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This study examines the diplomatic and political efforts made by Florence to establish a significant institutional presence in Constantinople. It explores Florence's diplomatic relations with the Byzantine Empire, which are analysed in three distinct phases: the first, from the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade in 1204; the second, from 1421 to 1434, following the arrival of the Medici; and the third, from 1434, including the Ecumenical Council, to the fall of Constantinople in 1453. The research aims to provide an historical narrative and a comprehensive study of the origins and development of political contacts between Florence and the Byzantine Empire, an enquiry into the Florentine privileges granted in 1439, and a critical discussion of the genuine presence of a Florentine colony in the Byzantine capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parliamentary elections in 2023 brought in a discourse on debt. Power was passed from the Marin I to the Orpo I government. This was historically the most right‐wing government to date in Finland, whose formation also took historically long but finally united both the populist‐nativist right with the liberal right in the same coalition. The ministerial appointments raised questions among the opposition, and the issue of racism was discussed in connection to the coalition partners. The government's austerity policies sought to limit the power of trade unions, which in turn generated strong reactions. Proposals to limit strike action were faced with opposition. As the three largest parties shifted around, the political centre chose to remain in the opposition and also took issue with the underfunding of social services. The parliamentary polarisation formed a stark contrast to the consensual way in which Finland had approached North Atlantic Treaty Organisation membership, for which a compatible institutional setting was built. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, Israel experienced a year marked by profound civic and security turmoil. The government's proposed judicial reform triggered widespread protests, highlighting deep divisions within the nation. Concurrently, escalating security threats emerged, with Hamas launching an unprecedented attack from the Gaza Strip and Hezbollah targeting Israel's northern border. These events led to the formation of an emergency government and a special war Cabinet. Despite the challenging circumstances, Israel's economic performance remained relatively stable until the onset of conflict, which led to negative economic impacts. The year saw significant amendments to the Israeli Basic Laws, aimed at reducing judicial oversight over government actions, which further intensified civic unrest. This article provides an overview of the political, security, and economic developments of 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2023 was marked by two national elections during the summer months, as well as regional and municipal elections in October. New Democracy dominated electorally in both. Another key political change was the resignation of the head of the Coalition of the Radical Left, Alexis Tsipras, following his party's devastating defeats in national elections. He was replaced in internal elections later that year by Stefanos Kasselakis—a political newcomer with no prior experience. The deadly Tempi train crash, wildfires across the country, hooligan violence, and the devastating floods caused by Storm Daniel in Thessaly raised issues about the effectiveness of the government and added to the general mistrust of politics and politicians. In October, Greece regained investment grade in its credit rating from Standard & Poor's Global Ratings. Inflation, at 3.5 per cent in December, continued to be top of mind for most citizens. The devastating consequences of gender‐based violence persisted this year, with a staggering 15 femicides recorded in total. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2023 was a year of substantial change in Aotearoa New Zealand. After the surprise resignation of Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern early in the year, new Labour Prime Minister Chris Hipkins struggled with opposition to his policy agenda, ministerial scandals and an acknowledged cost‐of‐living crisis. At the October 2023 general election, Labour's nationwide vote almost halved relative to its high point in the 2020 elections, and it performed especially poorly in Auckland where there was lingering resentment about the effects of multiple, prolonged COVID‐19 lockdowns. After protracted negotiations, a three‐way coalition government of the National Party, ACT New Zealand and New Zealand First was formed, with Christopher Luxon as Prime Minister. The shift in policy direction and tone from the Ardern and Hipkins eras was both striking and immediate. Before year's end, the coalition government had repealed several of Labour's flagship policy reforms and priorities, including in areas such as co‐governance, public health, environmental regulations, water governance and justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Luxembourg politics in 2023 was dominated by the local election in June followed by the national election in October. Local elections were characterized by a limited participation of foreigners and a certain stability of the political forces. Christian‐Social People's Party/Chrëschtlech‐Sozial Vollekspartei (CSV) remained by far the first party despite a slight drop in seats, and The Greens/Déi Gréng experienced proportionally the most significant drop in seats. As for the local elections, the national elections have been marked by the maintaining of the CSV as the first party, and the massive loss of the Green party. The significant drop of the Green party made the existing three coalition parties (DP‐LSAP‐Gréng) arithmetically impossible, positioning the leader of the CSV and new Prime Minister, Luc Frieden, in an ideal position to lead a coalition government. As expected, Luc Frieden and his party formed a coalition with the DP, which is closer to its political program and guarantees a comfortable majority in the Parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the final full year ahead of the 2024 general elections, tensions within the Belgian federal government were as intense as they were since its inception. If the De Croo I large coalition had been able to present a united front in the face of the need to respond to the pandemic and the energy crisis in its first years, its fragile character emerged in 2023, but yet without breaking. No large reform was implemented as if the coalition parties were already more preoccupied with positioning themselves for the 2024 elections than achieving a pension, tax or institutional reform. After years of relative stability in terms of party leaders, several Belgian political parties held leadership elections in 2023 or decided to postpone them until after the general elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, efforts to bridge the island's divide remained stagnant, though there was a notable development: the UN Secretary‐General appointed a personal envoy to investigate the potential for restarting negotiations as the year drew to a close. On the domestic front, within the Greek‐Cypriot‐dominated Republic of Cyprus, the year was characterised by the presidential elections in February 2023 and their aftermath, alongside a persistent influx of migrants and asylum seekers to the island. In the northern part of the island, the de‐facto state Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, 2023 became the year of trauma and collective mourning for the Turkish Cypriots who lost 49 souls during the earthquake in Adıyaman, Turkey, in February. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An unusually large number of political scandals left their mark on Norwegian politics in 2023. Most of the scandals involved conflicts of interest for current and former government ministers, and they led to several Cabinet resignations and dismissals. The local elections in September were a big win for the two main parties on the right of Norwegian politics. The two centre‐left parties that constitute the national governing coalition fared poorly in the elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year in politics was marked by the exposure of a number of scandals, chief among which concerned the privatisation of three public hospitals. Polls still continued to give the governing Labour Party a strong lead over the opposition Nationalist Party, which showed little sign of recovery. The economy performed well, but inflation hit people's spending power, and sustained growth continued to be reflected in overcrowding and congestion. The abortion debate closed in an anti‐climax. A brighter picture emerged in foreign relations as Malta took its place in the UN Security Council and was chosen to chair the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, Bulgaria saw the first regular, politically accountable, Cabinet after two years of caretaker cabinets following early elections in April. The election saw Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (Grazhdani za evropeysko razvitie na Bulgaria, GERB) emerge as the plurality winner but without a clear majority, and a coalition government between GERB and We Continue the Change–Democratic Bulgaria (PP‐DB) materialized. Seen as an artificially cobbled‐together creation, the Cabinet faced increasing opposition and two failed no‐confidence votes. A constitutional amendment in late 2023 limited the president's power to appoint caretaker cabinets. Bulgaria remained divided on its stance toward Russia and nationalism, and political apathy rose, casting doubt on future stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, Portugal experienced the end of a political cycle of Socialist government rule that had started in 2014. Several scandals affected the executive throughout the year, including traffic of influence. There were also regional elections in Madeira on 24 September, which were won by the Social Democratic Party (Partido Social Democrata). At the end of the year, President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa dismissed Prime Minister Antonio Costa. This still allowed the budget for 2024 to be passed in December, with the call for early legislative elections being postponed to the beginning of 2024. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2023 Czech presidential elections, characterized by high turnout and the victory of retired General Petr Pavel in a run‐off against former Prime Minister Andrej Babiš, marked a significant shift in the country's political landscape. These elections were marked by intense debates on candidates' backgrounds and foreign policy orientations, highlighting voters' preference for pro‐Western ideals. Meanwhile, the Cabinet of Petr Fiala witnessed four ministerial changes affecting the Ministry of the Environment, the Ministry for European Affairs, the Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sport, and the Ministry of Agriculture. Several important legislative changes occurred in 2023. Notably, the pension amendment incited robust debate and opposition activity. Furthermore, the government's consolidation package, aimed at economic stabilization and public budget reduction, sparked protests, reflecting broader societal concerns over funding and labor conditions in schools and hospitals. The year ended with national mourning following a tragic mass shooting at Charles University in Prague. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There was no federal election in 2023 but change seemed to be in the air, as the official opposition Conservatives, under their new leader, made major gains in the polls and took a significant lead over the Liberals. Controversy over foreign interference in Canadian politics generated controversy, and foreign policy issues had an uncharacteristic impact on Canadian politics. The Liberal government responded with a major Cabinet shuffle, while by‐elections left the party positions in the House of Commons essentially unchanged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ireland had, for a long time, been an outlier in European politics in that, despite having experienced large‐scale immigration in the 2000s, it had not seen a significant expression of anti‐immigrant sentiment, and it was almost absent at a political level. The year 2023 saw a significant rise in the number of people seeking international protection or asylum. The state struggled to cope with the rise in numbers, which saw it take control of hotels and other private premises across the country. Protests grew in some localities, but the political reaction was negligible until in late November, there was a riot in Dublin city centre causing millions of euros worth of damage. There was an expected impact on Irish politics that might change the shape of politics in Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political arena was lively in Slovenia, even though no elections or referendums were held in 2023. Both the government and all three governmental parties, especially the biggest one, the Freedom Movement, as a new party, experienced considerable turbulence—such as changes in the parliamentary party group and changes in the four ministerial positions falling within that party's quota. Having previously been the successful manager of an energy company, the Prime Minister encountered a multitude of challenges in the political arena. While the government announced many reforms, it managed to deliver substantially less. It also faced many (threats of) strikes and protests, particularly by public sector employees and farmers. Even though in the first year of its term the government enjoyed high public support, by November 2023, the situation was very different, with just 18 per cent of voters assessing its work as (very) positive. Parallel to this, two opposition parties were facing their own challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France, in 2023, experienced continuing polarization. Unable to build a majority after the legislative elections of 2022 and facing a fragmented opposition with no capacity to propose an alternative majority, President Macron managed to sustain a minority government throughout the year. Outside of the parliamentary arena, polarization led to a series of social protests, particularly triggered by the pension reform and the immigration bills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, Croatia joined both the euro and the Schengen area, thus completing full EU integration. No elections were held, and the Parliament experienced some minor cases of floor crossing while the government, although maintaining its party composition, reshuffled four ministers. The opposition criticized the government over political corruption and infringements upon media freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2023 was a year of consolidation for the government of Giorgia Meloni (Fratelli d'Italia). After the turbulent 2022, the 2023 electoral landscape in Italy saw minimal changes at the national level. However, while there were no national elections, regional elections were held in five regions, bearing witness to shifts and stances within both the majority and the opposition. At the national party level, leadership changes occurred both in the center‐left and in the center‐right. On the one hand, following primary elections, Elly Schlein became the first woman to lead the Partito Democratico. On the other, Forza Italia faced uncertainty following the passing of Silvio Berlusconi, with Antonio Tajani appointed interim leader. Other than that, the political landscape in Italy remained relatively stable in 2023, with Giorgia Meloni seeking to consolidate her leadership within the coalition and her credibility as head of government, while the opposition strove to reorganize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, Austria continued to experience low levels of democratic satisfaction. This was particularly beneficial for the populist right‐wing Freedom Party of Austria/Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) in regional elections and opinion polls, as well as for parties not previously represented in the federal Parliament. After the regional elections in Lower Austria and Salzburg, the FPÖ assumed government responsibility and entered a coalition with the Austrian People's Party/Österreichische Volkspartei in both states. Approval ratings for the governing parties remained low. The Social Democratic Party of Austria/Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs concluded its long‐standing internal directional debate with a change in leadership, albeit accompanied by mishaps. In terms of domestic policy, parties were able to reach a consensus, particularly on the abolition of official secrecy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two interim cabinets extended the legitimacy crisis that began in December 2022, after the Heger II Cabinet lost a no‐confidence vote. The early parliamentary election in September 2023 underscored public dissatisfaction with the coalition's management of domestic and global challenges, propelling Robert Fico's Direction‐Social Democracy (SMER–Sociálna demokracia) back into power for the fourth time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Political Research Political Data Yearbook is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Parliamentary elections in March 2023 brought a stronger than ever mandate for the ruling Reform Party, which formed a new all‐liberal coalition with the Social Democratic Party and Estonia 200. However, the deteriorating public image of the Prime Minister and her party, the fact that Estonia 200 lost its new party image, and the political decisions made by the new government brought government approval and support drastically down by the end of the year. Struggling to tackle a growing budget deficit and to invigorate an economy in recession, it was a politically tough year for Estonia. And the fact that all viable coalitions until the next parliamentary elections in 2027 must include the Reform Party was likely to keep politics rigid, on the one hand, and tense on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After several years of turbulence and instability, the political year of 2023 was comparatively quiet. The three‐party right‐of‐centre government, relying on support from the Sweden Democrats through the Tidö Agreement, stayed in office and its ministerial composition remained completely unchanged. Sweden chaired the presidency of the EU council for the first half of the year, without controversy or notable events. The process for membership of NATO proved more difficult than expected and was not completed at the end of the year due to resistance from Turkey and Hungary. The economy slowed down but showed signs of recovery towards the end of the year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, the NATO Vilnius Summit was the major political event in Lithuania that attracted significant global media attention. In addition, Lithuania underwent local elections and faced a municipal expenses scandal that nearly brought down the government. Nevertheless, the Cabinet remained stable with only one minister being replaced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both material and symbolic issues were on the national political agenda in 2023. While education, the economy and health care were the most contested policy areas, the Fidesz government continued its campaigns against LGBTQ rights, migration and liberal values. Crucially, the government and its left‐liberal opposition vehemently criticised each other for their uncritical pro‐Eastern and pro‐Western stance, respectively. Fidesz maintained its massive lead in polls, the share of undecided voters rapidly increased, while three new parties appeared in the political arena. The Hungarian government reached an agreement with the European Commission to release the largest part of the funds (€10 billion) blocked due to rule of law concerns. Additionally, the government successfully blocked the Finnish and Swedish NATO membership for the better part of the year, inviting fierce international criticism. New local election rules further accentuated the major weakness of the Hungarian opposition ahead of the 2024 local elections—fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The government of Mette Frederiksen II took office on 15 December 2022, six weeks after the 1 November 2022 elections. Hence, expectations were high for this new type of government, a 'cross‐the‐aisle' majority, to get down to business. However, the government only used the majority to abolish a public holiday and has since then progressed only slowly on its agenda. It has been fairly unpopular with the electorate, losing up to a third of its support. The exits and defections in the Danish Parliament, Folketinget, continue to be higher than before 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a lengthy and intense electoral campaign, which culminated in two opposition‐led mass protest marches in Warsaw in June and October, Polish citizens cast their votes in a parliamentary election on 15 October. The ruling Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) party faced in the election a broad alliance of the so‐called democratic opposition parties. The latter contested the election in three blocs, the liberal Civic Coalition (Koalicja Obywatelska), the moderately conservative Third Way, composed of the Polish Peasant Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe) and Poland 2050, and the New Left coalition. The parties of this alliance won together a majority of seats in both chambers of the legislature and formed a coalition government. This seemingly ended the process of democratic backsliding that had been progressing over the eight‐year‐long period of the PiS rule. However, the controversies regarding control over the public broadcasting media that erupted in December exposed the difficulties in reversing past departures from the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, Switzerland's profound integration into the globalized world was particularly evident, fundamentally challenging the notion of political sovereignty. Yet, this interconnectedness also means that Swiss domestic rules strongly reverberate around the world, such as in the case of policy failure regarding financial regulation. This article explores how global developments shape Swiss politics, from campaign dynamics ahead of the 2023 federal elections to externally imposed legislative agendas. Even the notorious "Swiss" direct democracy no longer solely reflects citizen‐initiated proposals as further evidenced that year. The article also underscores the inertia of Swiss‐style consensus democracy in gearing up its institutional design for polycrisis. It concludes with a discussion of two major political issues: the collapse of Credit Suisse, one of Switzerland's two leading banks, which marks the most far‐reaching shake‐up of the global banking sector since the 2008 financial crisis, and a potential break‐through in the longstanding stalemate in Swiss–EU relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2023 saw more stability in British politics, with new Prime Minister Rishi Sunak seeking to make his mark on the policy agenda with the announcement of five key policy pledges in January. As part of seeking to address these, the government placed an increased emphasis on immigration over the year, particularly in tackling illegal crossings over the English Channel. The government also moved away from its net zero agenda. Despite this, the party's poll position did not improve. New peers were introduced by departing Prime Ministers Johnson and Truss. Boris Johnson also stepped down as a Member of Parliament, and a November Cabinet reshuffle saw former Prime Minister David Cameron re‐enter politics as Foreign Secretary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The elections of the state president by the Latvian Parliament brought about not only a new Cabinet and a new prime minister but also a new coalition and an advancement of the social liberal agenda, including the legal regulation of same‐sex partnership. The new Cabinet continued a strongly supportive Ukraine policy aided by de‐Russification efforts at the grassroots level. The left‐leaning Progressives became part of the governing coalition for the first time, but their impact on government policies remains to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, we saw increasing instability in Icelandic politics and economy. Increasing tensions could be observed between the three government coalition parties, the Left Greens, the Progressive Party and the Independence Party. While the coalition has been in power since 2017, it includes both the parliamentary party furthest to the left, the left‐socialist Left Greens, and the party furthest to the right, the conservative Independence Party. The government had been united when successfully fighting the COVID‐19 pandemic and was re‐elected in the Althingi elections 2021—a unique success since the bank crash of 2008. But when politics got back to 'normal', ideological differences between the coalition parties re‐emerged. High inflation and high interest rates did not help the government. It continued to lose support in the monthly Gallup polls. At the end of the year, only 32 per cent claimed to be government supporters. All government parties lost support. The government losses mainly benefited one of the opposition parties, the Social Democratic Alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dutch political landscape is notoriously unpredictable; yet, 2023 was the most turbulent year in Dutch politics in at least two decades. The year featured two elections—provincial and national—within nine months, each dominated by two distinct issues: agriculture and migration. These elections saw two different populist parties triumph with significant margins: the FarmerCitizenMovement/BoerBurgerBeweging won the provincial elections, while the radical right‐wing populist Party for Freedom/Partij voor de Vrijheid secured a landslide victory in the parliamentary elections. Moreover, the year witnessed the collapse of the centre‐right cabinet and leadership changes in more than half of the parties represented in parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, the National Liberal Party prime minister was replaced with a Social Democratic Party prime minister, pursuant to an understanding drafted by the two ruling parties in 2021. As elections were scheduled for 2024, the government adopted populist measures benefiting selected voters. Opinion polls suggested the rise of right‐wing parties. Prominent politicians and government officials were involved in corruption scandals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Political Research Political Data Yearbook is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 2023 political year in the United States was dominated by three major themes: the legal problems of former President Donald Trump, particularly in light of his campaign to regain the White House in 2024; the near‐total dysfunctionality of the Republican majority in the House of Representatives; and the state of the economy, especially inflation, but also employment. Lurking in the background, and in large measure captive to these concerns, were the issues of immigration and aid to Israel and Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This entry chronicles the failed referendum on constitutional recognition of First Nations Australians via the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice. The entry includes election results for the referendum, two by‐elections and one subnational election. It supplies data on the Cabinet and notes changes in parliamentary composition (sex and party). It notes changes to Australia's Public Service Act, its Reserve Bank and the ongoing implementation of measures to make Parliament a safer place. The entry discusses the development of the referendum proposal, debate, consequences and reasons for its defeat. Policy issues discussed include Labor's response to the cost‐of‐living crisis, including housing, social welfare energy and climate transition. Issues of governance are also discussed including Royal Commission and Secretary Sackings. Finally, Australia's foreign policy, including the Australian‐United Kingdom‐United States alliance and Australia's relationship with the Pacific and China, are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the phenomenon of authoritarian nostalgia in Indonesian politics. Drawing on data from a Populi Center public opinion survey, we explore the characteristics, patterns and workings of authoritarian nostalgia. On the one hand, we find authoritarian nostalgia prevalent in the survey data and also anecdotally. Many in the public remember the New Order era fondly and have positive impressions of President Soeharto despite 32 years of military authoritarian rule. At the same time, we find that much of the nostalgia revolves around economic issues. Furthermore, our study shows that key age cohorts who lived during the New Order period have the most support for the authoritarian era. This paper also contributes to our understanding on how Indonesian people perceive and behave to their current Indonesian political development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article documents a covert propaganda and civil society operation perpetrated by a consortium of Western governments, private contractors, and NGOs to justify and facilitate regime change in Syria by whitewashing and assisting rebel groups. Using leaked documents from key government contractors, corroborated with journalistic, academic, NGO, and government research already released, the author outlines their rebel media infrastructure to create news stories and feed them to Syrian, regional, and international outlets. This propaganda synergized with administrative programs that built social services in rebel-held territories, constructing media and civil society façades of legitimacy and liberalism for rebel militias. The consortium created the White Helmets, who recorded themselves providing services while documenting supposed war crimes, to serve as a bridge between these propaganda and civil society missions. The author argues that the controlled spaces of full-spectrum intellectual warfare created by this consortium, coordinating state-supported media and civil society and obfuscating it behind private and non-profit entities, can help scholars understand the narrative battles surrounding the Syrian conflict and gain insight into the evolving role of media and information warfare in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Odisha has experienced three distinct growth regimes during 1991-2019, namely, 1991-2002, 2003-10 and 2011-19. Odisha outshone the national economy and the 15 other major states in terms of growth rates in Gross State Domestic Product per capita (GSDPPC) and Human Development Index (HDI) during 2003-10. However, during 2011–2019, Odisha witnessed a significant growth slowdown vis-à-vis the national economy but such downslide in GSDPPC and HDI is not significantly different from the major states. The first Naveen Patnaik decade saw an upsurge which was possibly due to good luck rather than good policy, and the second one marked a downslide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emmerson Mnangagwa’s ascendency to power in November 2017 was viewed from within and beyond Zimbabwe as the country’s opportunity to correct leadership deficiency brought about by Robert Mugabe. His leadership was meant to bring national socio-economic political development in Zimbabwe. Under Mugabe, Zimbabwe experienced a long period of despotic rule. This present study argues that Mnangagwa’s attempts to rebrand himself and the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front ruling party is marred with controversy. The study is an analysis of Mnangagwa’s selected responses to criticism during the 2018 post presidential election violence mainly against the opposition party, Movement for Democratic Change Alliance. Data was collected from purposively selected articles from the state controlled The Herald and privately owned NewsDay. Through qualitative content and Critical Discourse Analysis, the study examines if these responses reveal Mnangagwa as a reformist. Guided by the branding theory, the study unpacks similarities and dissimilarities in Mnangagwa and Mugabe’s leadership styles. Zimbabwe suffered global isolation due to complex factors such as disputed elections and land grabs. This study opens new avenues in understanding Mnangagwa’s rule in his ‘New Dispensation.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the dimensions and rationale for Turkey’s focus on Asia during the Erdoğan era. It argues that Turkey’s shift toward Asia is influenced by two key motivations: the emergence of Asia in the transitional international order and the success of Asian political and economic governance models as a development paradigm. The research findings indicate that Asia’s rise as a power axis in the global order attracts Turkey, a middle power, for its own security and economic interests. Additionally, the success of Asian models of economic and political governance in the development path encourages the ruling AKP in Turkey to strengthen its domestic power by aligning with these models, thus moving toward structural and value-based ties with Asia. Furthermore, by representing Asia as an alternative for modernization and good governance in the contemporary world, Turkey seeks to engage in the reproduction of its Asian identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study attempts to investigate the influence of political relations on the depth of BRI financial cooperation. This research first theoretically explains the unique impact of political relations on the development of financial cooperation using a network evolutionary gaming analysis. Then through the Generalized Least Square (GLS) and Propensity Score Method (PSM) model, this paper empirically shows that political relations can influence the establishment of financial cooperation after accounting for the possible endogenous effect. In addition, the countries more politically intimate with China than the U.S. are more likely to form financial cooperation with China. The results are robust with respect to the choice of different models, including Heckman two-steps method of treatment effects model, and long term OLS model. This study provides insights for the future of the multi-currency international monetary system, as a contrast to the U.S. dollar dominated international monetary system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the relationship between youth policy and civil society institutions, as well as their impact on ensuring fundamental national interests targeted by state policies in the sphere of national security and defense. In current conditions, when the country faces numerous challenges and threats, the role of youth in strengthening national security becomes particularly significant. Youth policy is regarded as an important element of the humanitarian space that promotes the formation of a resilient and patriotic society capable of effectively countering internal and external threats. This necessitates new approaches to shaping policies aimed at integrating youth into processes of socioeconomic and political development. An important aspect of the conducted research is the identification of mechanisms through which youth policy can contribute to strengthening national security. Specifically, emphasis is placed on the role of youth civil organizations as significant actors in this process, fostering the development of active civic engagement, patriotism, and increasing the level of social responsibility among youth. Youth civil organizations, like civil society institutions, can act as partners to the state in addressing socio-economic and political issues that directly affect national security. The conducted research provides grounds to argue that youth policy can be an instrument for strengthening national security through supporting youth initiatives and integrating youth into decision-making processes. The adoption of a series of normative legal acts and program documents regarding the legal support of the implementation of youth policy, unfortunately, did not completely solve deep-seated problems (paternalism; lack of dialectical connection between programmatic documents and legislative acts; inefficiency and a formal approach to monitoring, etc.). The Euro-integration direction of Ukrainian policy dictates not only the normative establishment of “participation-based policy” but also the implementation of advanced European practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debate regarding the continuity of Cypriot political forms from the Late Bronze Age to the Cypro-Archaic is persistent, resulting in a scholarly divide with few signs of resolution. This article reviews the historiography of political forms proposed for Cyprus as the essential context for this debate. It considers several major themes that emerge from the debate: the use of anthropological models for state formation, regionalism, social networks, and the nature of spatial power. The author views the debate as centred on two equally valid motivations: using related social science theory to enhance archaeological explanation and emphasizing Cypriot autonomy. These motivations need not be set in opposition but, together, illustrate the island's unique history and provide the basis for vibrant scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Phenomena of global development and technological innovation have been theorised and debated from an evolutionary common ground of social, economic, and technical change. However, apart from this common ground, there is a gulf that needs to be bridged. In several respects, development theory is preoccupied with social values such as inclusion and equality whereas innovation theory is preoccupied with economic values of economic growth and maximisation of aggregate utility. This gulf of competing values underpins public policies which are unable to deal with modern day crises such as poverty, inequality, environmental degradation, and unsustainable development. I argue that the gulf between development and innovation theories can be critically re-thought and permanently bridged using a relational notion of social justice that can allow inclusion/equality to be affirmed without disincentivising growth/utility. Such a notion of social justice should be only concerned with equalising resources in as long as this mitigates or eliminates relational inequalities such as hierarchies, oppression, and domination in globalised societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research is the property of Intellect Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article constitutes the first holistic exploration of how neoliberalism permeates and manifests in Physical Activity Health Promotion (PAHP). It synthesises a critical analysis of neoliberalism with the sociological concepts of medicalisation and healthism and draws on three distinct phases and methods of data collection, to more adequately understand the development, prominence and largely uncritical acceptance of this domain of global public health. Specifically, it demonstrates how the World Health Organization's (WHO) initial promotion of PAHP coincided with the organisation's strategic re-alignment with neoliberal principles within a changing geopolitical landscape. Then, deploying a critical discourse analysis of the recent and globally significant WHO (2020) Guidelines on Physical Activity and Sedentary Behaviour, it shows how the underlying logics of neoliberalism continue to inform not only the intended policy goals but the inclusion and exclusion of certain types of evidence used to justify and evaluate policy. Subsequently, drawing on qualitative interview data and time-series survey data the article details how neoliberalism fosters the ideology of healthism, how this promotes forms of exercise which diverge from health maximising behaviours, and how this extends differences in physical activity uptake across the population, and therefore embeds the health inequalities PAHP is explicitly claimed to address. Outlining why PAHP, in particular, holds appeal for the WHO, we conclude that neoliberalism has both enabled the rapid development and broad political acceptance of PAHP, but concomitantly leads to outcomes which limit and confound the broader policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Gaby Mahlberg's book "The English Republican Exiles in Europe During the Restoration," which examines English republicanism in the 17th century through the lives and ideas of exiled English republicans. Mahlberg's work highlights the interconnectedness of political, religious, and cultural networks across Europe, challenging traditional interpretations and offering new insights into the development of political thought during the Restoration period. The text also provides a comprehensive list of scholarly works on English Republicanism by authors such as Jonathan Scott, Algernon Sidney, Quentin Skinner, and Blair Worden, covering various aspects of Republican principles, political liberty, Calvinist Republicanism, and the Puritan Revolution. [Extracted from the article]

ABSTRACT The rise of China as a trading partner, lender and investor is among the most significant developments in the global political economy over the last two decades. This shift has created important new opportunities for developing countries, but it has also introduced new challenges, with benefits and drawbacks unevenly distributed across different nations. This article argues that understanding the developmental consequences of China's involvement requires studying not only Chinese priorities and modalities but also the interests and strategies of local elites. The development of Latin America has been profoundly influenced by these elite interests, which are shaped by the region's integration into the global economy. Elites may leverage the benefits of the relationship to China to enhance their rent‐seeking capabilities and limit competition, thereby hindering development and perpetuating inequality in Latin America. This argument is examined through the contrasting cases of Chile and Venezuela; while Chile's approach to China has been dominated by private sector elites, Venezuela's approach has been driven by governmental elites. In both cases, integration with China is shaped by and has in turn strengthened interests and strategies of the elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]