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ABSTRACT The article provides a qualitative analysis of the political discourse in highly polarized political environment and the role of political divisions in shaping the collective violence. The paper will summarize attitudes toward pogrom violence of key political parties in pre WW2 Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how the Sikhs define themselves and how others look at them. It examines the link between the Sikh identity and the rivers flowing in and through Punjab. Finally, the paper investigates the water disputes that Punjab has with neighbouring states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literary narratives constitute memory-archives that challenge state silencing of anti-Sikh pogrom of 1984. The paper draws upon Rigney's [2021. "Remaking Memory and the Agency of the Aesthetic." Memory Studies 14 (1): 10–23. https://doi.org/10.1177/175069802097] idea of 'agency of the aesthetic' in generating memorability to show how cultural representations participate in unforgetting of traumatic pasts. The paper argues that in creating memorability of a difficult history, the texts bring state-narrative to a limit and open an alternative space where confrontation with traumatic-memories does not preclude possibility of hope. The texts feed into 'memory-as-relevance' as the mediation of memories of trauma, resilience, and hope carries possibility of effectuating subtle changes in the dominant narrative of anti-Sikh pogrom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Societal constructivists argue that domestic discourses of identity influence foreign policy. After the 1984 pogroms, Pakistan began its efforts to cultivate support among India's Sikhs. This was predicated on cultivating a shared 'monotheistic' identity, which made Sikhism closer to Islam, as compared to Hinduism/India. The paper analyzes how the Pakistani state crafted this narrative using the popular radio show 'Talqeen Shah', and also delve into its wider conceptual implications. Specifically, we illustrate how the Pakistani state, even after undergoing Islamization under the Zia regime, projected an external identity that was at odds with its dominant representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1984, Sikhs witnessed mass slaughter and violence in different centers of urban India. Hundreds of male Sikhs were burnt alive; their women were raped and houses were looted and scorched. No appropriate justice has been meted to the victims to date. It stands as the third Ghallughrara (massacre) in the community's history. The essay argues whether there was any contemporary alternative model to Pogrom where Sikhs were not perceived as enemies to be butchered and enslaved, but Sikhi's message of caste equality communicated a message of hope and stimulated Dalit mobilization in a region far away from north India in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the religious dimension of the violence against the Jews in Eastern Galicia at the start of Operation Barbarossa (the invasion of the Soviet Union by Nazi Germany on June 22, 1941), in June–July 1941. It examines the context of the various attacks, such as the burning of synagogues, the public persecutions of devout Jews, in addition to the verbal insults, especially by priests instigating the local population against their Jewish neighbors. The paper looks at the political use of these narratives, as well as their consequences and justifications.

How do ordinary people choose survival strategies during intense, surprising political violence? Why do some flee violence, while others fight back, adapt, or hide? Individual decision-making during violence has vast political consequences, but remains poorly understood. I develop a decision-making theory focused on individual appraisals of how controllable and predictable violent environments are. I apply my theory, situational appraisal theory, to explain the choices of Indian Sikhs during the 1980s–1990s Punjab crisis and 1984 anti-Sikh pogroms. In original interviews plus qualitative and machine learning analysis of 509 oral histories, I show that control and predictability appraisals influence strategy selection. People who perceive "low" control over threats often avoid threats rather than approach them. People who perceive "low" predictability in threat evolution prefer more-disruptive strategies over moderate, risk-monitoring options. Appraisals explain behavior variation even after accounting for individual demographics and conflict characteristics, and also account for survival strategy changes over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of a Jewish invasion in Romania appeared during the debates on the first constitution (1866) and was revitalized after 1918, as the recently occupied territory of Bessarabia hosted many Jewish groups fleeing revolutionary Russia, the civil war, and pogroms. In this context, the immigrants were depicted by nationalist propaganda as invaders wishing to exploit Romania's wealth and hospitality, and this image was combined with the myth of Judeo-Bolshevism. Thanks to the archival sources of the High Commission for Refugees and of relief organizations such as the Joint Distribution Committee, this paper aims to present in detail the controversial encounter between national security policies and humanitarian concerns for the fate of the refugees. At the same time, it will discuss how the refugee question influenced the Romanian political context, fostering sentiments of antisemitism and xenophobic anxiety. As will be argued, the idea of an invasion was very influential before and after World War I, and conditioned not only the definition of the policies regarding citizenship and minorities, but also the whole political discourse and the shaping of Romanian identity. At the same time, the emergence of refugees and the juxtaposition of humanitarian versus national security was not a purely Romanian affair, and in many aspects anticipated the topics of today's debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the research paper is to analyze the Jewish question in Katerynoslav at the beginning of the 20th century in a socio-political context and uncover the role of monarchical forces, local authorities, and certain public representatives in anti-Semitic politics. The scientific novelty. The social and psychological context of the escalation of racially motivated violence is reconstructed; the particular nature of the understanding of nationalism at the level of the ordinary city residents is shown; the absence of a historiographical tradition of studying Katerynoslav anti-Semitism is revealed; based on archival sources not involved in the research process, the specifics of pogrom policy in Katerynoslav are reconstructed and the motivation of the participants of pogrom actions is analyzed; the role of the Black Hundreds in the spread of anti-Semitism at the local level is characterized; the atmosphere of ambiguous perception of imperial-monarchic power by the gubernia authorities is reconstructed; the permissive and censorship policy in Katerynoslav regarding Jews and Jewish institutions is outlined. Conclusions. Anti-Semitism was a fundamental and uncompromising component of the ideology and politics of Katerynoslav Black Hundreds, which separated them from any socio-political movements and parties of that time and caused irreparable reputational damage to the entire right-wing monarchist movement. That point emphasized the specific features of Russian modern identity that caused negative public perception and were historically unpromising. The attitude of the ruling circles of Katerynoslav region to the Jewish question was complex, ambiguous, and contradictory: they had to find a balance between the government's anti-Jewish policy, the anti-Semitism of the local Black Hundreds, the liberal and left-wing public, which usually defended the Jews, as well as the Jewish forces, which were a significant part of the financial and economic life of the Dnipro region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores how a Holocaust counter-narrative can be constructed in response to historical negationism, Romanian exceptionalism, and ‘ethnocentric mindscape’, as described by Ana Bărbulescu. In America de peste Pogrom [America Over Pogrom] (2014), Cătălin Mihuleac reconstructs the Iași pogrom, challenging contemporary antisemitic and negationist discourses. The novel exposes the complicity of public figures, police, and civilians in the Jewish extermination under Ion Antonescu’s regime, thus creating a fictional narrative closer to the historical truth than other postcommunist discourses that denied the accountability of the Romanian people. Through the character Suzy Bernstein, who uncovers Romania’s genocidal past, Mihuleac’s work serves as a memorial and postmemorial metanarrative, reflecting on historical trauma, the social and historical conditions that made the Holocaust possible in Romania, on its impact on contemporary Romania and on the accessibility of Holocaust knowledge nowadays. The novel, while ignored by Romanian critics, has been well-received in Western Europe, highlighting the differing priorities in Holocaust memory between Eastern and Western societies. I am also interested in the circulation of Mihuleac’s novel. If the Romanian critics ignored the novel, it has been well received in the France and German and was awarded important prizes as well as apologetic reviews. My hypothesis for the lack of interest on Romanian critics’ behalf and, in contrast, of the interest shown by Western publishers and critics is the marginalization of the Holocaust memory in Romania and the centrality of it in the Western society, much preoccupied with keeping the victims’ memory alive and defending it (by legislating it) from negationist and conspiracy tendencies associated with contemporary antisemitic ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a multidimensional approach to collective violence. Stemming from the literature on collective violence and intergroup relations, a sociostructural model is proposed, functionally connecting the structure of intergroup relations with the variety of collective violence. Three archival databases on anti‐Jewish pogroms in Poland and the Russian Empire at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries are used to demonstrate the variability of types of pogrom violence and its relations with social structure. The results are discussed in light of various intergroup threat theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can a temporal comparison of two pogroms in the same city in the wake of two vastly different military conflicts reveal about context and function of anti‐Jewish violence? What can it tell us about historical continuity and change? These questions frame the history below which focuses on two pogroms in the city of Kraków on April 16, 1918, and August 11, 1945. This article argues that in both cases perpetrators perceived the state as failing to meet their basic economic, national, and moral expectations after the wars which left political and social chaos, economic ruin, and dismal law and order. To address the state's failings and restore the "moral balance," the perpetrators targeted the Jews whom they perceived as the state's beneficiaries. After the Second World War, the violence only intensified when the medieval myth of ritual murder reemerged, and Jewish women and children became the targets of aggression. This change can only be explained by the specific context of WWII when redemptive antisemitism of Nazi propaganda and the daily practice of genocide stripped Jews of the remains of their humanity thus marking them as the ultimate threat to Polish survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the late 1800s, the Russian Empire faced two waves of anti‐Jewish violence. This led to an upsurge in communication both for and against pogroms in the western area of the Empire, which had formerly been a part of Poland. Our research has examined two archives of leaflets and reports on pogrom communication from 1881 to 82 and 1903 to 06 and revealed that the pro‐ and anti‐pogrom narratives display structural similarities across the two decades. Our analysis indicates that the established intergroup relations that led to the violence were the underlying common factor behind these narratives. Although their objectives seemed different, pro‐ and anti‐pogrom communications ultimately aimed to promote Polish identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In studies on single pogroms, but especially in analyses of waves of pogroms, the central role of rumor communication in the run‐up to, but also in the spread of pogroms has been emphasized time and again. In the following, the functions and types of rumor communication will be examined in more detail in order to understand their role in the emergence and spread of nonorganized collective violence. Rumors in the run‐up to pogroms influence the actions of all actors involved in pogroms, but the pogromists, the bystanders, the target group and the authorities react to them quite differently. Rumors can have both a motivating function for the perpetrators that triggers and promotes violence and an early warning function for the target group and the authorities to prevents violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text explores the different narrative frameworks that have emerged in Israeli society and Jewish history to understand the conflict between Israel and Hamas. One narrative compares the conflict to the Yom Kippur War and suggests that negotiation and resolution are possible. Another narrative frames the conflict as a continuation of historical anti-Jewish violence and emphasizes the role of antisemitism. These narratives shape the understanding of the conflict and reinforce existing ideas about Jewish history and Israeli society. Alternative narratives that focus on the experiences of Palestinian civilians are often marginalized, and these narratives are used to define who belongs and who is excluded. [Extracted from the article]

In the early twentieth century, economic and religious antagonism between Sinhalese and Moors in Ceylon escalated into widespread, deadly violence. In the immediate aftermath of the 1915 pogrom, which involved the targeting of Moors and their property, the Sinhalese nationalist Anagarika Dharmapala observed that 'Muhammadans' had accumulated wealth through 'Shylockian methods'. Even prior to Dharmapala's claim, Moors were repeatedly depicted as the 'Jews of Ceylon' by both influential Sinhalese actors and colonial state actors. As Ceylon did not have a local Jewish population, this article investigates the use of a rhetorical device that was familiar within the broader networks of empire to 'other' a non-Jewish mercantile minority. The article accordingly enquires into how and why antisemitic epithets came to be used in prejudicial speech against Moors. It also explores propaganda portraying Moors in terms of 'hostile' Jewish stereotypes and the way in which such stereotypes were deployed in Sinhalese interactions with Moors. By tracing the connections between antisemitism and anti-capitalism, this article aims to contribute to a broader discourse on the positions of Semitic groups in British imperial ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I analyze Julia Pirotte's photographs of the immediate aftermath of the Kielce pogrom as a resource for conceptualizing the relationship between trauma and photography, gendered ways of seeing, memory and trauma, body and archive, vision and death, death and the archive, images and history, survival, and destruction. These specific atrocity pictures make a difference to contemporary conceptions of trauma photography and the female gaze in relation to racist, political violence. I work with theories that go beyond thinking about trauma and photography based on the Lacanian concept of tuché on the one hand, and Barthes' punctum on the other. I investigate to what extent Pirotte's documentation of the Jewish victims and survivors of the pogrom can be read as a belated encounter with the trauma of the Holocaust, and what it reveals about survival at the site of violence. The article is a work of a feminist academic oriented at reclaiming a space within the narrative on visual violence; the reflection on the female traumatic gaze is an element of a broader gesture aimed at reorienting the theory of atrocity pictures and documentations of political violence, as well as photography of trauma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the phenomenon of revolutionary violence, cultivated and entrenched in the mass peasant consciousness at the beginning of the XX century. The author, relying on archival sources, explores the evolution and features of the excesses of revolutionary violence manifested inthe peasantmovement in 1905–1906 usingthe example ofthe Saratov province. The article concludesthatthe syndrome of violence in the agrarian movement has formed as an archetype of the mass revolutionized consciousness of the peasant masses, manifested in their illegal actions. The excess of revolutionary violence inevitably led to the marginalization of the peasantry, destroying its class values and traditions

In 2014, 30 years after the anti-Sikh pogrom (Chauraasi) instigated by the Hindu Right destroyed Sikh lives in New Delhi, I listened to the survivors and witnesses of the 1984 pogrom chat casually about their memories of the violence. Several visited their former homes at the original site of the violence and undertook 'walks' to remember what they had experienced. As they did so, they talked, creating a record of where their autobiographical re-tellings of those events created communal memory. While sociological scholarship attends to the trauma of 1984 (Saluja 2015; Das 2006), there is yet to emerge a reckoning with the performance iterations of such event-narratives as the memory walks. Using frameworks of witnessing, describing, and walking, thinking with how a walk can 'hear-tell' memory, I ask in this article: how does one re-tell testimonies of trauma and rumour that the survivors of Chauraasi remembered to and with a non-survivor? In what ways does rumour operate officially and informally? How does the telling, description, and undertaking of the memory walk reproduce a crisis of witnessing, and how does the aural and embodied performance of the walk respond to this crisis? How does the aporia between the descriptions emerging on memory walks and the ineffability of traumatic memory conjure the epistemic limits of narration? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Feministische Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reconstructs the events leading up to the killing, on the night of 26 May and early morning of 27 May 1945, of Jewish survivors who returned to their home town of Przedbórz near Radomsko after they had survived the Holocaust. This careful examination rests on both oral witness accounts and written sources, including interrogations and trial records, deposited at the Institute of National Remembrance, Poland. It examines one of the earliest anti-Jewish attacks in Poland after World War II and the events that followed to propose a new interpretation of postwar anti-Jewish violence. In doing so, this article sheds new light on how collective violence affects communal belonging, directly after the events and decades later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In early April 1933, the racist laws went into effect in Nazi Germany. These officially dictated that all involvement with Jews should be severed by keeping a safe distance. On the eve of Hitler's taking power, there were some six hundred thousand Jews in Germany. They enjoyed full civil rights and were deeply involved in social and political life. The German Jewish identity was clear-cut to most of them, and some were convinced that Nazi ideology had nothing to do with them. The following article, which focuses on the period between January 1933 and November 1938, will present some responses and identical dilemmas of those German Jews, who found it difficult to accept that Nazi laws include them as Jews only. It will describe their conduct within a community preparation that was gradually being formulated already in Zionist and German-Jewish responses and activities. Most of the sources and examples in this article are aimed to observe the German Jewish dilemma based on their dual cultural loyalty as Germans and as Jews as well. Describing these difficulties, and the German Jews' reactions to the Nuremberg Laws in 1935, and after the Kristallnacht pogrom in 1938, intends to describe expressions of uncertainty and a sense of detachment that characterizes German Jews more prominently. This article deals with the Legal-Racial Lows experienced as German Jews and its future impacts on their fate during the war and afterward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jani Kovačič, singer-song writer and prof. of philosophy in Gimnasium Ljubljana, have selected 23 songs by Aleksander Kulisiewicz: 15 songs from the CD Songs from the Depths of Hell (1979), 7 songs from the record Ballads and Broadsides: Songs from Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp 1940-1945 (2008), one song from the record Chants de la deportation (Songs of the Deportation, 1975) and one from the book Adresse: Sachsenhausen, Literarische Momentaufnamen aus den KZ (Address: Sachsenhausen, Literary Records of Moments from the Concentration Camp, 1997). Simona Klemenčič and I translated them from Polish and German. From the records and pre-war recordings, I transcribed the tunes and fitted them with harmonies. Each nation has its own story of pogrom and suffering in the Second World War. This one is from the life of Aleksander Kulisiewicz. Kulisiewicz adapted folk songs and schlager of that era to the situation, the theme and the text. The prisoners also sang these songs in their own way. Last but not least, Kulisiewicz also dictated and wrote down by his memory. He played the guitar, so I also decided to play it myself. I compared the songs to the original tunes and arranged them according to Kulisiewicz's performance. The performance is dedicated to the human will to live and to eternal optimism, though it may seem dark at times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the aftermath of the Holocaust in Kyiv and shows what factors contributed to the sharp rise of state and popular anti-Semitism in the city in the post-war years. During the Nazi occupation, Babyn Yar in Kyiv became one of the largest Holocaust killing grounds, where the Nazis and their local collaborators exterminated almost all Jews who remained in the city. When surviving Jews returned to Kyiv from evacuation and the fronts, gentiles frequently refused to hand over apartments to the pre-war occupants. Jewish appeals to the authorities often were denied. The authorities, many of whom shared the anti-Semitic mood of much of the local population, usually refused to help returning Jews claim their property. A Jewish pogrom broke out in Kyiv in September 1945, when sixteen Jews were killed and over 100 injured. The harshness of life in the ruined city, the severe shortage of apartments and the rise of the anti-Semitism overlapped in Kyiv and brought about an explosion of anti-Jewish violence in the city. The Soviet authorities attempted to suppress popular anti-Semitism in Ukraine after the war but failed. Then they adopted the policy of state anti-Semitism in 1948–1953. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Jewish people have experienced a history of persecution, restrictions, expulsions, and pogroms. All these accumulated to shape the worldview of the Jews and caused them to see the world as two parts, the Jewish and non-Jewish. The Jews believed that they are a people "who dwells alone", they should be dependent only on other Jews, and they should be self-reliant. This frame of mind has inevitably affected the policy makers' decisions while conducting Israel's foreign relations. In this regard, the purpose of this study is to examine the worldview of the Jewish people and the policymakers to understand how this belief has shaped the foreign policy of Israel and to scrutinize whether the thought of "no friends" is still a valid argument for Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jaspreet Singh's Helium, a novel concerning 1984's anti-Sikh pogroms, seeks to archive the impunity on which sovereignty is based. This basis remains indelible. Impunity's unconscionability contaminates conscience as we know it and as it allows us to know. The cruelty that imbues impunity impacts all social formations and compromises our ethics and politics in practice and in theory as we practice it. At stake in reading sovereign impunity, then, is its very readability. It may be unreadable or readable as unreadable. Fathoming how we are marked by what we resist, Singh writes about the (un)readable in the archive of 1984. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, Jaspreet Singh's novel Helium is read as a historical text alongside government reports of the pogroms, media reports of the event, and oral ethnographies of survivors of 1984. Helium offers an understanding of how the memory archive challenges continued impunity of perpetrators of state violence. Impunity is embedded in the state's judicial processes, in a lack of public accountability, in forgetting, and in repetition. The survivors present a profound challenge to impunity by their refusal to accept the logic of badla or revenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While all-too brisk, my overview here of impunity's marginal position in the I Dictionary i , on the way to delineating its centrality to Singh's I Helium i , may be read as a preliminary or gestural response to the editors' sense that an expanded lexicon of concepts and their productive untranslatabilities remains a crucial, indeed an ultimately interminable, objective. Keywords: impunity; sovereignty; translation; literature; Jaspreet Singh; state; complicity; pogroms; 1984; archive EN impunity sovereignty translation literature Jaspreet Singh state complicity pogroms 1984 archive 237 252 16 02/28/23 20220901 NES 220901 The longer you look at a thing the more it transforms. On these grounds, while a summary of I Helium i is easy enough to read and reproduce, readers of this colloquium surely will not mistake summary and reproduction for reading: On 1 November 1984, a day after Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's assassination, a nineteen-year-old student, Raj, travels back from a class trip with his mentor, Professor Singh. For I Helium i is ultimately not preoccupied with representations of science or scientists I . i More subtly, it is attuned to archival, rhetorical, and narratological implications of science for any rigorous understanding of November 1984, alongside all events of political, collective, and/or state violence - in India, South Asia, and beyond - to which November 1984 is historically connected via mechanisms of impunity that function on a global scale, nation-state by nation-state.[6] Thus, while considering the potent symbolism of the novel's eponymous element alongside I Helium i as a monographic supplement to Primo Levi's I The Periodic Table i , Kirchhofer underlines toxic relations between science and society as well as geopolitical inequalities among the sciences themselves. [Extracted from the article]

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The article examines the street confrontation of October 1905 which went down in history as Jewish pogroms. The source base of the work comprises the documents of the police department deposited in the State Archive of Vladimir Oblast and the materials from periodicals of various political leanings. After the publication of the Manifesto of the 17th of October, 1905, in the streets of Russian cities, the revolutionary demonstrations whose participants viewed the Manifesto as a signal for a decisive assault on the autocracy clashed with the patriotic manifestations held by those who wanted to defend their familiar world. The defiant behavior of opposition supporters who preached their political ideals and in doing so insulted national and religious feelings of the conservative strata of population provoked street excesses, which then turned into bloody clashes. The situation was aggravated by the inaction of the local authorities who had not received timely instructions from St Petersburg and showed confusion during the first “days of freedom.” Thus, the pogroms of October 1905 which took place outside the Pale of Settlement were directed not so much against the Jews as against the revolutionaries (a considerable part of them were Jews). Contrary to the idea prevailing in historiography that the clashes of October 1905 were organized, the pogroms arose spontaneously. Neither the government, which was prostrate, nor the right-wing parties, the numerical composition of which in Russia at that time was measured by several thousand people, initiated or organized those events. In October 1905, there were no monarchist organizations in Vladimir Governorate at all. However, the supporters of autocracy are responsible for two political murders which occurred after the pogroms in November–December 1905. In Ivanovo-Voznesensk the crowd infuriated with the events of recent months tore to pieces a revolutionary woman who was transporting weapons, and in the village of Undol workers killed an agitator who called for the overthrow of autocracy. After the foundation of monarchist organizations in Vladimir Governorate, street clashes between the opponents and the supporters of autocracy gradually died down because the monarchists got an opportunity to defend their political convictions in a more civilized form. Although the conflicts between persons of opposite political views continued for some time, they were more like domestic quarrels and had no victims. Both sides were equally responsible for those incidents.

"A Chinese Rebel Beyond the Great Wall: The Cultural Revolution and Ethnic Pogrom in Inner Mongolia" is a book that provides an autobiographical account of Cheng Tiejun, a Han Chinese who witnessed the destruction and murders during the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia. The book chronicles Cheng's involvement in and observations of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, highlighting the violent struggles between loyalists and rebels, torture, false confessions, and the burning of books. The authors also analyze Chinese Communist policies towards minorities in the past and present, addressing the international context and the erasure of political and cultural identities. [Extracted from the article]