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This article discusses a bitter land dispute in Israel between a Palestinian municipality and a Jewish municipality, analyzing the game‐changing moves made by local civil society organizations to shift their relationship from adversaries to allies for regional cooperation. The article explores the origins of the conflict between Sakhnin Municipality and the neighboring Misgav Regional Council. We explain their failed attempts to negotiate agreements to end a local dispute that can be described as a microcosm of the Israeli–Palestinian geopolitical conflict. Using Lax and Sebenius's 3‐D Negotiation Framework and William Ury's Third Side concept as lenses, we analyze the strategy and activities employed by civil society actors, who embody a Third Side role and succeed in breaking the stalemate, reaching agreements, and transforming relationships. Through conducting interviews and reviewing media articles, emails, protocols, letters, and other documents in Sakhnin's archives and on official governmental websites, we reconstruct the negotiation process and demonstrate how the Third Side was able to restore relationships, trust, and communication and develop creative options—away from the negotiating table. We suggest that this case can serve as a model to resolve other conflicts, particularly local disputes with power disparities that are intertwined with high politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the significance of fencing among European Jews who immigrated to Palestine during the early-to-mid 20th century, particularly fencing as a means of social integration and assimilation, and why many European Jewish immigrants chose a sport considered socially elitist in their new land.

Modern universities have largely been portrayed in the literature as an extension of nation building projects, focusing on the state as primary actor. This article challenges such presuppositions by separating 'nation' and 'state' and with a critical appropriation of diasporic subjectivity and institutions from a comparative historical perspective. The article has four themes: 'diaspora', 'ethnic internationalism', 'stateless nations' and 'internationalisation' in higher education (IHE). It illustrates these themes and their interrelationships by considering Koreans in the Japanese colonial period (1910–1945) and Jews during the British Mandate for Palestine (1920–1948) and construing them as stateless nations. These two historical cases illustrate how higher education was linked to ethnonational diasporas and internationalisation in the absence of a supportive state apparatus. The paradox is that ethnic nationalism was not only compatible but often overlapped with ethnic internationalism in higher education. The conclusion of this comparative study suggests the implications for the twenty-first century and the important role of diaspora in processes of IHE then and now. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines intergroup contact in a real-life work setting of Jewish and Palestinian nurses working in joint medical work teams in Israel where membership is involuntary. Specifically, it investigates Jewish and Palestinian nurses' experiences of working together in a hospital in Israel in the context of the protracted and asymmetric conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinians. Thematic content analysis of 42 in-depth interviews, based on a grounded theory approach, reveals that Jewish and Palestinian employees alike experienced a sense of inequality and unfairness in the joint medical teams, blaming the other group for the asymmetric power relations. This, in turn, impaired the work atmosphere and made Jewish—Palestinian cooperation difficult in this real-life organizational setting. The findings contribute to the understanding of the complexity of asymmetric power relations in a joint Jewish—Palestinian medical work team within the context of protracted conflict. It shows that even when there are factors that are assumed to encourage an effective intergroup contact, such as superordinate goals and similar professional status, the influence of the broad sociopolitical context prevails and constitutes a hindrance to an effective intergroup contact in a mixed work environment. Public Significance Statement: This research provides a direct perspective on a paradoxical reality: the need to maintain work relations based on equality and fairness vis-a-vis a dominant social discourse that fosters inequality and antagonism toward the other group. The study's main contribution lies in the suggestion that real-life encounters in a reality that includes promotive intergroup relations factors, such as positive contact with outgroup members, a superordinate goal, support of the authority figures and equality status, may not be sufficient to overcome bias and sense of inequality and fairness when historic and contemporary asymmetric protracted conflict situations persist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agnon's Temol Shilshom (Only Yesterda y) masterfully depicts twentieth century Palestinian Jewish life and responds critically to Second Aliyah narratives popular in his day which lauded seasonal workers and stressed their critical role in Yishuv development. Agnon found the Second Aliyah image contrived; his novel presents an alternative view of the period. His protagonist Isaac Kumer, like other Second Aliyah workers, proves unable to resolve the ongoing tension between Zionist commitment and his lingering feelings of familial obligation. When he fails to participate in the grand redemptive narrative that would enable him simultaneously to persevere as a Zionist and aid his family, he is punished, "sacrificed" as a self-absorbed immigrant whose preoccupation with his own needs prevents him from conceiving a grander Zionist vision that would address the needs of European Jewry. In the wake of the Holocaust, Agnon encourages a broadening of the vision to meet the survivors' needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The assent of Israeli Druze to the Jewish character of the state is based on the premise that citizens who fulfill their duties are entitled to equal rights. Druze narrative traditionally calls on all Arab citizens to do as they do: serve in the IDF, identify as Israelis rather than Palestinians, eschew Palestinian interests, and integrate fully in the Israeli polity. The article argues that the Nation-State Law contradicts the very basis of this narrative. Although the Druze identify as Israelis, the new Law defines Israel as the state of the Jewish people, thus excluding non-Jewish citizens from the nation, regardless of what they may do or say. The inevitable conclusion is that the Israeli Palestinian-Arab narrative is correct in claiming that the Jewishness of the state is an obstacle to equality and inclusion. The article culminates in a possible resolution to this predicament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1944, the Arab League started planning a propaganda offensive in Western countries to prevent the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The League's focus of attention was the United States, where, members believed, Palestine's future would eventually be decided and where they deemed it imperative to counter the Zionist campaign. In 1945 and 1946, it opened offices in Washington, D.C. and New York. The efficiency of these offices in undermining support for Zionism in the US was, however, hampered by infighting between Musa Alami, head of the Arab Offices, and the leader of the Palestinian national movement Amin al-Husseini. When the British relegated the Palestine Question to the UN, the Arab League and the Arab Higher Committee (AHC) were therefore ill-prepared to meet the challenge. Omar Haliq, a member of the anti-Zionist Institute of Arab-American Affairs (IAAA), devised a strategy to mobilize Catholic anti-Semitism in Latin America and Europe for their cause. As a result of these recommendations, in April 1947, the AHC sent a team of senior members, many of them experienced in the field of propaganda, to the US. Moreover, a special committee staffed by the Arab representatives at the UN and functionaries of the AHC was set up to organize a propaganda campaign focusing on South America. The strategy, however, was not successful. Most of Latin America and Catholic Europe voted for UN resolution 181 on November 29, 1947, at the UN session in Lake Success. The article explores the strategy of the Arab League in its propaganda campaign in the US, its Arab Office activities and its actions in 1947, which aimed at preventing the establishment of a Jewish state by the UN. It further discusses why these efforts failed. It is based on records of the Arab League, the Jewish Agency, the British Foreign Office and the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League located in US, British and Israeli archives and on documents left by the actors themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the indigeneity argument in the Arab-Israeli conflict, presenting Palestinian Arabs as the sole indigenous people of Palestine, challenging the legitimacy of Jewish settlement. Topics covered include the application of indigenuity in religious and secular discourses, the denial of peoplehood as a crucial element in the discourse that delegitimizes Zionism, and a Christian version of indigeneity explicit in Palestinian Liberation Theology.

This article traces the shifting meanings of the tarbush (or fez) among Oriental Jewish men in late-Ottoman and British Mandate Palestine. It demonstrates how the seemingly superficial issue of what men wore on their heads in fact reveals much about the broader historical changes in Oriental Jewish social identities and political loyalties during a period of rising Jewish and Arab tension in Palestine. Under late-Ottoman rule, many urban Jewish, Christian, and Muslim men alike donned this red, felted headgear as a unifying symbol of local and Ottoman identity. Over time, however, as the Jewish-Arab national boundary grew more rigidly defined under British rule, the tarbush increasingly became a marker of difference : It came to signify predominantly Arab, non-Jewish identity. While some Oriental Jewish men in Palestine continued to wear the tarbush for decades, thereby preserving a visible sartorial link with Palestinian Arabs, most eventually abandoned this headgear. Some did so in favor of more "modern" clothing endorsed by the British rulers and European-dominated Zionist leadership, while others were forced to abandon the tarbush during outbreaks of ethnic and national violence, when they were occasionally targeted by both Palestinian Arab and Jewish militants. Building on recent scholarship exploring the role of Oriental Jews in the Zionist movement and Arab-Jewish social relations in Palestine, this article demonstrates that removing the tarbush was not simply a matter of changing fashions; it was socially and politically imposed through symbolic and real violence that sought to eliminate any Arab-Jewish middle ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article raises the question of the international legitimacy of the state of Israel. It highlights the debate on the idea of a Jewish polity in Palestine and the role of the Zionist movement in the creation of the state of Israel. Also discussed are the implications of Israel's occupation and settlement of the West Bank in the 21st century for its commitment to partition and its legitimacy in the international arena.

The article looks at the relationships between the established European-origin Israelis and the hundreds of thousands of Israeli immigrants from Arab countries who had arrived in Palestine. It makes a comparison of Israeli ethnicity in the present with the past. The meanings and practices attributed to ethnicity among the second and third Israeli-born generations are discussed, as well as the structural inequalities and cultural differences between the First Israel and the Second Israel.

The article looks at the role of immigration in the nature of Zionism as a national liberation movement. It remembers the establishment of the Zionist Organization in 1897 and the influx of Jewish immigrants in Palestine during the pre-1948 period. Also explored is the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 following the creation of a political Jewish entity in Palestine.

In the 1930s and 1940s, nearly ninety thousand German-speaking Jews found refuge in the British Mandate of Palestine. While scholars have stressed the so-called Yekkes' intellectual and cultural contribution to the making of the Jewish nation, their social and gendered lifeworlds still need to be explored. This article, which is centered on the generation of those born between 1910 and 1925, explores an ongoing interest in German-Jewish multiple masculinities. It is based on personal narratives, including some 150 oral history interviews conducted in the early 1990s with German-speaking men and women in Israel. By focusing on gender and masculinities, it sheds new light on social, generational, and racial issues in Mandatory Palestine and Israel. The article presents an investigation of the lives, experiences, and gendered identities of young emigrants from Nazi Europe who had partly been socialized in Europe, and were then forced to adjust to a different sociey and culture after migration. This involved adopting new forms of sociability, learning new body postures and gestures, as well as incorporating new habits—which, together, formed a cultural repertoire for how to behave as a "New Hebrew." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new Jewish presence in Palestine brought about by Zionism and consolidated politically by the Balfour Declaration reintroduced into the German and German Jewish consciousness the idea of the proximity of Jews to the Orient while challenging their image as 'orientals.' It was photography that showed such new Jewish appearances especially palpably and that confronted viewers with a changing Holy Land. This article discusses three photo books on Palestine published in 1925, using them as markers for the contested presences and absences of Jews and Judaism in Germany. The books discuss the status of Palestine and the role of Jews as its new, old colonizers, allowing for a plethora of opinions on the political meaning of Zionism, many of which would be attacked soon thereafter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Ottoman Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha's 1918 declaration on Great Britain's 1917 Balfour Declaration, in which the British pledged to assist in the development of a Jewish state in Palestine. An overview of the impact of the Ottoman's Germans allies on the Ottoman Empire's policies towards Zionism, including in regard to German ambassador Johann-Heinrich von Bernstorff's impact on Ottoman policies, is provided.

The article discusses what the author conceives of as the Turks and Arabs' acceptance of Great Britain's 1917 Balfour Declaration, in which the British pledged to help establish a Jewish state in Palestine, with the context of the Balfour centennial. The Hashemite emir Faisal I's relations with the Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann, including the former's perspective on Jewish-Arab relations, are discussed.

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During World War One, both Arabs and Zionists sought to become "the tools of British imperialism." The British exploited both as their own interests dictated, without giving a thought for future consequences. In 1915, the MacMahon-Husayn correspondence – conducted between Britain's High Commissioner in Cairo and a non-representative Arab Bedouin leader from the Arabian Peninsula – ended inconclusively, without agreement. In contrast, the Balfour Declaration - the culmination of 6 months of British-initiated negotiations with the Zionists, was published in order to further Britain's military, strategic and propaganda interests. At the time, the British considered it to have been a 'brilliant coup'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ideal of Bildung (self-development and education) as an obstacle to integration for German-Jewish immigrants of the Fifth Aliyah to Palestine. Drawing on a number of unpublished memoirs of German Jews, including several memoirs written by women, the article argues that the salient values of Bildung, including an individualistic view of the self, impacted the ability of the new immigrants to assimilate to the dominant pioneer, Zionistsocialist ethos of the Yishuv. By privileging the voices and stories of memoirists not previously discussed in scholarly literature, this article illuminates a unique aspect of German-Jewish life in the Yishuv, namely, the role of the imagination in immigrant experience and the way that the values and ethos of Bildung impacted shifting cultural identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Initial findings from five recently transcribed censuses of the Jewish community in nineteenth century Palestine, commissioned by Sir Moses Montefiore. This article discusses each census and presents uncorrected population figures. It describes how the Jewish community was rapidly changing: the population increased almost fourfold between 1839 and 1875, primarily due to immigration from Ashkenazi countries. The Jewish community was majority Ashkenazi by 1875. Analysis of the census data gives us detailed information about the community, such as the fact that Ashkenazim were significantly more likely than Sephardim to be engaged in full-time Torah study, whereas individuals who had immigrated to the land of Israel were slightly less likely. It also suggests that immigrations occurred at all ages, although the average age of an immigrant when they came to Palestine was 36. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

British mandated Palestine has attracted scholarly attention for its role in the development of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Some aspects of the time period, however, remain somewhat overlooked, and one prominent example is the reversal of the Passfield White Paper in 1931. Following extremely violent anti-Jewish riots in Palestine in 1929, the British Government in Westminster utilized two commissions of enquiry – the Shaw Commission and the Hope-Simpson Commission – to justify a change in policy. Rather than adhere to Britain’s original Zionist commitments, articulated in the Balfour Declaration and official mandate, the government decided to limit Jewish immigration and land purchase in Palestine, articulated in the Passfield White Paper, before reversing the policy months later. Subsequent explanations of this decision have been sparse and focused almost solely on the efficacy of Zionist lobbying. Why the British Government was susceptible to pressure and how this process took place has remained largely unexplored. In order to provide a more thorough analysis of why the Passfield White Paper was reversed, this article reassesses several assumptions within the literature and places the decision within the context of a Labour Government’s need to maintain internal unity, as well as cross-party support, on foreign and particularly India policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the British role in establishing and maintaining a Jewish–Arab demarcation line by means of a policy of Jewish unity and by enabling Ashkenazi Zionist control of the Yishuv. In the first part, it analyses British policy towards the local Sephardi as well as the local Ashkenazi anti-Zionist Orthodox communities, both of which for different reasons did not neatly fit into the Jewish/Zionist–Arab binary. I argue that the British followed a policy of Jewish unity at the inception of the Mandate which they upheld repeatedly against Ashkenazi anti-Zionist Orthodox efforts and which by 1936 had created a truism enforcing a binary understanding of the conflict. In the second part, this article analyses the ways in which these communities presented themselves vis-à-vis the British. I argue that despite different strategies of maximizing their influence, both communities foundered on the existing power configurations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Palestinian/Arab two-step strategy in taking over the Middle East discourse on Western (mainly American and British) campuses in the past five decades. During this period, the main theme became “the occupied Palestinian territories” or “The Occupation.” The real objective, though, was and is the de-legitimization of the idea of Jewish statehood. The methodology is based on 150 interviews with Jewish activists who studied or worked on campuses in Europe and the United States during the last thirty-five years. After presenting a chronological survey and then analyzing the strategy’s operational techniques – goals, messages and techniques – the article suggests counter-responses for Israel and presents an outline for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the pedagogical shifts in the study of Arabic at the Hebrew Reali School in Haifa, the leading school for Arabic studies in the Jewish education system. Analyzing the moulding of Arabic studies in the crucial years of educational institutionalization (1913–48), it demonstrates an inevitable tension with regard to Arabic studies: between the German philological approach and the ‘practical’ approach. In light of this tension, it shows the gradual emergence of a new ‘practical’ approach in the Jewish education system in Palestine, which was not only the result of a clash between different pedagogical methods, but was propelled by another, powerful, clash: that of the heated political conflict in Palestine. Using primary sources from seven different archives, in Israel, Britain and Germany, this article reveals that the shift towards practicality was motivated by political developments and ideological shifts as much as by pedagogical considerations, and therefore has had significant ramifications for the emerging field of Arabic studies in Jewish schools in Palestine/Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An essay is presented that discusses a controversy involving Rabbi David Oppenheim of Prague, Bohemia, coffeehouse owner Giorgio Dio-Dato, and merchant Jacob Simon-Toff. Topics include Oppenheim's role in raising money for Jews in the Land of Israel, Catholic anti-Jewish polemic during the Counter-Reformation era, and Habsburg suspicion against Oppenheim for his connections to Jews being governed by the Ottoman Empire. A legal case by Dio-Dato against Oppenheim is noted.

The article examines the size, structure, composition and modi operandi of the Arab military forces which fought the Jews in the 1948 war, before the invasion of the Arab regular armies, based first and foremost on the Arab sources themselves. An attempt is made to assess the substantial reasons behind the Arab defeat in the first ‘civil war’ phase of the campaign, including a comparison of the number of combatants, which also explains the outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Moshe Sharett served as an officer in the Ottoman army from 1916 to 1918. His large corpus of letters to his family from his various encampments during his service illustrate not only his own experience but that of many of his Jewish contemporaries from Palestine, and give some insight into the situation in the Yishuv at that time. He also gives invaluable information about life in the army and its activities in Palestine, Syria, Jordan, and Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates one of the many facet of Ben-Gurion's leadership that had an impact on his public image – his stance on fertility and childbirth, during the years 1936–63. The article outlining Ben-Gurion's thoughts on the birthrate in Mandatory Palestine and the State of Israel, analyse the developments in his views over the years and the reasons for it. His perception of the Jewish national importance of boosting the birthrate grew over time in keeping with historical developments and the soaring natural increase of the Arabs. In the first stage, births were important to him due to the need to create a Jewish majority that would pave the way for a Jewish state. In the second stage, once this goal had been achieved, it was out of concern for the security and stability of the state – in this stage, however, he built his leadership as a prime minister of all Israel citizens, including the Arabs. The analysis demonstrates, therefore, that Ben-Gurion's approach was characterized by dualism. The reasons for this dualism as well as Ben-Gurion's image as a ‘godfather of fertility’ are the focal point of this article. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

On the foundation of the first Jewish settlements in the Negev, at the start of the 1940s, the Bedouins welcomed the Jewish settlers. The local personal connections and mutual acquaintance between them created a feeling of closeness. The symbiosis of daily life and mutual help in the fields of personal needs, from medicine to transport, replaced their mutual fears. However, two factors quickly changed this attitude. The first was a severe drought, which struck the Negev in the winter of 1947, and brought with it a difficult economic situation, followed by several robberies and disputes, and damage to property. The second factor was the incessant encouragement given by the leaders of the Palestinian National Movement to the Bedouins to join the struggle against the Jewish population, especially after the UN decision in November 1947, that is, after the partition of Palestine and the inclusion of the Negev within the borders of the Jewish state. Most of the Bedouins joined the Palestinian National Struggle. Friends of yesterday became today's enemies. The years 1947–1949 were a period of anarchy, which continued well into the 1950s. In this period the State of Israel was established. Consequently, the Jewish population in the Negev was no longer the party responsible for the relationship with the Bedouins, as the Israeli government took its place. Also contact between neighbors was reduced after the Bedouins were evacuated toward the ‘fence’ region, in the Beer-Sheva Valley. The freedom the Bedouins enjoyed before the war did not exist anymore. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The introduction of Protestantism into the Middle East by American missionaries in the nineteenth century met with limited success while the responses and internalizations of local converts proved incredibly diverse. The two resultant theological descendants are Palestinian Christian Zionists and Palestinian Liberation Theologists. The article provides a short history of these two movements and highlights influential voices through interviews and media analysis. This article argues that hybrid religious identifications with nation and place has transcended, in some cases, political struggle for territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

`Haifa al-Jadida` (New Haifa) was erected in 1761 by order of the Bedouin ruler Daher el-Omar, governor of the Galilee. As part of the process of building the city, a wall was constructed to encircle it, with a tower overlooking it from above. After its establishment the ‘New Haifa’ became the urban core for the emergence of modern Haifa while the new city was gradually solidified and its characteristic outlines were moulded. From the end of the Ottoman period in 1918 until 1948, the urban expanse remained practically unchanged. In 1948 ‘New Haifa’ was almost destroyed except for the few ruins that were left. In spite of the centrality of the new city in the history of Haifa, very little is known about this area. This article reconstructs the image of ‘New Haifa’ by portraying the location of the city walls and the urban expanse. For the purpose of reconstruction, an 1841 sketch of the city is superimposed on an aerial photograp of the area taken in 2008, and a map of the old city dated to 1937. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A debate persists whether the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can be resolved through substantive and 'painful' compromises or that the foundational parametres of the conflict apriori deny a resolution. The nationalist Zionist agenda of mass Jewish settlement in Palestine inevitably clashed with Palestinian nationalist sentiments. Both nationalist movements saw the conflict as mutually exclusive. European imperialist designs and US political considerations at home only cemented the intractability of the conflict. As such, the conflict is akin to a human malignant process that is allowed to progress unchecked and compromises its host because those who were and are responsible to eradicate it have committed malpractice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the threats to the internal struggle on the existence of a Jewish State in Palestine, especially the struggle between Orthodox and secular Jews, that began toward the end of the 19th century. Topics covered include Messianism and Zionism as two opposing views of how and by whom that State should be established, the history of Messianism and Zionism in the country, and the internal and external challenges to the existence of Israel as a nation.

Whilst the desperation of key international Zionist leaders, such as Chaim Weizmann, to field a fighting force against the Nazis consisting entirely of Palestinian Jews is evident in their correspondence, it is difficult to ascertain just how significant the practical contribution of the Jewish Brigade was to the Zionist project. The political effect of activities such as facilitating illegal immigration and, post-war, quietly training Jewish underground forces in Palestine cannot by their very nature be evaluated. Yet perhaps the Brigade's most important contribution to the embryonic state of Israel was the huge leap in political and cultural strength that boasting such a force represented. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An essay is presented on the construction of national and political Zionist movement of immigration of Jews to Palestine from 1881-1914. It offers history of characteristics of aliyah to Palestine in the context of mass migration and examines extent of Zionist terminology influence on the immigration's historical studies. The author states the terms immigration and aliyah's impact on Zionist historiography.