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The purpose of the article is to carry out a multi-faceted analysis of the dynamics of the development of parliamentarism and digital constitutionalism, to identify possible challenges and threats, as well as prospects for parliaments and parliamentary activity in the conditions of the spread of modern digital (electronic) technologies. Approaches to understanding and defining the phenomena of «parliamentarism», «constitutionalism», «digital constitutionalism», some of their modifications and features are highlighted, their multifaceted nature, transformation in the conditions of modern progressive digital development, electronic democracy is emphasized. Crisis and conflict events have largely become challenges for parliaments and parliamentary activity, as well as digitalization and digitization processes and tools. It is important that parliamentary institutions of various levels (national, supranational, inter-parliamentary associations, their auxiliary bodies and services) contribute to the development and regulation of these processes, using advanced and effective digital technologies tested in practice. The «Digital Compass» for the EU Digital Decade (2030), the concept of digital sovereignty, the adopted charters of digital rights (Catalan, Nice), the Law on Digital Markets, the Law on Digital Services, the Law on Artificial Intelligence, the Declaration on European Digital Rights and Principles should be singled out. (2022), «World e-Parliament Report» of the IPU, the concept of e-democracy of the European Parliament, the resolution on e-democracy of the PACE, recommendations on open government and electronic participation of citizens OECD. Thanks to this, new forms and tools for the implementation of existing human rights are introduced, as well as new digital rights are constituted (to access the Internet, to identity in the digital environment, to protection in the digital environment, non-discrimination, etc.). In the same way, the forms and methods of activity of parliaments are being modernized (expansion of platforms for online broadcasts of plenary and committee meetings, electronic (remote) voting, improvement of interactive websites with access to draft laws and other documents, and systems of electronic petitions and consultations with voters, electronic participation of citizens and public organizations in the legislative process). However, the development of digital parliamentarism and digital democracy is accompanied by numerous challenges (digital inequality, low digital literacy of members of parliaments and parliamentary services, cyber threats, material and financial costs etc.). This requires a thorough study of the issues raised, improvement of digital culture, improvement of parliamentary and non-parliamentary procedures, along with further development of technological infrastructure, cyber security protection of the components of digital parliamentarism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on recent European Commission Implementing Regulations and Decisions from mid to late 2024. Topics include authorizations and amendments for novel foods, updates on the protected designation of origin and geographical indications, and regulatory changes for food additives and flavorings.

Two western Pacific states — the Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea (PNG) — experimented with unusual and ambitious reforms aimed at strengthening political parties in the new millennium. In this paper, we look at what those laws entailed and how they worked in practice. In both cases, we find that unforeseen repercussions dominated. In PNG, the new laws encouraged candidates who formerly contested as independents to now nominate as members of microscopic one‐ or two‐member parties whereas in the Solomon Islands many formerly party‐affiliated candidates adjusted by contesting as independents. In PNG, the law was one of a range of devices aimed at strengthening incumbent governments, but money politics and manipulation of parliamentary procedure proved more significant. Core anti‐defection provisions in the new law were ruled unconstitutional in 2010, but other still valid clauses preserved an advantage for the "largest party" in government formation. In the Solomon Islands, the law created a shadow world of free‐floating individuals able to switch at liberty between formally constrained hermit crab shell parties. In neither country did these laws succeed in strengthening party systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 16 January 2024, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE ODIHR) published its Guidelines on Democratic Law-making for Better Laws. The creation of the Guidelines was driven by the acknowledgment that strengthening democratic institutions and processes is essential in the era of democratic and constitutional erosion and decay and the recognition that contemporary law-making displays several weaknesses. Based on its decades of experience in assessing legislation and legislative processes in the OSCE participating states, ODIHR intended to provide an overview of the guiding principles of the law-making process that ensure that both the process and the resulting laws comply with the requirements of democracy, the rule of law and human rights commitments. The Guidelines offer a new and rich source of inspiration for scholars devoted to strengthening democracy. This paper identifies new(er) avenues for research in democratic erosion and revival, institutional protection of the democratic legislative process, constitutional change, and the impact of constitutional rights. Further, based on some non-OSCE participating states related examples, it shows how the potential inspirational reach of the Guidelines and the research paths it potentially encourage might go beyond the geographic scope of the OSCE participating states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parliaments will eventually not evade the digital evolution of every institution to become data-driven organisations. This study examines the Hellenic Optical Character Recognition (OCR) Team, a pioneering crowdsourcing initiative aimed at processing and analysing parliamentary data. Under certain conditions, crowdsourcing, in other words, the power of the people, can be appropriately channelled and exploited to support representative institutions and their societal stakeholders in managing their change processes. Based on survey findings, this research highlights the profiles and motivations of participants, identifies best practices for crowdsourcing in parliamentary contexts, and demonstrates the initiative's impact on improving data accessibility and transparency. The results suggest that the Hellenic OCR Team significantly contributes to the digital evolution of parliamentary functions and promotes greater public involvement in the legislative process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the American democratic model and its influence on parliamentary law. It highlights the evolution of democracy and the importance of voting in contemporary western societies. The article explains the principles underlying parliamentary law, such as the recognition of rights held by various parties and constituencies. It also discusses the role of parliamentary procedure in facilitating decision-making in deliberative assemblies. The article emphasizes the need to understand the democratic model and its application in different types of assemblies, while also recognizing the diverse nature of contemporary western society. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses different leadership styles in a democratic organization. It emphasizes that democratic leadership is just one of several styles and that organizations may require different styles depending on their life cycle, environment, culture, and membership base. The article provides descriptions, benefits, and challenges of various leadership styles, including democratic, bureaucratic, autocratic, pacesetting, and visionary. It also highlights the importance of aligning leadership styles with the needs of the organization and suggests that parliamentarians can help organizations use their rules to adapt to changing needs. [Extracted from the article]

When Congress is highly polarized and closely divided between the two parties, the majority party will often lack the votes to overcome a Senate filibuster on controversial matters. Majorities have tried to circumvent the filibuster by using the budget reconciliation process--which allows a simple-majority to close debate and move to a final vote--to make major policy on topics ranging from immigration to labor to climate. These efforts sometimes fail on account of the Byrd rule, a rule of legislative procedure that serves as a gatekeeper for the reconciliation process. The most important part of the rule is brief and somewhat cryptic, providing that a provision violates the rule and can be struck from a reconciliation bill if the provision "produces changes in outlays or revenues which are merely incidental to the nonbudgetary components of the provision." This Article excavates and critically examines the body of law that implements this provision of the Byrd rule. First, a key part of the Byrd rule inquiry is an allthings- considered balancing of a provision's budgetary effects as compared to its policy effects. Second, the Senate parliamentarian's office, which administers the Byrd rule, has developed other principles to implement the rule. The office is more likely to find consistent with the rule provisions that, for example, involve direct rather than indirect budgetary impacts, do not impose mandates on private parties, do not target particular entities, and do not concern certain substantive topics. Third, precedent plays a significant role in the Byrd rule inquiry: past decisions carry great weight, though the parliamentarian's office may narrow or depart from precedent in rare but important cases. Recently published materials and original interviews with Senate staffers reveal how these decisional rules shape the operation of the Byrd rule in practice. In addition to its descriptive contribution, this Article also subjects each aspect of Byrd rule doctrine to critical analysis. Some aspects of the doctrine stem naturally from the text of the rule, further a plausible purpose, and are sensible ways of implementing the rule's open-ended language. Other aspects of the doctrine risk being over- or under-inclusive relative to the plausible purposes of the Byrd rule, generate internal tensions in the doctrine, or can give rise to gamesmanship by the parties. But normatively evaluating Byrd rule doctrine on the whole is challenging because there is no present consensus about the rule's purpose, given that doctrine departed from the rule's initial goal of promoting deficit reduction efforts more than two decades ago. Understanding how the Byrd rule works on the ground holds important lessons for the operation of the contemporary Congress, the development of an underappreciated area of law, and the content of public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Legal Theory / Jogelméleti Szemle / Zeitschrift für Rechtstheorie is the property of Journal of Legal Theory / Jogelmeleti Szemle / Zeitschrift fur Rechtstheorie and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the legal and practical aspects of implementing legislative initiative in Ukraine. The right to initiate legislation represents a fundamental component of a democratic system. A detailed analysis of the content of the right to legislative initiative was conducted, with the results indicating that the content of the right to legislative initiative encompasses a comprehensive range of issues. The aforementioned rights are subject to variation depending on the subject matter in question, namely the manner in which the right is realised. The differences in the content of the legislative initiative rights of various subjects are due to the necessity of differentiating the legal regulation of functions, which is essential for the implementation of the subjects' rights in the mechanism of state operation. Furthermore, the author puts forth a proposal to structure the content of the legislative initiative right by delineating two distinct categories of powers vested in the subjects of this right. The initial section delineates the powers exercised by the subject in relation to their own legislative initiative and the obligations that accompany the submission of an initiative to the Verkhovna Rada. The subsequent section outlines the avenues for participation of subjects of the legislative initiative right in the legislative process with regard to initiatives proposed by other subjects of this right. On the basis of the analysis, it was concluded that the mechanisms of the exercise of the right of legislative initiative in Ukraine should be improved and the transparency and efficiency of the legislative procedure should be increased. Different approaches to determining the forms and content of the exercise of the right of legislative initiative by different subjects are contained in the different Laws. The issues related to the exercise of the right of legislative initiative will be partially resolved when the amendments to the Rules of Procedure of the Verkhovna Rada come into force. This will, in particular, lead to an improvement in the quality of legislative initiatives and a reduction in the number of cases of abuse of the right of legislative initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text provides an overview of the Arctic Council, its purpose, and its composition. It discusses the role of the Council in managing international relations, promoting environmental research, and incorporating the voices of Indigenous peoples in the Arctic region. The text also explores different theories of international relations and their application to the Arctic Council, as well as the challenges of including non-state actors in international institutions. It presents a lesson plan that involves a role-play simulation of an Arctic Council meeting to further explore these concepts. Additionally, the text discusses a hypothetical scenario in which China seeks full membership in the Arctic Council, encouraging students to research and debate the role of non-Arctic states in the region. The simulation exercise aims to develop students' research, presentation, and collaboration skills while deepening their understanding of geopolitics and international relations. [Extracted from the article]

The subject of the article is the analysis of the causes, course and effects of the October 2020 revolution in Kyrgyzstan. Particular emphasis is placed on the consequences of this revolution, especially on the change of the system of government in Kyrgyzstan and its impact on security in the region of Central Asia. The entirety of the normative provisions of the Constitution of May 5, 2021, and in particular the regulations regarding the mutual relations between the executive and legislative powers, proves that the presidential system of government established on its basis in Kyrgyzstan differs significantly from the classical model of such a system of government. This is evidenced primarily by the right of legislative initiative granted to the President of Kyrgyzstan, the right to participate in parliamentary sessions, and the right to determine the subject of its sessions. The October Revolution did not affect the security architecture in Central Asia directly. However, the adoption of the presidential system of government in Kyrgyzstan, the difficult economic situation, as well as unresolved social problems may result in further mass social protests in this country in the future, which may have a significant impact on the relations, especially with Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a critical analysis of the criteria that limit access to child benefit in the Brazilian context, investigating its influence on the realization of social justice, especially from the theoretical perspective of Amartya Sen. This is because there is a significant restriction on access to the benefit, excluding dependents of prisoners in the semi-open regime and imposing income limitations on the institution, based on the need to understand how such limitations affect the effectiveness of the social rights represented by child benefit and, consequently, the promotion of social justice in a democratic environment. Adopting a qualitative approach and Karl Popper's hypothetical-deductive method, the research employs bibliographical and documentary research procedures to list the legislative changes and identify the limitations to access to the benefit. From Sen's perspective, access to child benefit violates fundamental principles of justice, such as equality, freedom and opportunity, harming the development of children in vulnerable situations. The conclusion is that social security should not focus on economic criteria but on social justice, taking into account the real opportunities of each individual. Therefore, a more comprehensive analysis is needed to achieve social justice in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The stability of Irish democracy since 1922 is often a cause for contentment with lines of succession drawn from 'Grattan's parliament', O'Connell's popular movement, and the achievements of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) at Westminster through to Dáil Éireann. The IPP certainly disrupted the Commons, yet Irish politics was also shaped by the 'mother of parliaments' – MPs mastered parliamentary procedure and home rule legislation drew on British and colonial parliamentary models. By 1918, the party's machine and parliamentary behaviour were rejected as much as British rule – but as Michael Laffan suggested, Sinn Féin triumphed by beating the home rulers at their own game. However, the 1922 constitution gave generous expression to the sovereignty of the people, and for judicial review. But, within short succession, facility for popular initiative was overridden. Ironically, the Irish Free State would never be amended by popular will or judicial review but by parliamentary majority in 25 amendments as the people only voted to adopt it in 1922 and replace it in 1937. In practice then, it was closer to a vision of Dicey's supremacy of parliament dogma that prevailed, so much so, that Seán Lemass acrimoniously proclaimed in 1934: 'this is a sovereign assembly'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of caretaker governments in Bangladesh since the restoration of democracy in 1991. It discusses the different types of caretaker governments and their role in ensuring fair elections. The article acknowledges the challenges posed by partisan politics and military intervention. It also explores the concept of deliberative democracy and the legality and legitimacy of caretaker governments. Additionally, the article examines the concept of a caretaker state of exception and its implications. Overall, the article suggests that caretaker governments have had both positive and negative effects on democratic politics in Bangladesh. [Extracted from the article]

Informal negotiations have become the norm in the European Union legislative process. Yet, researchers are divided over the effects of this change on the European Commission's ability to defend the content of its proposals from modifications by the co-legislators. This article addresses this puzzle by using a fine-grained measure of whether informal negotiations took place which includes trivial agreements, namely legislation adopted in first reading because the co-legislators agree on the content, as a specific category. The results suggest that informal negotiations do not lead to more changes to the Commission's proposals than the formal process. This calls for a better consideration of trivial agreements in studies of the European Union legislative process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past few decades, Canadian courts have exerted strong influence over the meaning and operation of parliamentary privileges. Starting with a television producer's Charter rights claim to access a provincial legislature's public gallery and followed by an employment law claim made by the chauffeur to the Speaker of the House of Commons, the Supreme Court of Canada has articulated an approach under which judges closely scrutinise privileges invoked by legislatures when defending themselves against litigated claims. By applying the doctrine of necessity, Canadian courts make authoritative rulings on what counts as a valid legislative function and the processes and activities needed to fulfil those functions. Canadian courts also require the scope of parliamentary privileges to be pleaded in narrow terms that correspond to the details of a plaintiff's claim, which has resulted in a hollowed-out conception of privilege over time. In scrutinising the necessity and scope of privilege, Canadian courts have chipped away at the separation of powers. Further, the Canadian approach unjustifiably prioritises the judicial vindication of private rights over the institutional needs of the legislature. Courts in other jurisdictions should reject the Canadian approach and avoid scrutinising the propriety of the exercise of privilege through a necessity test. Instead, courts should engage in a more limited jurisdictional test to confirm the availability of a relevant category of parliamentary privilege in law or historical practice. Judicialising parliamentary privileges weakens the autonomy and vitality of legislative institutions, with the Canadian approach serving as a cautionary tale. Ultimately, the legislature is accountable to the electorate for the exercise of its privileges. To promote fairness and reduce the risk of court interference, parliaments should strengthen the accountability and transparency associated with the exercise of their privileges, including by developing guidelines for their appropriate use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to other studies on policy entrepreneurship that address frontline officials' roles in formal legislative procedures, this case study focuses on how frontline officials promote policy innovation within inconspicuous administrative routines. Because frontline officials have no legislative power, they must overcome officialism by using bureaucratic skills and seeking consensus among multiple stakeholders. "Citizen agents" and "state agents" are both necessary roles. This case provides administrative details on how a deadlocked policy was gradually enlivened within undramatic administrative routines. The findings bridge the legislative–administrative gap and improve the understanding of the long-term effects of frontline administrative activities on policy innovations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study presents both planned and introduced amendments concerning the traditional measure of fiscal penal law: active regret. The publication consists of four thematic parts. The first part presents general characteristics of active regret and provides an overview of the functions this measure performs. The second and third parts contain a presentation of the proposed and eventually withdrawn amendments in terms of the positive and negative premises of active regret, respectively. The fourth part of the article discusses the amendments introduced to the Fiscal Penal Code, allowing for the submission of the notification to the financial preparatory proceeding body also via an account at the e-Tax Office. The publication ends with conclusions, in which the author assesses the current legal regulations in the analysed field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Sozialreform is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Language & Law / Revista de Llengua i Dret is the property of Revista de Llengua i Dret and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the Kantian and Rousseauvian solutions to the conflict between autonomy and authority. First, I discuss how the categorical imperatives (CI) are the supreme source of the legitimate authority of a limited number of political laws. By extending the synthetic a priori nature of the CI, I demonstrate how Rousseau's General Will (GW) can justify political laws in a broader sense. I also refer to the theory of H.L.A. Hart and John Rawls to show that all political laws are binding if they are within the limits of injustice and have some moral foundation. I discussed the limits of authority of on debatable laws such as banning abortion. I analyzed the possibility of GW by using Condorcet's theorem. I conclude that GW cannot fully justify political laws based on majoritarian direct democracy, owing to problematic assumptions, although it may be an improvement to the current legislative procedure of the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazilian legal education has faced a multifactorial crisis in recent decades. These crises, rooted in structural problems of society and universities, require a deep analysis of the current educational model. The research objective was to identify the pedagogical-educational structure of the Law courses, based on the national guidelines for the curriculum and pedagogical projects in force. Methodologically, bibliographic, documentary and legislative research procedures were used. Through a historical rescue, the analysis of Resolution No. 5/2018 of the Chamber of Higher Education of the National Council of Education and the proposition of a critical educational model, committed to human rights, the aim is to contribute to overcoming the crisis and building a more effective legal education contextualized with social reality. The first section intends to address the tradition and historical contours of legal education in Brazil, considering relevant legislation, guidelines and political-social developments. The following section develops why a chronic and structural crisis in law education is perceived, in view of its market conception in the dominant economic scenario. Finally, the final chapter is committed to presenting paths for a legal education for human rights, based on paradigmatic and pedagogical resistance changes and overcoming the instituted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following work analyzes the state intervention in tourism in Tucumán during the radical governments between 1935 and 1943, focusing especially on exploring the legislative debates around the 1936 tourism plan and on examining the functions, scope, and chronologies of the specialized departments of 1936 and 1942. Based on the widespread agreement that existed at the national level since the 1930s regarding the idea that tourism should be fostered and organized by the State, the article recovers the specifics of the Tucuman interventionist phenomenon. Thus, the foundations that allowed the establishment of a more active state role regarding tourism in Tucumán are investigated. For this, the marches and countermarches, the projects, regulations, debates, and capacities that defined certain types of agencies are problematized. Therefore, two core moments of the process of subnational state configuration at the tourism level are examined. To carry out this research, primary sources were used, such as session diaries of the parliamentary chambers of the province, written press of national and provincial rank, relevant State documentation such as descriptive memories, among others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Administración Pública is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Española de Derecho Constitucional is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the unique characteristics and future directions of the 58th Parliament of New South Wales, Australia, which operates under a minority Labor government, a rarity in recent history. Topics include the increased role of committees and private members' bills; the importance of security in parliamentary operations; and the need for modernization in infrastructure and technology to enhance accessibility and functionality for all citizens.

The article discusses how social media has become integral for Parliamentarians, facilitating public outreach and electoral communication, yet posing challenges like disinformation and cyberviolence. Topics include the impact on parliamentary workload, skills needed for online presence management, and the societal consequences of disinformation.

The article commemorates the 75 anniversary of the modern Commonwealth, highlighting its role in promoting parliamentary democracy, unity among nations, and shared values such as democracy, human rights, and good governance. Topics include the transformative power of the Commonwealth, its fostering of inclusivity across almost 180 parliaments worldwide, and its pivotal role in enhancing parliamentary effectiveness through conferences and seminars.

About 80% of democracies allow legislators to be employed in the private sector while they hold office. However, we know little about the consequences of this practice. In this article, I use newly assembled panel data of all members of the United Kingdom House of Commons and a difference‐in‐differences design to investigate how legislators change their parliamentary behavior when they have outside earnings. When holding a private sector job, members of the governing Conservative Party, who earn the vast majority of outside income, change whether and how they vote on the floor of parliament as well as increase the number of written parliamentary questions they ask by 60%. For the latter, I demonstrate a targeted pattern suggesting that the increase relates to their employment. The article thus shows that one of the most common, and yet least studied, forms of money in politics affects politicians' parliamentary behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parliamentary questions are one of the most widely used and common parliamentary control instruments. The purpose of parliamentary questions in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is to hold the government accountable and reveal violations or clarify facts in the work of the executive authority. The Federal Constitution does not provide means of parliamentary control over the government, so parliamentary questions play a bigger role in the UAE than in other countries. This paper examines the practice of parliamentary questions in the Federal National Council (FNC) of the UAE. The methodology employed in this paper involves a comprehensive analysis of the practice of parliamentary questions within the context of the UAE's Federal National Council (FNC). Through a qualitative approach, the study delves into the role of parliamentary questions as a tool for governmental reforms, transparency enhancement, and executive authority accountability. Utilizing both primary and secondary sources, the research examines the impact of parliamentary questions in revealing violations, elucidating facts, and addressing citizens' everyday concerns. By employing a multifaceted analytical framework, this study offers valuable insights into the significance and effectiveness of parliamentary questions within the UAE's political landscape. The key findings in the paper on the practice of parliamentary questions in the UAE's FNC underscore the essential role of parliamentary questions in holding the government accountable and ensuring transparency. The document reveals how parliamentary questions serve as a vital tool for revealing violations, clarifying facts, and prompting governmental reforms. Overall, this paper highlights how parliamentary questions are a vital component of governance in the UAE and emphasizes their importance for ensuring accountability and transparency in government operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the rhetorical imagination of the Catholic speaker in public discourse on the basis of the parliamentary discourses of Pope Benedict XVI. According to this researcher, Pope Benedict XVI's rhetorical model in the speeches is an extended version of Michael J. Hostetler's critical distance model supported by the translation idea of Jurgen Habermas. This conclusion is reached by analysis of the constituent elements of the arguments in three parliamentary speeches given by Pope Benedict XVI. James B. Freeman's updated version of Stephen Toulmin's argumentation model is used to discern the constituent element of the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides information regarding the assessment of bills, before the parliamentary procedure, in Greece, throughout the years. It focuses on the differences between the former 'Central Legislative Committee' and the current 'Committee for Quality Evaluation of the Law Making Process' and presents the responsibilities of the latter, as well as the improvements that have been achieved since its operation. Then an analysis of the quality of the legislation, in general, takes place and the relevant problems are highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides two parliamentary opinions on various issues within an organization. The first opinion discusses the assignment of duties to absent officers, with some members suggesting a change in minutes and others proposing the election of a secretary pro tem. The opinion clarifies that the president cannot reassign duties already assigned to another officer. The second opinion addresses the requirement of roll-call votes by the executive board, stating that a two-thirds vote by the assembly is necessary to adopt this motion. The document also discusses the process of creating a special rule of order for the executive board and the issue of conforming changes to the organization's constitution and bylaws. [Extracted from the article]