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Parliamentarians, as political personalities, are also media personalities insofar as political news is very present in the media. The objective of this article is to question the links between the political position, media presence and digital visibility of French deputies elected in 2017. Have the patterns of mediatisation changed with the digital age? What are the relations between the 'positions' occupied by political actors in the media as well as in the political and digital spaces in our hybrid media system? Inspired by a Bourdieusian framework, results are presented. They allow us to confirm some conclusions of the current literature and, more importantly, to rethink the process of mediatisation of members of parliament in our networked age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes political news consumption during the 2022 French presidential election campaign. Based on a national survey (n = 1,358), it aims to identify how political news consumption and media choices vary according to individuals’ social characteristics and position on the political spectrum. In addition to the expected social segmentation, our results tend to show a “political” segmentation of audiences according to media type. On the one hand, supporters of centrist, right-wing, and far-right-wing candidates have political news practices in which the consumption of traditional audiovisual media through its flagship product, television news, remains paramount. On the other hand, supporters of left-wing candidates tend to prefer the alternative, even counter-hegemonic, editorial lines of certain pure players, while sharing with centrists the reference to the national daily press.

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'Philological sciences' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research question/issue: Although the dark side of corporate political connections has been highlighted in recent studies, their adverse consequences on board decision making have received limited research attention. In this study, we posit that the political position of a chairman leads to greater power and a higher ranking on the board, which adversely influences the dissenting behavior of independent directors. Research findings/insights: In line with our predictions, we show that the presence of a chairman with political position will reduce the likelihood that independent directors will dissent on board proposals. Such influence is particularly weaker in firms that have higher status independent directors on boards and are state owned but stronger among firms in regulated industries and those strongly influenced by Confucian beliefs. These predictions are supported using a sample of Chinese firms from 2004 to 2016. Theoretical/academic implications: Our findings contribute to the board dynamics and decision‐making literature by highlighting how the political position of a board chairman can adversely affect the decision‐making quality of the whole board by reducing the propensity for independent directors to dissent. Practitioner/policy implications: The findings of this work also provide important insights to policymakers who are keen to improve corporate governance mechanisms by designing political strategies for firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of History / Habaršy Tarihi Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As a sending country of migrant workers in ASEAN, Indonesia has a weaker bargain than the receiving countries. This is in line with the thoughts of Marxist Feminism arguing that within the structure of a capitalist society, the owners of the capital, in which context are the receiving countries, have more power to control the factors of production. Indonesia has weak bargaining power, so Indonesia's political position in protecting its migrant workers in ASEAN has never changed. It has always been a follower country. One instance of the studies investigating the position was conducted by Amelia (2013) with their political position indicator. The researcher divides the country’s political position into the first country, the follower country, the satellite country, and the independent country. This study aims to examine Indonesia’s political position in the protection policies of Indonesian migrant workers in ASEAN. This study is framed by qualitative method with case study and interpretative analysis. The results of this study indicate that Indonesia’s political position on its migrant worker protection policies can be categorized into a follower country.

The “settings” of psychoanalytical work have evolved, because of external (social, political) constraints, or internal ones, i.e., the representations of the effects and processes of change in psychotherapeutic work. Nevertheless, one can remain a psychoanalyst while working in a plurality of contexts and settings. Psychoanalysis is not only defined by its praxis. One can defend, for example, an equivalence between the terms “psychoanalysis” and “psychoanalytic psychotherapy”, the latter referring to a practice which is adjusted to the patient’s reality, particularly its clinical and social dimensions. Whatever the setting, whether or not it is a classical analysis, the basis of the psychoanalytic position remains the same. It is an open-minded position and is fundamentally “transdisciplinary”. Such a position is centred on the core aspects of the caring relation—not to be confused with its artifices—, and it transcends the specific features of the concrete setting. The transdisciplinary approach, in psychological care, implies a “sharing” of the caring function. Parental care is a paradigm within this transdisciplinarity. It is always “caring”, because parenthood consists in the care of the child or of the infantile part of the adult who is in care. In this way, parental caring is a « transdisciplinary invariant ». Finally, the psychoanalytical position is also a political position. Psychoanalysis does indeed have a political function: it protects an awareness of subjectivity. The psychoanalyst is expected to take into account the reality of the body as well as social realities, including the political. The adjustments made to psychoanalytical practice are often in answer to political constraints, and in themselves they represent a political act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies different acknowledgment modalities in which Argentine journalists validate media and colleagues as more important ones. A characterization of the journalist's field is developed in terms of the professional trajectory and political positioning, considering correspondences between social space positions and the definition of hierarchical social places. A quantitative methodology was applied. Surveys made on 221 journalists led to the confection of a taxonomy in which their social field could be illustrated. It is considered that the professional space is able to translate a series of asymmetrical references from established positions to the "newcomers". This references are not politically neutral; they tend to favour conservative media. On the contrary, the acknowledgment of colleagues as consecrated involves a political segmentation, in which those superior positions in the social space are validated, but on the bases of a political differentiation between proximity to the Frente de Todos or to Juntos por el Cambio, Argentina's two principal political forces. The analysis describes the superposition between media and journalists mentioned in the survey and the taxonomy. In this way, the mapping of the social space seeks to find correspondences between the actor's representations -- which symbolically consecrate both media and colleagues- and their places in the professional's field structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today's hybrid media environment, political representatives are expected to deliver their programmatic positions in multiple yet coherent versions. To synchronize these programmatic contents with an accelerated and fragmented media system, they are subjected to what I call 'adaptation work'. Using ethnographic insights gathered at a party's headquarter in the Austrian national parliament, the article shows that adaptation work happens in interaction between a digital infrastructure (intranet technology, specific documents) and a writing team (knowledge managers, staff advisers, assistants). This sociomaterial distribution enables practices for archiving and sharing internal knowledge on party positions as well as literary strategies of adjusting positions to different recipients and media. At the same time, adapted positions deliberately shade the internal infrastructure and experts involved in their preparation in order to present representatives as the ones to be held accountable for positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many scholars investigate the determinants of negativity in the political sphere, it remains largely unclear why some politicians are more negative than others. Studies thus far lack explanations at the individual level, and they almost exclusively focus on negativity during electoral races. Surveying national and regional representatives in Belgium (N = 228), this study seeks to explain individual politicians' willingness to go negative during everyday politics. The results show that negativity is not so much related to institutionally driven differences between representatives but more to politicians' personal characteristics and preference roles. Negative politics, hence, is not an inevitable result of institutional structures, rules, and norms, but rather depends on the characteristics and motivations of the individual representatives citizens elect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In light of the growing role of social media in conflict management, the current study analyzes the interrelationship of online political participation of Israeli Jews, the frequency of their online contacts with Arabs, and Jews’ perceived social distances from Arabs. The research was conducted through an online survey of a representative sample of 458 Israeli Jews who use the social media at least 3 times a week. Overall, although causation cannot be inferred because of the correlational design of our study, results suggest that frequency of online contacts may positively affect closeness to Arabs in line with contact theory. In keeping with the socialization perspective of political engagement, the findings indicate that the impact of online political participation on social distances from Arabs was mediated by interactions between Jews and Arabs in the social media. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Political and career officials have a different character but is a unity in the government who should be able to synergize with each other. However, in line with the reform of the bureaucracy, the politicization of the bureaucracy have made a messy political position in the pattern of relationships and careers in the bureaucracy. This study sought to answer the question how to reform the bureaucracy to the relationship between political officials and career officials in the Environment Government of Riau Province, any problems that exist / arise, and how to organize the pattern of the relationship between political and career positions in the bureaucracy that occurred in Riau Provincial Government Environment.