Search

The failure of the November uprising in 1831 and the resultant Great Polish Emigration not only caused the massive exodus of elites from the Polish Kingdom to western Europe and, consequently, the organization of pro-independence activities from their exile, but also highly influenced the discourse about the geographical shape and political nature of the (desired) future Polish state. The majority of this discourse was represented by memoranda and newspapers, yet there were also other relevant sources to promote the ideas of various factions. In my study I suggest that cartographical representations have also played an important role in both of the mentioned levels of discourse. This conclusion was made as a result of the analysis of Karta dawnej Polski, the only map of the former PolishLithuanian Commonwealth in its pre-1772 borders created by emigres. This project was led by Wojciech Chrzanowski and was under the patronage of the aristocratic faction led by Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski (known as Hotel Lambert). By applying the methodological approach, which has been presented by John Brian Harley, and focusing on the historical and anthropological attributes of the map rather than solely on its empirical description, I conclude with the suggestion that this map communicated various narratives at both levels of discourse. The most evident was its military narrative, which has promoted the idea of an armed uprising as the only possible way to restore an independent Polish state. The second concerned the ideas cultivated by the representatives of Hotel Lambert regarding the shape and nature of a future state. According to this opinion, Poland could become a political entity only if its pre-1772 borders were reinstated. Within the emigrational discourse, the idea of a restored state with pre-1772 borders was not a unique assumption. On the other hand, the Karta dawnej Polski might have been an important asset comparable to Russian cartographical projects (mainly the "Three-verst map") which presented the territory of the Polish Kingdom under the rule of the Russian tsar as a cartographical and therefore objective (legal and legimitate) reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the role of writer James Fenimore Cooper in credibility and publicity to the Polish cause. Topics discussed include circulation of Contributions for the Poles in American newspapers disseminated arguments that inspired political action; involvement of military in the uprising and joined in the distribution of rifles from the arsenal; and return of peace, security and happiness.

The article reports on military education in Poland to 1939. Topics discussed include the history of technical education in Preparatory School for the Polytechnic Institute in Warsaw, functioning in 1826-1831; the scope of teaching mathematics, natural subjects, technical and technology education in secondary and tertiary education in the Polytechnic Institute; why academic leaders there began to organize military education in which the mathematics, physical and technical subjects played an important role; and military schools providing students technical developments as well as military education in the Warsaw Principality of Poland during and after the November Uprising.

Pope Gregory XVI (1831–46) was an experienced church diplomat in Russian affairs when he agreed to assist the Russian government in quelling the Polish uprising of 1830–31, a revolt that involved not a few prominent Polish clergy. Impensa Caritas (February 1831) admonished clergy to remain devoted to their spiritual duties, to refrain from revolutionary activity, and to obey legitimate authority. The pope’s decision to cooperate resulted from a series of positive collaborations that began in 1825, most notably with the Armenian Church. Meanwhile, Russia’s request for assistance was made in good faith by Prince Grigory Gagarin, the Russian envoy, to quell the Polish revolt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After settling in France as part of the " Great Emigration" following the November revolt of 1830-31, the Polish writer Konstanty Gaszyhski maintained a copious correspondence with friends and literary colleagues he had known in Warsaw. These letters open a revealing window onto the life of the Polish diaspora in France. Increasingly comfortable in France and captivated by the beauty of Provence, Gaszyhski came to regard that as his second homeland, breaking with the typical Polish exile's longing for the land of his birth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of Polish immigrants in Argentina. The author emphasizes that more Polish people immigrated to Argentina than any other Latin American nation, other than Brazil. The author discusses the role of political events in the migration of Polish political exiles to Argentina, including Poland's failed January Insurrection of 1863 to 1864 and the failed Polish November Uprising of 1830 to 1831. It is emphasized that many Polish immigrants obtained professional positions in the Argentinian government, and several joined the country's armed forces.

This article focuses upon the language of the propaganda texts, targeted at Ukrainians, written by the rebels participating in the Polish uprisings of 1830-1831 and 1848. The language used within this propaganda literature was critical, notes the author, especially its bilingualism (which reflected both the rising status of Ukrainian vis-à-vis Polish, as well as initial stages of vernacular standardization of the Podolian and Volhynian dialects). The author presents an analysis that supports the findings of Olexa Horbach, who maintains that, in Podolia and Volhynia (Right Bank Ukraine) in the 19th century, a form of standard literary Ukrainian developed, existing alongside the Galician (Left Bank Ukraine).

The article discusses the November Uprising in Poland, which occurred in 1830 as part of the Polish-Russian War. The revolt was a reaction staged by Polish cadets against the rule of the Russian Empire. The author specifically examines the participation of the illiterate peasantry in the uprising and their sense of nationalism and patriotism. The voluntary, rather than elite-coerced, involvement of the agricultural classes is said to counter the prevailing belief that peasantry felt little affiliation with an entity such as fatherland or nation.

The Russian military units assembled for the punitive expedition against Poland in 1831 included the Finnish Sharp-Shooter Battalion of the Imperial Guard. The participation of the Finnish Guard in the campaign against Poland was the first concrete testimony of Finnish loyalty towards the Russian Empire, and played a key part in securing Imperial favour for Finnish autonomy. Thus, the November Rising determined the fates of both Poland and Finland for the rest of the nineteenth century, and the continuation of Finnish autonomy was, ironically, partly based on the destruction of Polish autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about the American Revolution as described in Polish mass media between 1788 and 1792. Comments are given about the relations between the wording, interpretation, and practical political impact of the Polish May Constitution. Comparisons are drawn between the U.S., French, and Polish Constitutions during the 18th century. The Polish Senate is described as having a different type of veto right than the U.S. Senate. Further comments are given concerning the publication of articles in Polish journals by various Polish political groups such as Old-Republicans and reformist patriots.

The Russian military units assembled for the punitive expedition against Poland in 1831 included also the Finnish Sharp-Shooter Battalion of the Imperial Guard. The Finnish Guard experienced its hardest battles in the rearguard action against general Skrzynecki's Polish forces in Mazovia in May 1831. Aside the primary records of the Battalion, testimonies of these encounters were also given in the memoirs of Polish officers. The battles in Mazovia were the first time in history when Finnish soldiers had fought and died in service of the Russian Empire, and thus played a part securing the Imperial favor for the Finnish autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses an 1830 Polish November Uprising against the Russian Empire in which the Finnish Sharpshooters' Guard was dispatched to quell the rebellion. The responses of Polish observers to the Finnish soldiers' presence and the consequences of the Finns' participation for Finnish autonomy and the Finnish "national awakening" are examined. The scarcity of primary source material surrounding the incident is attributed to the infancy of media and the lack of literacy among rank-and-file Finnish troops.