus is also on the image of Bulgaria that Time Shelte builds; in rela- tion to this image, the paper considers concepts such as "pamphlet" and "feuilleton" from a functional perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Maguaré is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Departamento de Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The literary genre called science fiction has its remote origin in Plato's work The Republic. But it really began to be pure political literary fiction with Thomas More's Utopia, developing in literature and cinema, reaching an important part of the seventh art. Since the 16th century, utopia has been transformed into dystopia. Now, in this transformation the name Utopia/dystopia has lost its meaning. Today we must speak of uchronia/dyschronia. But whether a narrative is one or the other depends on the point of view of the reader/viewer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vínculos de Historia is the property of Vinculos de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Intus-Legere Historia is the property of Intus-Legere Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Major online platforms deploy an array of policies and data-driven legislative and enforcement mechanisms, transforming economic, social, and technological powers into political might. While platforms use private law to legitimate the exercise of this form of power, the novel political relations and tools have a tremendous public impact, both on individuals' and communities' political freedom and on the public sphere. Digital rights literature that tends to focus on particular rights, such as privacy or freedom of expression, deals less with the implications of platforms' emerging political authority. The article addresses this lacuna by (1) analyzing the quasi-sovereign power of platforms, (2) mapping how this form of power disrupts political freedom and the public sphere, (3) revealing a theoretical trap that blocks existing attempts to address the threats and (4) developing a bottom-up approach to resolve this bind. The article proposes the creation of "Users Unions" – legal structures that create affordance for users to have a collective voice within platforms' corporate governance and decision-making mechanisms. The proposed structural reform could mitigate the power disparities between users and online platforms and assist in respecting, protecting, and fulfilling users' political rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a political???economic perspective, this research examines the nexus between Chinese foreign aid and tourism demand in 138 recipient countries. Specifically, it investigates two mechanisms and their interplay: (1) an economic channel that entices an influx of international tourists through infrastructure development; and (2) a political channel that attracts Chinese tourists by diminishing political distance. A cross-country panel dataset on Chinese aid projects is analyzed. The results suggest that Chinese aid has a significant impact on Chinese tourists after a 1-year lag through the political channel, while the economic channel's effect on Chinese/other international tourists is not salient within 5 years. Significant long-run equilibrium relationships are found between aid and both tourist segments. The economic effect emerges in the long term, while the political effect fades out. This study provides a novel political???economic perspective for tourism research and presents new insights into China???s soft power in global tourism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Olga Baysha's book, "Democracy, Populism, and Neoliberalism in Ukraine: On the Fringes of the Virtual and the Real," explores the intertwining of reality and fiction in 21st-century political communication, using Volodymyr Zelensky's rise to power as a case study. The author argues that Zelensky's career as an actor, particularly his television show "Servant of the People," played a significant role in his political success. The book also examines the relationship between neoliberalism and populism, suggesting that neoliberalism can disguise itself as a more progressive ideology. However, the book's analysis lacks rigorous empirical evidence and is criticized for reproducing populist and pro-Russian claims. [Extracted from the article]

Despite her emphasis on politics, Hannah Arendt's account of the existential grounds of action in The Human Condition culminates in a discussion of Jesus of Nazareth that emphasizes the significance of forgiveness for grasping the radicality of human freedom. This essay investigates Jesus's role in Arendt's thought by excavating and explicating the premises that undergird her account of Jesus's political significance. It argues that Arendt's innovative approach to politics is complemented by a comparably innovative conception of human agency and shows how Arendt's defense of the autonomy of the political rests on a novel metaphysics of action—a 'Kantian existentialism'—that underlies and explains her account of Jesus's political significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal is the property of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 2021 county elections in Croatia were the perfect example of political change amidst continuity. Relatively new parties and independent candidates made significant inroads against the dominant players of the center-right and the center-left, most notably in the capital city of Zagreb, where a novel leftist political platform won the elections conclusively. The rise of new and credible alternatives resulted in increased fragmentation of the county assemblies and likely more unstable regional governments in the near future. On the other hand, the party that has dominated Croatian politics since independence, Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), continued that dominance on the county-level by winning 15 out of 21 offices of county prefects. More important, the determinants of electoral support for the principal political blocs have remained unchanged from the pattern observed in all national elections since the end of Croatia's War of Independence more than two and a half decades ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with recent Spanish and Portuguese political television series. Within this sub-genre, it is pertinent to consider the symbolic construction of politics, as well as the differences caused by each series’ geographical adscription. Six Spanish productions have been selected—Isabel (Isabella the Catholic), Carlos Rey Emperador (Charles the Emperor King), La Embajada (The Embassy), Crematorio (Crematorium), Vamos Juan/Venga Juan (Come on, Juan/Let’s go Juan), and El Partido (The Party)—along with three Portuguese productions—A Rainha e a Bastarda (The Queen and the Bastard), Teorias da Conspiração (Conspiracy Theories), and Os Boys (The Boys). The narrative of these audio-visual stories has been examined utilising qualitative content analysis, looking at the plotlines and characters involved. The type of characterisation of politics has been identified by means of the deconstruction of the main characters. The conclusion is that the evaluation is eminently negative, although differential frameworks are present, depending, in particular, on the fiction’s genre, either historical drama, drama-thriller, or comedy.

This article presents an adaptation of Kuik's hedging theory to analyse the secessionist movements in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, both seeking independence from Georgia with Russian support. By examining their distinctive strategies, this study addresses the extent to which these regions seek to maintain their independence from Russia, as their patron state. The article argues for the need to modify hedging theory to accommodate the unique context of former Soviet actors and de facto states. The adaptation develops the concept of a "political hedge," with a focus on elite-driven nation-building as a mechanism to influence the likelihood of Russian integration. Abkhazia is identified as an illustrative case of hedging behaviour, whereas South Ossetia displays characteristics resembling but distinct from bandwagoning. This analysis contributes to refining the applicability of hedging theory within novel political environments and underscores the significance of elite-led nation-building in shaping state and national legitimacy in secessionist regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When conceiving ecological and political crisis finds roots in capitalism like an ontological regime, we look for a novel political praxis contributes to heal the social-metabolic web between humans, food, and territories. In this way, the following essay proposes a political epistemology understanding communality as a critical key to design a political ontology against capitalocene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article inquires into the practices and the egalitarian discourse of the artiguist experience during the first decade of the revolution. We seek to examine the different dimensions of the notion of equality addressed by artiguismo as well as the network of concepts, images and metaphors linked to this notion and its changes throughout the period. We also wonder about what kind of equality could be proposed, practiced and imagined in a stamental society in war and revolution, where popular mobilization was based on novel political principles and the questioning of the structures and practices of the colonial order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can the sitcom allude to violence and ethnic hatred? Can it engage a global audience with localized history? If so, what does this reveal about the parameters of political comedy? Broadcast by UK's Channel 4 and streamed internationally by Netflix, Derry Girls (2018–22) illustrates gains and losses in the comic treatment of political discord. My textual analysis assesses techniques that leaven potentially tragic material, focusing on psycho-political dislocation and its generation of a variety of Incongruity Comedy. In particular, I use the concept of scale inversion to identify a fundamental element of comedy which in this series is linked to internalized political conflicts in a settler colony. Scale inversion is the mechanism behind what might be termed aberrant normalization, extreme localism, and even to some extent stereotyping, all found in a series depicting the geopolitically displaced Catholic minority living through the Northern Ireland "Troubles." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study seeks to explore the polemical features of the struggle against the denial of the Armenian Genocide in the detective novel “The Armenian Gate” by Wilfrid Eggers. The focus of the research is the first part of the novel, which with its content and form, plot lines, and gradual character development can be interpreted as a short story within the genre of the epic form. The main situation that reveals the nature of the character, is created by the intersection of two conceptual templates of the political discourse “Turks and Armenians - a complicated relationship”, and the dichotomy of truth-justice and falsehood-distortion. Accordingly, the study of the polemical preconditions of the research material, the bipolar opposition between truth and falsehood was suggested. The author exposes the official political path of impunity and concealment of the past. W. Eggers brings to the forefront of literature the discussions and debates organized by Turkish communities in various countries regarding the fact of the Armenian Genocide and tries to capture their essence, the spread of the ideology of distortion and rejection of the fact of the Genocide. The author's concern about the Turkish policy extends beyond the massacre of Armenians. He sees in this policy the massacres of Greeks, Jews, Kurds, Zazas, Assyrians implemented by the Turks. In this sense, the novel is also humanistic. In the novel, the character of Turk Ali Soylemyozoghlu acts as the commissioner. He believes that the advertised discussion is a dialogue for peace. On the other side of the conflict, memory associations are not accepted as a tendency to preserve one’s own past, but rather an obligation to learn and reflect upon it. The character is pushed to renounce religious and educational dogmas and to abandon illusions. This is considered the main polemical prerequisite, which creates the possibility for character expansion and acquisition of new typical traits. In this sense, Anahit Petrosyan's individual struggle evolves into an idea that unites all Armenians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American dictator fiction has a long tradition and is widely acclaimed in critical studies, while Pakistani dictator fiction began to emerge in recent years. The study is analytical and comparative research based on the contents of two culturally, historically, and geographically diverse novels--Mario Vargas Llosa's The Feast of the Goat and Mohammad Hanif's A Case of Exploding Mangoes so as to locate their common and contrasting aspects. It is a qualitative study and through content analysis, it finds convergences and divergences between a Latin American and a Pakistani dictator novel. A special emphasis of the study is on power, dictator portrayal, torture, resistance, retelling/rewriting history, and representation. The study concludes that where Llosa presents the detailed description of events related to the atrocious regime of Trujillo, Hanif presents a partial and not the whole view of Zia's dictatorship. Llosa misses no opportunity to create the sentiments of detestation and wrath against the despotic rule and his language throbs with bitterness and becomes satiric while unveiling the dark aspects of the Trujillo regime. However, Hanif, instead of giving a detailed and direct portrayal of certain dark aspects and brutalities, gives just oblique references to them and even the events which he brings to the forefront are presented in a very light and humorous vein which fail to arouse the emotions of abhorrence and denouncement against the despotic rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crime fiction was introduced to the Greek reading public at an early period, first through the translation of works of Émile Gaboriau (1878) and later through the works of Arthur Conan Doyle from 1905 onward. Their effect can be seen in the first Greek crime fiction novel, by an anonymous writer, serialized in 1913 in the periodical Hellas, entitled Sherlock Holmes Saving Mr. Venizelos, who was the Greek Prime Minister of the time. The novel, that takes place in London, is a hybrid of a political and a crime fiction novel, using Doyle's forensic methods and electrical devices for its resolution. In this paper we will try to see how far this Greek by-product of the Holmes tradition follows the scientific approach of the original Doyle works, using his forensic methods as well as technological inventions of the time to solve the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops case studies of the UK and China to analyse divergent national financial regulatory approaches to FinTech as a novel political economy of platforms. Regulating with platforms is core to the approach taken in the UK, where start-up and early-career platforms are enrolled into an innovation-friendly financial regulation regime that promotes consumption and competition balanced with stability. In China, meanwhile, measures are being instituted to enhance rules and restrictions imposed on FinTech platforms. BigTech-led FinTech expansion was encouraged to expedite financial reforms to fuel economic growth and ensure authoritarian state control, but regulation is now shown to be working against the furtherance of platform power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Thélème is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines how emergent Twitter publics are organised and engage with political scandal and personalisation during Covid-19 in the UK. The analysis is centred on a series of media events around Chief Adviser to the then-UK Prime Minister, running from May 2020 to May 2021. The samples comprises original tweets that contain key hashtags, amounting to 38,326 items. These are subject to topic model analysis to identify semantic fields, before using critical discourse analysis. We find hashtags help constitute emergent Twitter publics, and that tweets follow conversational patterns and conspire in tactics of intertextuality. Dissention to government conduct engages resourcefully with the affordances of Twitter: constituting publics, shaping discourse, and articulating with parallel discussions on political performance. Further, a computational approach can systematise the identification of domains of discourse and relevant lexical sets, providing an evidence-based understanding of even novel and emergent political discourses in online discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this essay, I read Portuguese writer Ferreira de Castro's Amazonian "novel of the jungle" A selva (1930) through the lens of the author's lifelong commitment to anarchist ideals and, in particular, to the thinking of Pëtr Kropotkin. I argue that Kropotkin's reflections on collaboration in more-than-human forms of existence and on the role mutual aid will play in an anarchist world to come are key to understanding the political evolution of the novel's protagonist from an elitist believer in monarchy to a proto-anarchist. Working in a rubber collection facility in the final years of the Amazonian rubber boom, A selva's main character observes the centrality of cooperation and symbiosis both within and across plant and animal species. Mutual aid, in turn, proves decisive for the survival of the destitute migrant rubber tappers that flocked to the Amazon in search of a better life. I contend that, in the novel, the cooperation between more-than-human rainforest beings serves as a blueprint for a more equitable human polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper differs from the researches of other critics who study Charles Dickens's novel Hard Times as a political novel that critiques industrialism and the autocratic discourse that oppresses the poor, while at the same time overlooks the social discourse related to marriage and divorce. This paper sheds light on two cases of troubled marriages in the novel and how these failed marriages cause depression and low self-respect for couples. Dickens expresses his boredom and dissatisfaction with his wife, Catherine Hogarth, through the desire of his characters, Stephen and Louisa, for a divorce or legal separation. The poor Stephen cannot divorce his alcoholic wife because it is costly and realizes that the laws of divorce have been made for the rich. The innocent Louisa marries old Bounderby to please her father and to provide financial aid for her dissolute brother and finds out that she has been exploited by the patriarchal rules of her society that ignores her female identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to present a catalogue of the influential aspects resulting from a bibliometric meta-analysis of political connection literature. Design/methodology/approach: This study undertakes a bibliometric meta-analysis review of political connections literature, covering 138 research papers from 2000 to 2020 using the visualization of similarities viewer program. Findings: The authors identify six research groups: the value of political connections; political connections and finance; political connections in banks; political connections and debt; management and political connections; and political connections and governance. This study discusses each stream through a cartographic analysis, including co-authorship, countries and time networks. Originality/value: This study makes an important and novel contribution to political connection literature. So far, to the best of the authors' knowledge, it is the only bibliometric study on political connections. This study is the first to use network analysis and community detection to understand social clustering and to identify main research steams in political connection literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 2000s, creators of cultural products have imagined a future Catalonia with its independent institutions as the result of a collective effort driven by the citizens, rather than just the elites. In this article, I posit that the representation of the Catalan republic as benign, horizontal and modern shows tensions and omissions in aspects such as coercion, economic freedom, social protection, bureaucracy, language policies and the handling of immigration. This articulation is exemplified in the journalistic fiction Crònica de la independència (2009) by Patrícia Gabancho, the documentary L'endemà (2014a) by Isona Passola and the essay La República possible (2017) by Antonio Baños. The unproblematic and contradictory depiction of the state reveals latent fears derived from the historical difficulty to fit this political institution into the complex reality of the nation. Moreover, the cultural products analysed show the need to stabilize the new meanings related to the signifiers state and republic in Catalan culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]