Search

Background: Population physical activity promotion (PPAP) is one of the most effective noncommunicable disease prevention strategies, yet coordination is lacking around the world. Whole-of-system approaches and complex systems methods are called for to advance PPAP. This paper reports on a project which (1) used an Attributes Framework with system mapping (group model building and causal loop diagramming of feedback loops) and (2) identified potential leverage points to address the challenge of effective coordination of multisectoral PPAP in British Columbia. Methods: Key findings from stakeholder interviews and workshops described the current system for PPAP in terms of attributes and dimensions in the framework. These were translated into variables and used in group model building. Participants prioritized the importance of variables to address the coordination challenge and then created causal loop diagrams in 3 small groups. One collective causal loop diagram was created, and top priority variables and associated feedback loops were highlighted to explore potential leverage points. Results: Leverage points included the relationships and feedback loops among priority variables: political leadership, visible policy support and governance, connectivity for knowledge translation, collaborative multisector grants, multisector collaboration, and integrating co-benefits. Leveraging and altering "vicious" cyclical patterns to increase coordinated multisector PPAP are key. Conclusions: The Attributes Framework, group model building and causal loop diagrams, and emergent feedback loops were useful to explore potential leverage points to address the challenge of multisectoral coordination of PPAP. Future research could apply the same methods in other jurisdictions and compare and contrast resultant frameworks, variables, feedback loops, and leverage points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participatory governance arrangements are assumed to strengthen elected representatives' capacity for political leadership. This study argues that the relationship between participatory arrangements and perceived political leadership depends on the design of the participatory arrangements. Drawing on a survey to local councilors in Norway, we found that sharing power with citizens through interactive governance arrangements was associated with lower perceived capacity for political leadership than giving power away through distributive arrangements. Case studies exploring how politicians experienced interactive and distributive participatory arrangements showed that politicians were especially ambivalent about interactive arrangements that were perceived to disrupt their traditional ways of doing political leadership. Notably, interactive arrangements were believed to decrease leadership capacity because politicians remained responsible for matters over which they no longer had full control, challenging their ability to stay accountable to the voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1Internet shutdowns have become a popular instrument for repressive regimes to silence dissent in a digitized world. While authorities seek to suppress opponents by imposing Internet outages, we know little about how the public reacts to such incisive measures. The regime might face anger and resentment from the public as a response to Internet deprivation. Why do regimes still use Internet shutdowns when they do not only face economic but also societal losses? In this paper, I argue that Internet shutdowns lower the public's evaluation of the political leadership as citizens blame the government for the service outages. For the analysis, I combine fine-grained data on Internet outages with survey data from the Afrobarometer and apply an "unexpected event during survey design." Results show that citizens do not hold the government accountable for Internet disruptions, thus making Internet shutdowns a powerful tool for autocrats to silent dissent digitally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gendered relations of power coupled with socio-cultural structures such as class, continue to limit opportunities for women who aspire to political leadership in the Caribbean. This article argues that the enduring influences of patriarchy and classism substantively impinge upon the freedom of women to fully participate in political leadership, thereby creating a capability failure. The author suggests that the Capabilities Approach (CA) is a critical missing link in efforts designed to address the question of women's limited political engagement in the Caribbean. Specifically, integrating CA into current strategies can help us to understand the possibilities for and limits on individual women's agency in the political sphere. As such, the author suggests a co-constitutive framework that uses CA in conjunction with established strategies such as quotas, for addressing the issue. This proposed method aims to redirect policy foci to the quality of women's political participation and not just the quantity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains variation in rates of political office-holding by marginalized groups? We argue that a certain social infrastructure facilitates office-holding, but dominant social groups tend to monopolize this infrastructure and in turn office-holding. In places exposed to a limitation on dominant groups' monopolization of this social infrastructure, marginalized groups can access it and hold office at higher rates than marginalized groups who were not exposed to this limitation. We test our argument using the creation of "contraband camps" during the US Civil War. These camps limited White men's monopolization of the social infrastructure of political participation. We therefore expect higher rates of Black office-holding in counties exposed to contraband camps, relative to counties in the same state without camps. Quantitative results relying on existing and original data indicate that counties with camps produced almost twice as many Black political leaders as similar counties in the same state without a camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crises of the magnitude of the COVID-19 pandemic may plausibly affect deep-seated attitudes of a large fraction of citizens. In particular, outcome-oriented theories imply that leaders' performance in response to such adverse events shapes people's views about the government and about democracy. To assess these causal linkages empirically, we use a preregistered survey experiment covering 12 countries and 22,500 respondents during the pandemic. Our design enables us to leverage exogenous variation in evaluations of policies and leaders with an instrumental variables strategy. We find that people use information on both health and economic performance when evaluating the government. In turn, dissatisfaction with the government decreases satisfaction with how democracy works, but it does not increase support for nondemocratic alternatives. The results suggest that comparatively bad government performance mainly spurs internal critiques of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue that the gender-role incongruity between being a woman and the masculine stereotypes of political leadership roles will lead to more ambivalence about women relative to men and that gendered traits will comprise the content of these ambivalent attitudes. I analyze attitudinal ambivalence toward female candidates using ANES data. The results find that ambivalence is higher among voters who hold cross-pressured identities as strong partisans with sexist beliefs for both Democratic and Republican women. In 2016, individuals held stronger ambivalent attitudes about Hillary Clinton even among strong Democrats but there was very little ambivalence in attitudes about Trump. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emergence of munhwaŏ ("Cultured Language") in relation to the primacy of the leader in the DPRK. The articulation of the linguistic and cultural policies of munhwaŏ was inseparable from the development and formalization of the political leadership. The active translation, reception, and development of the Stalinist and Soviet linguistic tradition by North Korean intellectuals, together with the death of Stalin in 1953, importantly shaped the state's quest for linguistic modernity. By tracing the "rhetorical turn" in North Korean linguistics in the 1960s, the author explores the development of munhwaŏ and its relation to the distinctive development of a charismatic oratory and a linguistic etiquette for the leader. One significant feature of North Korea's quest for linguistic modernity is the way in which it diverges from its Soviet counterpart. By meticulously theorizing the language to be used of and for the leader, or what the author describes as the linguistic ritualization of charisma, North Korea offered an original contribution to the field of charismatic rhetoric. A comprehensive manual describing this rhetoric was developed, serving as a guide to the "sacred text" of the leader and describing how to articulate and express the presence of the leader in the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We seek to better understand how formal mentoring may impact protégés' leadership development by arguing that protégés' informal mentoring networks help explain the relationship between formal mentoring and two protégé leadership development outcomes: motivation to lead and promotability. We also argue that protégés' political skill and gender serve as boundary conditions of these mediated relationships. Using 100 South Korean mentor-protégé dyads in four organizations across three points in time, we find that a higher level of formal mentoring is positively associated with the quality of protégés' informal mentoring networks, which, in turn, is positively associated with protégés' motivation to lead, but not protégés' promotability. We also find that the relationship between a higher level of formal mentoring and the quality of protégés' informal mentoring networks is strengthened when protégés have a higher level of political skill. In addition, we find that female protégés obtain more informal mentoring networking benefits from their formal mentors than male protégés. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates, within the framework of Critical Metaphor Analysis, how The New York Times (NYT) has been metaphorically formulating China as an "other" from 1949 to 2020. Metaphors were identified with reference to Pragglejaz Group's (2007) Metaphor Identification Procedure. WAR and GAME were detected as dominant concepts, and LIQUID, DISEASE, ANIMAL, MACHINE, and OBSTACLE secondary imagery. It is found that the newspaper's journalistic values in foreign news reporting and judging criteria toward political leadership have remained radically unchanged. Having been influenced by changes in China-U.S. relations and America's domestic socio-political ideals, the NYT has been othering China from the civilized world, which tends to be particularly prominent when China's performance is short of the values and norms preached by the US, and became inconspicuous during China-U.S. alliance. Running counter to its commitment to "truth," the newspaper employed discursive strategies to balance between America's moral self-identity and its China policy, and vindicate behaviors identical to those it has been criticizing China for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In modern society, organizations are expected to be increasingly flexible and adapt to constantly changing environments. While such flexibility is often considered a positive trait of organizations, the risks of continuous organizational change are often overlooked. Against this background, we argue that continuous, multiple and uncoordinated organizational change can lead to a state we define as "organizational restlessness" and a loss of the benefits of stable structures. Paradoxically, it is even possible that organizational restlessness reduces the capability of organizations to planfully introduce specific and highly desirable changes, such as those related to digital transformation. Using qualitative data from interviews and participant observations, we analyze a large German public administration and identify three sources of organizational restlessness: the innovation imperative of modern society, changes in political leadership as a result of democratic elections and the bureaucratic principle of personnel rotation. While barriers to digital transformation are often explained by bureaucratic rigidity, we show that also constant uncoordinated change hinders sustainable digital transformation. Our paper thus contributes to an enhanced understanding of organizational continuity and disruption, as we show that both are needed to digitalize organizations further. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Permacrisis implies a permanent state of crisis, contrasting with polycrisis and intracrisis, which refer to crises in several fields that can be investigated and resolved. Women's equality has been a longstanding issue, analyzed theoretically and through research exploring persistent and pervasive inequality in all areas of life. This study discusses the concept of permacrisis from a gender perspective and presents research highlighting the effects of interconnected crises on women's rights and societal presence. Ongoing crises-economic, environmental, political, and educational-have been exacerbated by temporary wars, climate change, pandemics, and disputes over international institutions for the protection of human rights and the vulnerable populations. These issues, combined with ineffective political leadership, have made women's equality an increasingly distant goal. This situation calls for new analytical frameworks that go beyond the pessimismof permacrisis and lead to what can be termed ameta-crisis, a transcendence of current obstacles. Thus, themain aims of this study are two-fold: First, to discuss permacrisis from a gender perspective, and second, to propose research evidence showing that gender inequality as an inherent aspect of permacrisis requires new theoretical insights for effective analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One implication of the transition to high-choice media environments is that what information people are exposed to depend less on journalistic curation and more on social, algorithmic, and personal curation. This has sparked a renewed interest in the concept of political opinion leaders, who are often assumed to be more interested in and informed about politics and society. Theoretically, political opinion leaders could hence help disseminate information to less interested and informed. At the same time, there are theoretical reasons for why political opinion leaders may be more prone to politically motivated reasoning, which may lead them to believe in and disseminate misinformation. Thus far, there is only limited research on whether political opinion leaders are more informed than others that also takes into consideration that some facts are contested, whereas other facts are uncontested. Hence, this paper seeks to investigate the relationship between political opinion leadership and knowledge, distinguishing between (a) uncontested and (b) contested facts. Among other things, findings show that those who score high in political opinion leadership traits in general are not more knowledgeable about contested and uncontested facts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research showed that the stereotype of women politicians is incongruent with the general politician stereotype, which can be disadvantageous for women seeking political office. Based on the strong influx of women politicians in US politics, and the increased familiarity of the electorate with women in political leadership positions, we expect that voters now have a clearer picture of women politicians and that their stereotype is more congruent with the traits desired in political leaders. In testing this, we make a methodological contribution to the study of stereotyping by adapting a large-N list experiment as an effective and innovative measurement of stereotype endorsement. The results show important changes in gendered political stereotypes over the last ten years. The evolution of the women politician stereotype is encouraging: the traits that people associate with women politicians are more positive than ten years ago and more congruent to desirable traits for politicians. However, the findings also underscore the continuing masculinity of the political domain, by the strong overlap between the stereotype of men politicians and politicians in general. Even more pronounced than the positive trend for women politicians is the unfavorable evolution of the stereotypes of men politicians and politicians generally, which shows a strong downfall compared to a decade ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All coups seek to topple the political leadership, but they differ in terms of their leaders. While soldiers spearhead a majority of coups, a small number is led by civilians. And whereas high-ranking officers are the largest group among coup leaders, mid- and low-ranking soldiers account for a substantial share of putsches. Several datasets have recently offered data on the identity and political aims of coup leaders, to study the origin and outcome of different types of coups. However, these datasets have important limitations in their scope and how they address differing organizational structures of militaries across countries and time. This article therefore introduces a novel dataset on the identity of the leaders of 474 coups from 1950 to 2020 that distinguishes between coups led by civilians and military officers, as well as between coups by junior, mid-ranking, and senior officers. We discuss how the dataset complements previous data, present patterns across time and space, and show that successful and failed coups by senior, mid-ranking, and junior officers entail different prospects for post-coup democratization. The article underlines the importance for refined empirical measures and theoretical arguments in coup research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an overview of the local council elections in Tunisia in December 2023, which were part of President Kais Saied's efforts to establish a "bottom-up democracy." However, the elections saw a low voter turnout due to societal grievances and a lack of trust in the political system. The article suggests that these elections reflect Saied's political ambitions and his portrayal as a "savior," potentially leading to a new type of populist autocracy. It also questions the assumption that the low turnout was solely due to boycotts, arguing that blaming it on dissatisfaction with the political climate is unfounded. The article examines Saied's political project, describing it as a populist mass movement autocracy characterized by mass mobilization and indoctrination. It concludes that the low turnout and the use of legal tools to restrict political participation indicate a diminished chance for future democracy in Tunisia. [Extracted from the article]

This article re-studies fifty-seven interviews with working-class voters conducted between 1958 and 1960 for Robert McKenzie and Allan Silver's Angels in Marble: Working Class Conservatives in Urban England (1968). It uses these interview transcripts as a window into aspects of the mid-twentieth-century vernacular, specifically vernacular understandings of the social order. It argues that a powerful meritocratic ideology runs through the interviewees' responses, articulated through the concept of 'brains'. This discourse revered academic and professionalized forms of knowledge, arguing that they should form the currency of social mobility and the criterion of good political leadership. Hierarchies premised on class, race, and gender could be reinforced if they were perceived to reward those with 'brains' and criticized if they did not. However, this vernacular ideology was circumscribed by two other vernacular concepts: 'breeding' and 'knowingness'. 'Breeding' celebrated the knowledge that came from elite experiences associated with family and upbringing. 'Knowingness' celebrated the knowledge that came from the experience of working-class life. These two concepts set a limit on the appeal of a vernacular meritocracy that based itself around 'brains'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly investigations have greatly advanced our understanding of gender stereotypes as they pertain to leadership roles. However, an examination of citizens' evaluations of the personal and political characteristics of ministers using an experimental design is still lacking. In this article, we aim to determine whether individuals exhibit discrimination against women occupying the position of finance minister (FM), which presents an opportunity to assess the impact of stereotypes within one of the most 'masculine' cabinet portfolios. We implement a conjoint analysis in Spain to isolate the influence of appointees' attributes on their selection. The results suggest that women are preferred for this post. In contrast to established knowledge derived from legislative studies, being single benefits female ministers more than it does their male counterparts in obtaining the position of FM, as agentic attributes can hold more value in these positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the global expansion in women's access to political leadership in recent decades, female parliamentarians remain a distinct minority in most national legislatures. Previous studies have linked variations in women's descriptive representation to international and domestic security threats, such as interstate war and transnational terrorist campaigns. However, existing research has thus far overlooked how the turbulence, unrest, and violence often associated with the election process itself may produce gendered electoral outcomes. I argue that violent contention in the period immediately preceding elections introduces gendered distortions to the political recruitment process that determines the gender composition of legislatures. The cumulative effect of these distortions is a reduction in the proportion of legislative seats subsequently held by women. To evaluate my hypothesis, I analyze data from 620 nominally competitive legislative elections in 128 countries between 1990 and 2012. Consistent with expectations, the results suggest that higher levels of election-related violence are associated with lower rates of women's descriptive representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike other ballots, referendums do not provide voters a list of parties or candidates to choose from. Here we argue that referendum voting behaviour, however, can be understood through the lends of partisanship and the socio-economic context during the voting period. The personalisation of contemporary politics would also suggest an important role of political leadership in swaying voting decisions. The article applies this theory in analysis of the vote YES of the 2020 Italian Constitutional Referendum. We attribute the success of the 2020 referendum to the role of partisanship, leader favorability, systemic and elite discontent, and the role that interest played in voting decision. Exploring the role that party leaders may have in the voting behaviour on referenda is an area for future research, especially in an era of the presidentialized political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consistency in crisis communication is a key aspect of effective political leadership during crises, but can be difficult in multilevel systems due to the number of leaders and fragmentation of policymaking powers. The literature on multilevel governance suggests that centralisation enhances consistency in crisis communication while decentralisation leads to inconsistency. Consistency in crisis communication is also expected to depend on whether leaders coordinate crisis management. Comparing crisis communication in Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, this paper shows that centralisation does not automatically lead to consistent crisis communication. At the same time, decentralised decision making does not necessarily undermine consistency. Overall, crisis communication tends to be more consistent when leaders coordinate crisis management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When scholars address presidential agenda setting, they focus on how presidents go about getting what they want. We know far less about the prior step: how presidents decide what they want (agenda construction). Moreover, prior work that has dealt with this topic has focused on the external constraints imposed on presidential choice by Congress and public opinion. I contend, by contrast, that presidents have considerable agency in determining their domestic policy priorities. They rely on it to establish who they are and where they want to take the nation, putting forward their own "political projects." I situate this agency in the selection of agenda items and the manner and sequence in which presidents pursue them. Failing to account for this "power of initiative and origination" leaves us with an underspecified understanding of presidential decision making that obscures the consequentiality of leadership in driving important policy outcomes. I develop this argument by exploring three presidential administrations that pose a hard test for my agency thesis: Richard Nixon, George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush. These case studies draw from archival records obtained at the associated presidential libraries and interviews with senior administration personnel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes that researchers should seek to understand the value conflicts inherent in the career choices of gifted students. This study explored those conflicts using a narrative analysis based on the McAdams (1993) model of personal meaning-making. The subjects were two gifted female political leaders: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Jacinda Ardern. The findings showed that each leader enacted predominantly agentic motives in responding to political challenges and crises; communal motives were enacted as well, but with lower frequency. These results are discussed in relation to the conflicting values and motivations that extraordinarily talented students encounter in forming a cohesive life plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the apartheid era, when the National Party (NP) was in government, development-driven and economic growth initiatives were a distinctive feature in South Africa. Laws and policies drawn and implemented by the apartheid regime favoured the minority white population over most blacks. After the transition period from 1990 to 1994, significant strides were made to transform South Africa's political leadership and governance structures in all aspects of government, and local government became an essential doctrine of development from this period. Post-1994, after the first-ever democratic elections in South Africa and the inauguration of Nelson Mandela (the late) as the first-ever black South African President, developmental local government became an imperative doctrine for the African National Congress Government (ANC). This was also documented in the South African Constitution (1996) as a stepping-stone for economic growth through numerous legislations and policies. However, over the last few years, local government has been confronted with numerous challenges, notwithstanding some of the achievements that have been made. Growing corruption, inequality, nepotism, cadre deployment, and maladministration have presented a daunting task for local government in South Africa's 30 years of democracy. This article aimed to delve into the successes and challenges of local government since 1994, considering the transformation made in South Africa over the last three decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professionalism in local government is a critical aspect of effective governance and service delivery. This study investigates the promotion of professionalism within local government, focusing on a case study of the City of Johannesburg. A qualitative approach is followed using a case study strategy. The primary data was collected through semi-structured interviews and were analysed through a documentary and thematic analysis resulting in the triangulation of data obtained from interviews. In this case study the main findings from the passage indicate that The City of Johannesburg (CoJ) has established policies and a code of conduct to promote professionalism, although professional development and training opportunities are not consistently accessible across all departments. In addition, political interference and leadership changes; disrupt administrative processes and service delivery within the CoJ, underscoring the need for consistent governance frameworks. The final finding echoed that the CoJ has introduced e-services and e-recruitment systems to enhance accessibility, operational efficiency, and citizen engagement, aligning with principles of transparency and citizen-centric governance. In conclusion from this research article, it is apparent that the CoJ has all the correct mechanisms in place however it is not applied effectively enough to achieve its optimal standards set for professionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "The Revisionist Zionism Origins of Classical Liberalism in Israel" by Ran Baratz provides a comprehensive examination of the historical role of Ze'ev Jabotinsky, the founder of Revisionist Zionism, in shaping Israel's transition from a socialist state to a more classical liberal one. The author addresses accusations of fascism against Jabotinsky, highlighting his leadership qualities and refuting claims of a "cult of leadership." The article also discusses Jabotinsky's views on race, emphasizing that his utilization of race was innocent and insignificant in the context of his overall ideology. Furthermore, the author examines Jabotinsky's associations with individuals holding dubious ideologies, arguing that these connections were pragmatic efforts to advance the Zionist cause rather than endorsements of any specific ideology. Finally, the article acknowledges Jabotinsky's belief in the necessity of violent conflict to obtain the land of Israel but emphasizes his pragmatic and realistic analysis of the situation. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On 23 August 1944, Romania changed sides in the Second World War, abandoning the German alliance and declaring war on the German Reich. The Hungarian political leadership subsequently joined in a plan for an offensive against Southern Transylvania, aimed at closing the southern Carpathian passes to the advancing Soviet troops. The operation was carried out in several waves, the first being a joint German-Hungarian offensive launched on 5 September in what was, in fact, the territory of Southern Transylvania. In my study, I examine how the advance of the front line affected the power dynamics in the ethnically mixed settlement of Nagysármás/Sãrmaºu. According to my preliminary hypothesis, the power relations between the two ethnic groups in the village, which was almost equally populated by Romanians and Hungarians, shifted depending on which administration (Romanian or Hungarian) was in control. However, the Jewish population in Nagysármás/Sãrmaºu faced continuous discrimination, and the events during the Hungarian occupation led to a tragedy. The mutual grievances endured poisoned Romanian-Hungarian interethnic relations for decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do male-dominated populist radical right (PRR) parties relate to and influence norms around women's political inclusion and leadership in mainstream political parties? While research has focused on describing the male dominance of PRR parties or its influence on mainstream political parties' policies, particularly immigration, we know less about how PRR parties relate to norms on women's inclusion or gender-balanced representation in mainstream parties. In a theory-building effort, we posit that PRR parties may seek to (a) adapt to mainstream parties' norms and include more women in leading positions (positive contagion) or (b) negatively affect or even challenge norms around women's inclusion in mainstream parties (adverse contagion). Seeking to theorize this relationship further, we explore leadership selection in the Swedish Parliament, where gender balance constitutes a strong norm. Yet, following the 2022 elections, the proportion of women parliamentary leaders dipped below 30% for the first time in decades. At the same time, the Sweden Democrats, a male-dominated PRR party, emerged as the second-largest party in Parliament. Drawing on interviews with nomination committees, party documents, and data on leadership, we empirically investigate continuity and change in committee leadership appointments in the Swedish Parliament and the role of the radical right in this process. We do not find signs of adverse contagion in the short run: as of 2023, norms promoting gender balance appear to remain robust and enjoy widespread support among mainstream parties. Yet, neither do we find signs of positive contagion where the radical right adapts to mainstream norms around gender balance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attention to leadership matters because leaders often set the tone and agenda for how academic learning occurs, is viewed, and gets valued. These agendas are influenced by social matters that turn political in conflict involving anger and sadness. Yet, emotions are not analyzed in educational leadership scholarship concerning anti-oppression and specifically race and racism subjects. As such, concerns about racial justice leadership in the current political and policy milieu warrants closely examining the role of emotion in leadership. Inspired by critical theoretical methodologies, this essay brings narrative and emotion theories in education to bear on political and policy subjects in leadership and policy, particularly those on race. The objective is to address emotion as it happens in a narrative about political and policy subjects generally, and particularly that of race and racism. This theoretical analysis demonstrates that emotions related to race matters in leadership and policy are a key. Based on this reality, advancing anti-oppressive educational leadership and policy necessitates bringing attention to a grossly neglected subject—emotion. This documentation and theoretical emotion analysis is a novel shift in how to mitigate the occupational burnout that happens during anti-oppressive education in educational leadership and policy on race subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the prevalence of illiberal attitudes among aspiring state legislative candidates in the United States. While extensive research has questioned underlying levels of support for liberal democratic principles among the general public in the United States, we are the first to document the extent to which illiberal attitudes are present among the rising class of political leadership in the United States. We find that while the support for democratic principles is relatively high, there are substantial portions of candidates willing to encourage undemocratic behaviors in some areas. We also see some notable differences between candidates of the two major parties. Specifically, while Republicans are substantially more likely to agree that it is sometimes necessary to challenge election results when they lose, Democrats are more tolerant of restrictions—both from government and employers—on extreme viewpoints. Overall, our findings suggest that support for many democratic principles are high, but certain components of democracy may not be well sustained by those who aspire to elected office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, titled "Editor's Introduction: Structures of Feeling," is part of the journal Positions. It explores various cultural movements and works that respond to different constraints. The article begins by discussing the unrecognized legacies of far-right movements in archival collections and ends with a critique of nationalist ideologies through the documentary medium. The collection of articles covers topics such as Korean proletarian melodrama, Japanese literature in English translation, Chinese feminist iconography, and the production of finance-themed novels in 1990s China. The articles highlight alternative formations of affects and modes of thought that emerge in the cultural sphere. [Extracted from the article]

This article comprehensively examines Donald Trump's political leadership, arguing that his tenure as the 45th President of the United States exhibited characteristics commonly associated with authoritarian mob bosses. Drawing upon various empirical evidence and theoretical political science frameworks, the study sheds light on the underlying dynamics that shaped Trump's leadership style and its implications for democratic governance. The analysis begins by contextualizing Trump's rise to power within the erosion of democratic norms. It explores how his rhetoric, characterized by demagoguery and the demonization of opponents, mirrors the tactics employed by mob bosses to consolidate their power and suppress dissent. Moreover, the study uncovers the striking similarities between Trump's administration management and the hierarchical structures of organized crime, highlighting his reliance on loyalty, personal connections, and a disregard for institutional checks and balances. Furthermore, this research delves into Trump's autocratic tendencies, as evidenced by his disdain for the free press, attacks on the judiciary, and attempts to undermine the integrity of democratic processes. It reveals how these actions align with the strategies employed by authoritarian leaders to silence opposition and perpetuate their dominance. By examining Trump's presidency through process tracing, this study contributes to our understanding of the complex relationship between authoritarianism and the erosion of democratic institutions. The findings underscore the urgent need for continued scholarly and public scrutiny of leaders who exhibit traits akin to authoritarian mob bosses to safeguard the principles of democratic governance and protect the integrity of liberal democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both Plato and Confucius were deeply concerned with moral cultivation and political leadership, topics that were inherently gendered in ancient patriarchal societies. I show that both thinkers focused their discussions on concepts that were associated with male aristocratic ideals of gentlemanliness. Yet while Confucian texts emphasize moral behavior and ritual to beautify the male body (shen 身), Plato focuses on the cultivation of a non-physical soul, which women also possess. Various theories have been proposed to explain this difference in their understandings of the self, but when we bear the gendered nature of their inquiry in mind, an important difference takes center stage: for Socrates, the male body is an object of sexual desire. This paper highlights the influence of homoerotic desire in Plato’s unique approach to gentlemanliness, offering a new perspective for comparing these philosophers' views on gender, cultivation, and leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a systematic review of some of the research streams characterizing the body of leadership literature on public sector leadership as informed by traditional leadership journals. It notes that the public sector is extensively studied by leadership scholars. Among the research streams found in that scholarship are administrative leadership, political leadership, and reforms/innovations. It also proposes directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid the array of challenges prompted by the COVID-19 pandemic, the policy response of governments proved vital. Different states in the U.S. pursued varied policy approaches that demonstrated distinct divergences in impact. Particularly, contrasting state contexts produced markedly assorted frameworks for the delivery of public health services, which indicate potential effects for COVID-19 policy implementation. Using the rates of COVID-19 vaccination as a measure of policy execution, the purpose of this study is to examine the political and administrative influences contributing to differences in COVID-19 public health policy outcomes among the states in the U.S. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models included data sources of nationally representative information pertaining to state public health attributes of politics and administration during the height of the pandemic and vaccine campaign. The findings suggest that state political leadership and fiscal capacity display significant associations with COVID-19 vaccination disparities, while other administrative indicators did not. The results signal important policy implications for the politics–administration dynamic within the COVID-19 pandemic and offer further understanding toward the roles of federalism and governance in future public health emergencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's political system has continued to maintain a highly centralized regime despite embracing a decentralized development strategy after the 1979 economic reform. The central government frequently makes changes in political leadership to control regional governments. Such political turnover in the regional governments can generate substantial political uncertainty, which affects the overall management direction and environment of Chinese public enterprises. This study analyzes the impact of replacing city-level party secretaries (CPS) on corporate investment in 228 municipal cities in China. Political appointees can replace city-level party secretaries from within and outside the city or from higher levels of the government. Our empirical results show that these kinds of replacements more significantly dampened investment activities in listed private companies than in companies in which the city-level party secretaries have retained their positions. Corporate investment activities decreased more when a city-level party secretary was replaced with a person outside the city or parachuted from central government than when replaced within the city. Moreover, replacement effects were more negative for privatized state-owned enterprises (SOEs) than for the original privately owned companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent political developments suggest that political followership has played increasingly vital roles in modern democratic politics. However, scholarship seemingly lacks proper conceptual and methodological tools for analysing why and how citizens follow their leaders, and what the role of this relationship is in personalised politics and political leadership. Addressing the research gap, this article turns to generic leadership studies for help and introduces its follower-centric models into the field of political science. This venture opens with a review and comparison of some of the different perspectives about political followers in the scholarship on political leadership and personalisation, taking account of their limitations. It then moves on to assess follower-centric models and their empirical results, focusing on observers' perceptions about the characteristics and behaviours of leaders in the attribution of leadership. Based on these models, the article offers a balanced perspective about leader–follower relations. Recommendations for future research directions are presented in the concluding sections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many Commonwealth member states face the brunt of the climate crisis. In the Pacific Island states and the wider Pacific region, the frequency of severe weather events has increased. For instance, in 2023 the island of Vanuatu was impacted by cyclones Judy and Kevin in March and afterwards by cyclone Lola. According to Vanuatu officials, more than 10,000 homes were destroyed and the storms caused massive destruction to Vanuatu's infrastructure and economy. Facing the likelihood that the global temperatures will reach or surpass the 1.5 degrees Celsius target between 2021 and 2040, a grassroots student movement was launched at the University of the South Pacific (USP) based on Emalus Campus, Vanuatu, which ended with a United Nations General Assembly resolution on climate justice and Pacific Island states. Even so, the situation remains alarming for many Commonwealth Small Island Developing States (SIDS) in the Pacific and there are important questions as to how these states will adapt to and mitigate climate change and also address the climate justice issues they face. This article provides a case study on climate justice and Commonwealth member states and looks at measures currently being considered or implemented by political leaders and other stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text is an interview with Vappala Balachandran, a former Indian intelligence officer, who discusses his career and experiences in intelligence work. Balachandran focuses on the relationship between Indian intelligence agencies and political leaders, particularly Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. He highlights the differences in management styles and approaches to intelligence between the two leaders. The text also touches on India's intelligence relationships with neighboring countries, media-intelligence relationships, and the need for better intelligence adjudication. Balachandran criticizes the disruption and dismantling of intelligence processes in recent years and emphasizes the importance of transparency and public participation in intelligence operations. [Extracted from the article]

A typology presents ideal concrete types, and probing their personality and character enables the creation of general patterns. The study of the personality thus grants access to the depth of an idea not only in abstract terms but also in its function as a guide to, and a source of, an ethos. Furthermore, the personality construct plays a significant role in the understanding of historical processes because many events are ascribed or tied to the centrality of a specific individual. The study of typology is especially linked to Eduard Spranger (1882–1963), who claimed that ideal types convey conscious structures. In his view, we can impart significance to actions and behaviors only in relation to the agent's set of values. In his writings, Spranger presented six ideal types. What is the meaning of a typology when discussing a movement such as religious Zionism? In this article, I attempt to trace an ideological portrait of two types that, in my estimate, created through their personality and their endeavor the ideological pattern that has accompanied religious Zionism and the religious-Zionist idea throughout this movement's existence. I set up these two thinkers and entrepreneurs as pure types, even though no such types exist in reality. I present the pure types as founded on dominant features although, again, well aware that there are no pure features in the concrete world. Besides describing the characteristic features of the two types, I will argue that the interaction between the patterns they established facilitates understanding of several historical events. These patterns at times continue one another but, mainly, they confront one another. To illustrate their course, I will relate to two historical episodes where these personality patterns come forth, one that took place a few years after R. Reines' death and the other about fifty years later or more, whose implications are felt up to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French Army has not always enjoyed a harmonious relationship with its political leadership. Its sobriquet, the 'Great Mute' is something of a misnomer, as it is an institution that has certainly made its voice heard at several junctures in modern French history. Recently, the two Tribunes des Militaires (soldiers' tribunes) expressed the fear among several retired and active officers and enlisted servicemen and women, that France is headed for 'ruin' and civil war. This study represents the first in-depth analysis of the tribunes, its connections to the far right, putschist pretentions and civil war rhetoric. This article positions these tribunes within the historical context of previous French military political interventions, examines its rhetoric and establishes the extent to which it presents a far-right sponsored call to military insurrection. This analysis is of importance, given the seriousness of the claims made in the tribunes and the central significance of civil-military relations for any state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of the Faculty of Law at the University of Palermo, highlighting its significance within the broader context of Sicilian higher education. Topics include the lack of historical studies on other faculties in Palermo, the importance of archival sources for future research, and the faculty's pivotal role in shaping local and national political leadership.

This article features a leaked WhatsApp message to the British Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak. It was written by Mark E Avelli, a political consultant who sets out what has happened recently in the UK and how he suggests Sunak should act if he wants to remain unsuccessful. That sounds counter-intuitive but not when framed by the revolutionary political theory embraced by the consultant: success is rooted in understanding that victory is not to be acquired by saying and doing the right thing, but the opposite. Only when we understand that nobody actually wants political power and the responsibility that inevitably comes with it, do the actions of politicians make any kind of sense. Or for those keen on a short consulting takeaway to use in teaching political leadership: 'fail fast and keep failing'. The focus here is obviously on the UK, but for readers in other countries that are led or used to be led by similar leaders, this article provides an explanation for why we keep electing people who appear to have no idea what they're doing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nature and pattern of sustenance of democratic rule in Nigeria since the inception of the fourth republic which followed the exit of military rulers in 1999 have continued to generate scholarly debates. The conundrum of whether or not the country has freed itself from the ominous influence of the culture of military rule is a huge concern. Using former President Obasanjo and current President Buhari as case studies, this article examines the extent to which the reemergence of Nigeria's former military Heads of State as civilian administrators since 1999 has affected constitutionalism and democratization in Nigeria's political leadership. The patterns of administration of civilian government as well as democratic infractions of both regimes are considered. The paper relies on secondary data and the descriptive method of analysis. The Military Transition Model, a strand of Transition Theory, was used as a framework for further clarification. Rather than improve on the tenets of democracy, findings show that elements of absolutism and arbitrary rule are strongly perceptible. There are no convincing proofs that the reappearance of Nigeria's former military rulers into political leadership is reinforcing the country's long awaited democratization processes. The current political leadership in Nigeria has not demonstrated sufficient political will to eschew the dregs of contempt for rule of law. The study concludes that problems of democratic infractions are prevalent in the current political system largely due to the persisting influence of military culture of political leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The upsurge in big-ticket infrastructure projects in Iloilo City for the past two decades owes much to the developmental alliance amongst Senator Franklin Drilon as the national government benefactor, multi-term city mayors, and the local business sector. These government officials' prolonged tenure in office afforded a stable political leadership that ensured long-term planning around key infrastructure projects and continued access to national government funding. Robust institutional and informal ties between political and economic elites enabled consensus-building on the virtues of market-driven growth for which infrastructure is key. The Drilon political machine orchestrated a diverse but astutely networked group of local businesses by involving them in formal participatory planning processes, thereby facilitating approval of big-ticket items, and by influencing bureaucrats from national government agencies to approve the projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]