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The essay "Melancholy. Metamorphosis of a political illusion" by Elizabeth Duval addresses topics such as patriotism, politics, ideology, and sentimentalism. Duval criticizes the lack of clarity in the exposition of ideas and advocates for hope in the future. She also discusses the importance of identity, family, freedom, and human progress. She emphasizes the need to love Spain and advocates for a communal approach in the construction of identity. [Extracted from the article]

Public order is a central and complex notion. This essay tries to provide the basic elements for a general theoretical critique of such a category, that is deeply employed in political and legal thought. In such a perspective, the analysis is divided into five different parts: the ontology, the physics, the politics, the ethics, and the esthetics of public order. The working mechanisms and the presuppositions of each part are carefully scrutinised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Alteridad: Revista de Educación is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Spanish Journal of Comparative Education / Revista Española de Educación Comparada is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Retos: Nuevas Perspectivas de Educación Física, Deporte y Recreación is the property of Federacion Espanola de Asociaciones de Docentes de Educacion Fisica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Traditional and complementary medicine has always aided the global population in managing various ailments and its role has been acknowledged by World Health Organization. The G20 is the leading global platform for economic collaboration, influencing international policies across sectors such as agriculture, culture, the digital economy, education, employment, finance, and health to guide resilient global strategies. This study highlights conversations within the health working group of the Sherpa track, focusing in particular on traditional medicines and their diverse intersecting aspects. The information was collected from publications by G20 Indian presidency including G20 communications, think tanks (T20), press releases, speeches, and policy briefs. Throughout four health working group meetings, two side events organized by the Ministry of Ayush, and three joint health‐finance task force meetings, key topics discussed included digital health, Universal Health Coverage, Medical Value Travel through wellness tourism, a One‐Health approach, primary healthcare, Yoga, biodiversity, access and benefit sharing of natural resources, and scientific evidence—all of which were connected to traditional medicines. Unlike past G20 presidencies, the Indian G20 presidency recognize the importance of traditional medicines, marking renewed cooperation in this area. The "Gujrat Declaration 2023" must act as a guiding beacon for crafting robust policies concerning traditional medicines on a global scale. The Ministry of Ayush has excelled in advancing traditional medicine systems across all its sectors through well‐organized and intellectually enriching discussions. Upcoming G20 presidencies should build on the discussions about traditional medicine initiated by the Indian presidency and elevate them to new heights. Considering traditional medicine's unique logic, principals, validity, and largescale patient dependency, efforts should be made to form a dedicated sub‐working group within the health working group to delve deeper into the subject. Key Points: Traditional and complementary medicine are acknowledged by the World Health Organization and the forum provided by the G20 is encouraging cooperation and shaping global policies.India's G20 Presidency encouraged the pursuit of digital health, universal health coverage, medical value tourism, one‐health, primary healthcare, Yoga, and biodiversity with a key emphasis on scientific validation of traditional medicines.The "Gujrat Declaration 2023" will be a guiding beacon for crafting resilient policies as the outcomes of India's G20 presidency recognize traditional medicine as a promising new area for significant cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been longstanding international fascination with the British National Health Service since it was established in 1948. The British population itself has offered enduring support for the principles and institutions of public provision. However, coverage of the NHS has typically been uneven in academic and policy debates. There is limited understanding of some darker corners of NHS provision resulting in a partial picture of public service provision. Public dentistry has been a Cinderella service in broader debates about the NHS and a check‐up is overdue. We offer a long‐term view of dentistry that assesses the current state of dental health policy, including its gradual decay. We examine the purpose of dentistry and the challenge of injecting fundamental National Health Service values (weighted capitation and a focus on need) into services and which necessitates redistribution and tackling shibboleths of NHS provision. Alongside political values and public attitudes, we examine the interests of professional stakeholders and how the combination of values, attitudes, and interests does not currently cohere into a sustainable policy. We explore how dentistry might recover purpose and respond to need. Discussion is prescient considering an acknowledged crisis in British dental care, including widespread public and media coverage, and with 2024 being a general election year with NHS provision a familiar battleground. Key Points: Dentistry remains an overlooked and neglected corner in academic understanding and analysis of contemporary British healthcare and the NHS.Our succinct analysis of dentistry assesses the current state of dental health policy. It examines the purpose of dentistry and the challenge of injecting fundamental NHS values into services.It asks how dentistry might recover purpose and respond to need. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines many of the Taliban's prominent positions and dynamics in the Afghan state. The Taliban has had few explicit political goals. Instead, its policies have focused on reshaping Afghan society and re‐establishing the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The Taliban conflicted with the Afghan Republic (2001−2021) and faced repeated administrative problems and opposition in realizing their minor political goals. They have re‐emerged in Afghanistan following the U.S. withdrawal. This article compares factors such as corruption, ethnicity, dictatorship, and politics between the Taliban and the Republic. It uses the fragile state framework to explain the continuation of the conflict in Afghanistan, analyzing historical discourse. This article primarily relies on survey data, focusing on the views of Afghan people concerning the Republic and the Taliban. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine the outbursts of a white passenger on a London tram, antagonizing others through swearing, nationalist, racist and anti-immigrant talk and the responses of carriage members to her confrontational talk. Our analysis uses a video recording of the event made by a passenger that circulated widely on social and news media. We document multiple forms of response, including the video-witnessing itself. We describe how the trouble-making passenger antagonizes other passengers in order to produce opponents. In addition, we track how members of the carriage, in responding, show their right to respond, seek to avoid the terms of the confrontation and, once constituted as political opponents, their opposition to the politics being expressed. In examining the responses to the trouble-making and the politics being contested between the persons involved and, in tracking how public transport is attempted to be transformed into an ad hoc agora, we contribute to Barnett's work on convening public space, ordinary action, and politics in human geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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La política ha captado la atención de filósofos e historiadores desde la antigüedad griega. No sólo ha fascinado a quienes la han practicado, sino que su estudio ha llenado innumerables volúmenes de la producción intelectual universal. Poco a poco el estudio de los fenómenos políticos se ha ido afinando, de manera tal que en la época contemporánea se puede hacer una clara distinción entre filosofía política (el deber ser de la polítoica) y ciencia política (la política tal cual es. Analizar y discutir los asuntos públicos, el bien común y las relaciones de poder es algo que se hizo desde la antigüedad, cuando surgió la filosofía política. Lo que es relativamente moderno es el estudio de la política como ciencia, ya que una disciplina adquiere el carácter de científica cuando tiene un objeto autónomo y específico de conocimiento y sus propios métodos de investigación.

En este estudio realizaremos una investigación sociolingüística sobre la variación lingüística de un fenómeno fonético concreto en el habla de los dos últimos presidentes del gobierno de Andalucía: Susana Díaz Pacheco y Juan Manuel Moreno Bonilla. El fenómeno fonético mencionado es la elisión del fonema dental aproximante sonoro en posición intervocálica. Para ser más exactos, llevaremos a cabo un análisis de la pronunciación del sonido /d/ en posición intervocálica en el habla de estos políticos, teniendo en cuenta su relevancia política. De esta manera, seremos capaces de estudiar cómo Susana Díaz y Juanma Moreno conforman su identidad lingüística a través de la realización de un segmento aproximante sonoro. Partiendo, por tanto, de esa variable lingüística y de sus respectivas variantes lingüísticas dependientes, tomaremos igualmente en consideración algunas variables lingüísticas independientes y analizaremos cuáles son los factores extralingüísticos que determinan la pronunciación de dichos políticos andaluces. Primeramente, especificaremos la presencia o no de una notable variación lingüística según su sexo y su militancia política; seguidamente, observaremos si existe divergencia en su forma de pronunciar la /d/ intervocálica cuando se encuentran sumergidos en un área lingüística diferente a la suya propia y que es, además, considerada como más prestigiosa. Y, finalmente, trataremos de localizar las posibles disimilitudes en distintos tipos de discurso. Para poder alcanzar los objetivos aquí planteados, haremos uso de un corpus íntegramente oral que recopila ejemplos reales. En nuestros resultados hemos podido comprobar que, en efecto, existen variaciones lingüísticas relativas a la pronunciación del fonema dental aproximante sonoro en las intervenciones de algunos presidentes andaluces, quienes intentan acercarse a la realización meridional de este fonema, esto es, la elisión total del mismo. Sin embargo, aún sigue siendo notablemente predominante la realización centro-septentrional del sonido aquí analizado y, por ende, una indiscutible convergencia, en términos generales, hacia el español estándar.

El fanzine es una producción artística, independiente y transgresora que replantea desde su estética la función social y crítica del arte como medio de liberación y de expresión. Este artículo discute las implicaciones del fanzine como una estrategia divulgativa, a partir de la pregunta: ¿cual ha sido el rol del fanzine como propuesta de transformación social desde el arte? Para dar respuesta a este interrogante, se examinan fuentes documentales editadas entre los años de 1985 y 2000, las cuales abordan problemáticas como la violencia, el conflicto armado y la relación de las personas con las políticas gubernamentales en Colombia. Se concluye que el fanzine es una producción artística y cultural cuya independencia y naturaleza la convierte en una estrategia de expresión crítica y se constituye en respuesta histórica a coyunturas sociales y culturales transgresoras de la sociedad.

O presente artigo se debruça sobre a atuação da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica (FPE) no Congresso Nacional, com foco na maneira como seus membros incorporam e reinterpretam discursos liberais para justificar e perpetuar práticas patrimonialistas na política brasileira. Trata-se de um recorte de uma tese de doutorado em Geografia que teve como objetivo central analisar as relações entre religião, política e poder no Brasil no período da redemocratização (1988-2022). A pesquisa se baseou em uma metodologia qualitativa, combinando diferentes técnicas de coleta de dados, com ênfase na análise documental de leis, projetos de lei, discursos parlamentares e materiais oficiais da FPE. Assim, ao analisar a atuação dessa bancada de deputados, o estudo demonstrou como discursos liberais podem ser utilizados para mascarar práticas patrimonialistas e perpetuar desigualdades sociais, contribuindo para uma melhor compreensão das complexas relações entre religião, política e poder na sociedade brasileira contemporânea.

OBJETIVOS: Pouco se sabe sobre a participação cívica da pessoa idosa no Brasil, por isso propôs-se investigar os fatores associados à participação dos idosos nas eleições presidenciais de 2010. MÉTODOS: Foram analisados os dados do inquérito epidemiológico, transversal e observacional realizado no período de 2010 a 2011, com 7.315 idosos identificados por visita domiciliar usando amostragem aleatória dos setores censitários de 59 cidades do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. Análise de regressão logística usou como variável dependente a informação dicotômica se o idoso teria ou não votado na eleição de 2010 (votou) e como variáveis independentes: sociodemográficas, hábitos de vida, dificuldades de locomoção, autopercepção de saúde e número de morbidades. RESULTADOS: Independente da idade, 71% dos entrevistados idosos votou. O percentual de idosos entre 60 e 69 anos que votaram foi maior do que o observado na população geral. Homens e mulheres apresentaram frequências semelhantes. Foram fatores significativos para ter votado nas eleições de 2010: idade, escolaridade, autopercepção de saúde, morbidades, característica da locomoção, segurança, ler jornais, assistir noticiário na televisão, atividades comunitárias, atividade física regular, atividade econômica e conhecer o Estatuto do Idoso. CONCLUSãO: Idosos votantes no Rio Grande do Sul são mais jovens, casados, com ótima ou boa autopercepção de saúde, com maior número de morbidades, sem dificuldades de locomoção, se mantém informados, conhecem o Estatuto do Idoso e são ativos, tanto social, quando física e economicamente.

El objetivo general es sintetizar la realidad de la literatura científica sobre el modelo de salario emocional para mejorar el compromiso laboral en las organizaciones de salud. Se realizó una revisión sistemática, utilizando el método PRISMA en Scopus, Scielo, PubMed y Web of Science en el 2024. Se han obtenido 2266 artículos distribuyendo en Scielo (1202), Scopus (444), Web of Science (335) y PubMed (285). Finalmente, se dispuso de 15 artículos para su revisión cuyos criterios de inclusión fueron: palabras clave (emotional salary, work commitment, health centers, salario emocional, compromiso laboral y centro de salud) mediante el conector and; periodo de la información entre 2019 al 2023, accesibilidad a los datos completos, así como las características metodológicas y temáticas identificadas después de la revisión de los resúmenes y contenidos de los artículos. En los resultados, se reconoce que el salario emocional está presente en la mayor parte de las organizaciones, de acuerdo a 60% de los artículos; mientras que el compromiso laboral es aceptable en la mayoría de las organizaciones, de acuerdo al 50% de los artículos. Se concluye que el salario emocional está estrechamente relacionado con el compromiso laboral en las organizaciones de salud.

En su reflexión acerca de la política, Hannah Arendt se vio obligada de dar cuenta de la importancia de la filosofía hegeliana para la moderna concepción de los asuntos humanos. El objeto de este artículo reside en el análisis de la naturaleza ambivalente, con respecto a lo político, que Arendt localiza en el pensamiento de Hegel. De acuerdo con Arendt, en Hegel se da, por un lado, una rehabilitación de la política, dado que el pensador alemán deshecha definitivamente la convicción metafísica de que a la esfera de la acción no pertenece verdad ninguna; no obstante, y al mismo tiempo, se alcanzan ciertos resultados que tendieron a fijarse en un concepto anti-político de los asuntos humanos, ajustado a ciertos derroteros dominantes en la Modernidad. En Hegel, en suma, se presentan, en un mismo gesto, las promesas modernas de la política, pero también sus riesgos, paradojas y callejones ciegos.

Este artículo pretende abrir una vía de investigación para explorar en qué sentido la metodología y algunas de las obras de Hannah Arendt pueden ser interpretadas como formas de historia cultural. Esta primera incursión se realizará, en especial, a partir del estudio de tres escritos que coinciden en su época de publicación Rahel Varnhagen (1957), La condición humana (1958) y «Cultura y política» (1959) y que tratan desde diferentes aristas el tema de la relación entre la cultura y la política: desde el vínculo entre la socialización de la cultura y la asimilación judía, desde la posición del arte en las actividades de la vita activa y desde la su teoría política y sus reflexiones sobre la crisis en la cultura.

El presente artículo problematiza el sentido de una “estética” en la obra de Félix Guattari. A diferencia de la bibliografía existente que se centra en la obra de Deleuze, en el trabajo conjunto de Deleuze y Guattari y en la tardía noción guattariana de paradigma estético, aquí proponemos alternativamente ocuparnos del período temprano del militante francés. Dado que las referencias al arte atraviesan la totalidad de sus escritos, se trata aquí de un doble movimiento: acotar las múltiples indicaciones sobre el arte (y la estética), tanto como vincular estas con el resto del universo discursivo guattariano. Nuestra pregunta de investigación es, por tanto, la siguiente: ¿qué conceptualización del arte se vislumbra para él entre 1955 y 1980? Para esto dividimos el texto en tres apartados: una introducción problematizadora, un cuerpo donde visitamos cronológicamente los textos para obtener los sentidos de una posible “estética” y un cierre a modo de conclusión.

Analisa fontes ligadas a Operação Condor encontradas em meio ao Archivo del Terror no Paraguai. A situação política do país guarani na segunda metade do século XX, momento em que o general Alfredo Stroessner sobe ao poder por meio de um golpe militar e acaba se tornando um dos ditadores mais longevos da América do Sul, seu mandato vai de 1954 a 1989, com uma base sustentada por instituições do Estado, pelo aparato bélico dos militares e partidos políticos que lhe apoiavam, como o Partido Colorado. A análise centra-se em documentos prevenientes do próprio poder ditatorial, documentos que foram encontrados no final do ano de 1992 próximo de Assunção. O acervo é composto por milhares de documentos de diversas tipologias, como ofícios, memorandos, cartas, convites, ordens, relatórios, controles diversos, entre outros. Alguns sem importância histórica enquanto outros com valor histórico, justamente pelos detalhes com que trazem informações. Os resultados do artigo provem de uma análise qualitativa das fontes, procurando desvelar fatos escusos da história contemporânea do Paraguai que mostram a violência existente nesse contexto.

Este artigo apresenta o panorama do rádio de proximidade a partir das conexões estabelecidas com a política no estado de Mato Grosso do Sul, situado no Centro-Oeste do Brasil. Metodologicamente, a investigação está alicerçada no método da cartografia que permitiu identificar, a partir do inventário da radiodifusão sonora sul-mato-grossense, os políticos que detêm ou detiveram concessão de rádio na atualidade ou num passado recente, bem como identificar os políticos comunicadores com representatividade estadual, que recorrem as ondas sonoras para lograr êxito nas urnas. O vínculo entre rádio e política, a partir do viés econômico assegurada por meio de publicidade estatal, foi mensurada a partir de questionário estruturado aplicado junto aos dirigentes de 16 estações situadas nas principais cidades de Mato Grosso do Sul. Os dados demonstram que a relação entre rádio e política perpassa pela questão da propriedade, dependência econômica no aspecto da sustentabilidade por meio de publicidade estatal e programação conduzida por agentes políticos que recorrem a esta estratégia para fidelizar potenciais eleitores em sufrágios realizados bianualmente no território de proximidade.

El principal propósito de la presente investigación consiste en analizar cuáles son los elementos que constituyen, definen y diferencian la propuesta jusnaturalista sostenida por Lorenzo Peña de otras corrientes como el esencialismo jurídico, asimismo, la vinculación que esta pueda manifestar directamente con la filosofía como con la política. En particular, me interesa analizar cómo la teorización jusnaturalista que realiza el autor se configura en un complejo entramado filosófico que tiene como resultado la exigencia de cierto sistema político que vaya acorde a los postulados y axiomas que el jusnaturalismo de Peña contiene. Finalmente, se verificará el hilo conductor que atraviesa y une estas tres esferas: filosofía, derecho y política.

Copyright of Iberoromania is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Academic evaluations of the relationship between religion, secularization, and far-right collective actors have grown increasingly complicated. New religious immigrants, seen as invaders importing contradictory values imposed on the populous by EU elites, may threaten Christian and irreligious Europeans. Europe has been secularizing for decades, concurrent with a resurgence in far-right collective action, but this far-right resurgence has also accompanied an increase in religious discourse in politics. In this study, I investigate the relationship between religion, secularization, and far-right collective action utilizing three case studies. I find, with some caveats, that in Hungary, Fidesz motivates Christian voters with religious nationalist appeals, while assertive secularization motivates irreligious voters in the Netherlands. Italy is more complex, where far-right collective actors are less able to monopolize social issues. These findings speak to the critical role religious values and institutions play in shaping voter preferences and present competing options for secularist politics moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Index: Revista de Arte Contemporaneo is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of World Water Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The literature on the articulation between youth and politics frequently oscillates between pessimistic visions, which point to the little participation and disinterest shown by young people or, on the contrary, by more optimistic visions, which highlight the vigor of more diffuse and extra-institutional forms of participation. In fact, since we are dealing with a vast and heterogeneous age category, marked by very distinct sociocultural conditions, both visions certainly portray juvenile realities. They are not, therefore, absolutely antagonistic perspectives. In this article we seek to discuss the issues of the articulation between youth and politics from a conception of youth as a political subject, marked by a condition of liminality (and subalternity). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compares the disasters between 1802 and 1812 in South America, differentiating the use of political and religious discourse between those of biological origin, such as smallpox, and geological origin, such as an earthquake. The knowledge that circulated at that time about the possible causes of these phenomena ranged from more scientific explanations in the context of the Enlightenment movement to more traditional opinions rooted in a providential thought inherited from the Ancien Régime. To answer these research questions, official documents, letters, newspapers of the time, and files from the General Archive of the Indies, the National Historical Archive of Spain, and a specialized bibliography were used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last three months of 1943, a technical committee composed of leaders of the Chilean Teachers' Union (UPCH) together with writers and artists created the Silabario Democrático, which was finally put into circulation in 1944. The aim of this paper is to approach the contents of the Silabario first by succinctly reconstructing its context of production and then developing a general reading of its contents, divided into its four sections. We argue that although the text proposes as an immediate task to contribute to the eradication of illiteracy, it also had as a tacit objective to promote the identification of the reader/student with a class (the working class) and with a national identity (being Chilean) both united by their own interpretation of national history where the governments of the Popular Front were considered as the peak of democratic possibilities. Methodologically, the Silabario Democrático was used as raw material to carry out a content analysis, for the contextual reconstruction, documents of UPCH conventions were used, as well as newspapers of national circulation such as El Siglo, La Nación and the UPCH newspaper, Unidad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, implicitly animated by the thoughts of Félix Guattari, Gilles Deleuze and, above all, Michel Foucault, seeks to constitute an assemblage between education, neoliberalism, democracy, and politics in our present, pointing out and problematizing some of the dilemmas and challenges that we face in our contemporary times. Starting from a paradox that riddles both education and democracy, it critically reviews some of the ambitions, peculiarities, and excessive unmeasured pretensions of modern education, until the rupture of "May 68", which imposes a redefinition of theoretical, philosophical, and political perspectives of action. It is then argued that the advent of neoliberalism was accompanied by a movement that, simultaneously, empties politics, making it secondary, eclipsing it and, furthermore, exchanging it for techno-business management, thus weakening not only democracy, but also the conditions of possibility of instituting an insurgent education. In this sense, the paper examines a series of factors involved in this process (the crisis of financialspeculative capitalism of 2008 and its effects, the phenomenon of social networks and algorithmic governmentality, processes of subjectivation and precariousness of "the living", the rise of neo-fascism and "security democracies", among others), highlighting the importance of returning politics to the first plan of educational actions and theorization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic addressed in this work is of great relevance and has been widely discussed by educators and people who, in one way or another, are involved with education. The relationship between formal education and political participation is an old and essential subject for the maintenance and strengthening of democracies. In the historical context of the constitution of society, it is possible to observe that human formation for autonomy has always been the goal of those who proposed to think and practice education in a way committed to ethics and politics. Autonomy is undoubtedly one of the great ideals of human formation. From Modernity onwards, and especially with the birth and development of science and technology, education began to follow the rules of consumption dictated by the media, professionalization, and instrumentalization, reducing the field of education to the functional formalities necessary to operate under the aegis of technical rationality. In this way, the aim is to highlight the meaning of education as politics in the modernization process that prioritizes bureaucracy, productivity, and efficiency, to the detriment of human, intellectual work and living, creative, and questioning thought. This study questions the meaning of education and seeks to establish it as a human achievement committed to ethical and political practice in search of the best way of life in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our objective is to pay tribute to the invaluable figure of the master Carlos Walter Porto-Gonçalves, who taught us to look at and get involved in reality from the critical thinking and the heart. It also shows a weaving of threads of experiences shared in Chiapas, Mexico with women's collectives. It also honors the thirty years of experience of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), whose territorial and organizational expressions have provided and continue to provide valuable learning and unlearning to those of us who continue to organize for worlds of life without exploitation, contempt, dispossession and violence. From a participatory and committed advocacy methodology, they seek to open questions and imaginaries to rethink politics beyond the established canons, inspired by these experiences. The results invite to collectively test and learn new practices rooted in Mother Earth, rooted in the territories, guided by rebellious dignity and with a community vocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, factions and seniority determined who became President of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and, thus, Japan's Prime Minister. Since the electoral reform of 1994, however, some scholars have argued that the role of factions has declined, and this has led to ongoing debates over the extent to which factions and other factors have helped determine who will become the leader of Japan's LDP. Using data from the 2021 LDP Presidential election, we find that it is not policy but factional affiliations that matter for LDP members in selecting their leader. In addition to this finding, we disaggregate faction and show that the influence of this political institution in LDP Presidential elections varies across different factions. We also find that electorally weaker LDP incumbents are more likely to support a candidate who is more popular among Japanese voters in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture has implemented various measures to ensure a stable food supply, considering food security a top priority due to the increasing uncertainty of the global economy. However, the ministry's food security policy has evolved substantially with a disproportionate focus on the domestic production of specific food products. This policy change occurred without being widely recognized by the public, media, or intellectuals. Why has the Agricultural Ministry's policy changed even though its goal has remained the same? By applying both qualitative and quantitative research methods, we investigated the context behind this obscure policy transition. Our findings reveal that, contrary to conventional understanding, this policy shift occurred not so much due to political pressure from the agricultural sector, but mainly because of a change in the definition of a key policy concept (i.e., the food self‐sufficiency rate) in the late 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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