Search

The Fontan operation has become the primary palliative treatment for patients with a functionally univentricular heart. The population of patients with Fontan circulation is constantly growing and aging. As the number of Fontan patients surviving into adulthood increases, there is a clear need for research on how best to follow these patients and manage their complications. Monitoring blood biomarkers is a promising method for the non-invasive assessment of the Fontan circulation. In this article, we provide a comprehensive review of the available evidence on this topic. The following biomarkers were included: natriuretic peptides, red blood cell distribution width (RDW), cystatin C, high-sensitivity C-reactive protein, vitamin D, parathyroid hormone, von Willebrand factor, carbohydrate antigen 125, lipoproteins, hepatocyte growth factor, troponins, ST2 protein, galectin-3, adrenomedullin, endothelin-1, components of the renin–angiotensin–aldosterone system, norepinephrine, interleukin 6, tumor necrosis factor α, and uric acid. We did not find strong enough data to propose evidence-based recommendations. Nevertheless, significantly elevated levels of brain natriuretic peptide (BNP)/N-terminal prohormone of BNP (NT-proBNP) are most likely associated with the failure of the Fontan circulation. The use of the RDW is also promising. Several biomarkers appear to be useful in certain clinical presentations. Certainly, robust longitudinal, preferably multicenter, prospective studies are needed to determine the sensitivity, specificity, evidence-based cut-off values and overall predictive value of different biomarkers in monitoring Fontan physiology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this exploratory article is to examine the specifics and networks within and between conservative organizations at the local, regional, and national levels in Poland. By investigating these connections in 2016 using social network analysis and interviews, we contribute to a better understanding of the growth and structure of these groups, which created the base for right-wing organizations as well as led to the success of right-wing parties in Poland and vice versa. We expect to find that the majority of far-right organization networks is vertically structured, linking those organizations at the local level with national organizations; those at the top sustain them financially and offer popularity, access to politics, and other opportunities. However, although right-wing organizations care more about the linkages with their national counterparts, we expect to find that those few local organizations that form links with like-minded local organizations emphasize grassroots activities unrelated to participation in political party activities and are less radical and more civil in their behavior and attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The simultaneous occurrence of cancer and acute coronary syndromes (ACSs) presents a complex clinical challenge. This study clarifies variances in diagnostic parameters among ACS patients with and without concurrent cancer. Methods: This retrospective study included 320 individuals diagnosed with ACS, stratified equally into two cohorts—one with cancer and the other cancer-free. We evaluated risk factors, symptom profiles, coronary angiography results, echocardiographic evaluations, and laboratory diagnostics. Statistical analysis was performed using Student's t-test, the Mann–Whitney U test, and the chi-square test. Results: Cancer patients were older (mean age 71.03 vs. 65.13 years, p < 0.001) and had a higher prevalence of chronic kidney disease (33.1% vs. 15.0%, p < 0.001) but a lower prevalence of hyperlipidemia (59.7% vs. 82.5%, p < 0.001). Chest pain was less frequent in cancer patients (72.5% vs. 90%, p < 0.001), while hypotension was more common (41.9% vs. 28.8%, p = 0.022). NSTEMI was more common in cancer patients (41.9% vs. 30.6%, p = 0.048), while STEMI was less common (20.6% vs. 45.3%, p < 0.001). RCA and LAD involvement were less frequent in cancer patients (RCA: 18.1% vs. 30.0%, p = 0.018; LAD: 18.8% vs. 30.0%, p = 0.026). Conclusions: This study demonstrates differences in the clinical presentation of ACS between patients with and without cancer. Cancer patients were less likely to present with chest pain and more likely to experience hypotension. Additionally, they had a higher prevalence of chronic kidney disease and they were less likely to have hyperlipidemia. These findings highlight the need for a careful approach to diagnosing ACS in oncology patients, considering their distinct symptomatology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regime change in 1989 transformed nearly all elements of life in Poland, and the anarchist movement was not an exception. This article focuses on the Peoples' Liberation Front, the first post-war Polish anarchist group to use violence as its modus operandi. Their actions were rejected en masse by the rest of the Polish anarchist movement, and in particular by the Anarchist Federation, which was establishing itself as the dominant organisation within the Polish anarchist movement. The functioning of the Peoples' Liberation Front was and still is submerged in controversy. One allegation is that it was a false flag operation sponsored by the newly established civil counterintelligence service. Another view is that it was defined by a series of actions undertaken by youth fascinated by violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The radical right is on the rise all over Europe and beyond, either in terms of electoral success or activities outside the institutional arena, especially after the 2015 refugee crisis. Central and Eastern European countries are no exception, although not yet closely studied for radical right social movements and protest. In this article we investigate the degree and characteristics of the mobilisation of different types of radical right organisations (political parties and social movements alike) in Central and Eastern Europe to capture a broader picture of the current developments in radical right politics beyond elections and electoral campaign periods. By focusing on four countries (Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia), and combining qualitative and quantitative data derived from a protest event analysis reported in newspaper articles between 2008 and 2016 (for a total of 1587 events coded), we analyse the radical right mobilisation (i.e. intensity and degree of radicalism), linking it to the political opportunities and the organisational features of the groups mobilising. We argue that the radical right is using a very broad repertoire of action, beyond violence and the electoral arena, including expressive and symbolic strategies, as well as the use of new technologies like the Internet. We also stress that for the radical right, as for the leftwing social movements, the analytical framework of political opportunities and a resource mobilisation approach can help in explaining their mobilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Acute coronary syndromes (ACS) and cancer are among the leading causes of death worldwide. In recent years, increasing evidence has suggested an interplay between these 2 conditions. This article reviews the pathophysiology, diagnostic challenges, and treatment options for ACS and cancer. The interplay between these conditions may be due to environmental, genetic, and metabolic factors. For example, smoking, hypertension, and obesity are risk factors for both ACS and cancer. Diagnosis of ACS and cancer can be challenging because the symptoms of these conditions often overlap. For example, chest pain can be a symptom of both ACS and a neoplasms. Treatment options for ACS and cancer are varied and depend on the type of disease, stage of disease, and individual patient factors. Treatment for ACS may include angioplasty, stenting, or medication therapy. Treatment for cancer may include surgical removal of the tumour, radiation therapy, or chemotherapy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Late 2020 witnessed one of the biggest cycles of protests in contemporary Poland that were sparked by the decision of the Constitutional Tribunal further restricting the abortion law. This cycle of contention was somewhat similar to of the protests organized in 2016 and later but stood out in terms of scale and geographic distribution. The 2016 protests were surprising as they also emerged in Polish small and provincial towns. The scale of 2020's protests in small towns belies the common assumption about the string conservatism of Poland and in particular Polish small towns and rural areas. Besides the scale, there are other surprising elements in these protests, one of them being the harsher and more direct language used during the protests and the generational composition of the protesting crowds. Our hypothesis is that these protests mark the emergence of a new generation of feminist activists, while the whole cycle of protests marks deeper changes in Polish society. The inclusion of the Roman Catholic Church as one of the targets of the protests' claims can be linked to the increasing secularization of the Polish society; the growing and observed intersectionality during women's protests (i.e. inclusion of social claims, support for LGBT+ community, antifascism) points out to the changing nature of feminist activism in Poland; and finally the new language used during protests suggests a significant change in defining the protest arena s and a shift of scale from locality to the translocal reality of social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the populist tide on the rise, comparisons of contemporary right-wing governments to fascist regimes are increasingly common. The rise of the populist right-wing politics has created a number of reactions, using either new or established forms of political resistance. One of such examples is the anti-fascist movement whose strength grows in many national contexts. The recently observed political swing to the right results also in a radicalization of politics. Radical actors intersect and cooperate with moderate ones, influence one another and bring new ideas and repertoires of contention to the streets and into mainstream politics. This trend can be observed in Poland where the 2015 elections (presidential and parliamentary) resulted in the radicalization of the mainstream discourse. This article focuses on the case study of the broadly understood anti-racist movement in Poland that has recently had to remodel itself to face new challenges -- in particular the institutionalization of xenophobic rhetoric and the growth of the far-right sector -- and has undergone substantial changes in general. The article presents the internal radicalmoderate dynamics within the specific context of the anti-fascist movement in Poland. In particular, it explores the role of changes in political opportunity structures for the reinvigoration of the anti-fascist movement in Poland, radicalization in some of its sectors, and change in its priorities and focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Film Quarterly / Kwartalnik Filmowy is the property of Kwartalnik Filmowy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)