Search

'Public engagement with science' has become a 'buzzword' reflecting a concern about the widening gap between science and society and efforts to bridge this gap. This study is a comprehensive analysis of the development of the 'engagement' rhetoric in the pertinent academic literature on science communication and in science policy documents. By way of a content analysis of articles published in three leading science communication journals and a selection of science policy documents from the United Kingdom (UK), the United States of America (USA), the European Union (EU), and South Africa (SA), the variety of motives underlying this rhetoric, as well as the impact it has on science policies, are analyzed. The analysis of the science communication journals reveals an increasingly vague and inclusive definition of 'engagement' as well as of the 'public' being addressed, and a diverse range of motives driving the rhetoric. Similar observations can be made about the science policy documents. This study corroborates an earlier diagnosis that rhetoric is running ahead of practice and suggests that communication and engagement with clearly defined stakeholder groups about specific problems and the pertinent scientific knowledge will be a more successful manner of 'engagement'., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Madagascar's health system is highly dependent on donor funding, especially from the United States (US), and relies on a few nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) to provide contraceptive services in remote areas of the country. The Trump administration reinstated and expanded the Global Gag Rule (GGR) in 2017; this policy requires non-US NGOs receiving US global health funding to certify that neither they nor their sub-grantees will provide, counsel or refer for abortion as a method of family planning. Evidence of the impact of the GGR in a country with restrictive abortion laws, like Madagascar - which has no explicit exception to save the woman's life - is limited. Researchers conducted semi-structured interviews with 259 representatives of the Ministry of Health and NGOs, public and private health providers, community health workers and contraceptive clients in Antananarivo and eight districts between May 2019 and March 2020. Interviews highlighted the impact of the GGR on NGOs that did not certify the policy and lost their US funding. This reduction in funding led to fewer contraceptive service delivery points, including mobile outreach services, a critical component of care in rural areas. Public and private health providers reported increased contraceptive stockouts and fees charged to clients. Although the GGR is ostensibly about abortion, it has reduced access to contraception for the Malagasy population. This is one of few studies to directly document the impact on women who themselves described their increased difficulties obtaining contraception ultimately resulting in discontinuation of contraceptive use, unintended pregnancies and unsafe abortions.

This study highlights the need for analysis of online disclosure practices followed by non-governmental organizations; furthermore, it justifies the crucial role of potential correlates of online disclosure practices followed by non-governmental organizations. We propose a novel index for analyzing the extent of online disclosure of non-governmental organizations (NGO). Using the information stored in an auxiliary variable, we propose a new estimator for gauging the average value of the proposed index. Our approach relies on the use of two factors: imperfect ranked-set sampling procedure to link the auxiliary variable with the study variable, and an NGO disclosure index under simple random sampling that uses information only about the study variable. Relative efficiency of the proposed index is compared with the conventional estimator for the population average under the imperfect ranked-set sampling scheme. Mathematical conditions required for retaining the efficiency of the proposed index, in comparison to the imperfect ranked set sampling estimator, are derived. Numerical scrutiny of the relative efficiency, in response to the input variables, indicates; if the variance of the NGO disclosure index is less than the variance of the estimator under imperfect ranked set sampling, then the proposed index is universally efficient compared to the estimator under imperfect ranked set sampling. If the condition on variances is unmet, even then the proposed estimator remains efficient if majority of the NGO share online data on the auxiliary variable. This work can facilitate nonprofit regulation in the countries where most of the non-governmental organizations maintain their websites., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

The United States of America (USA) is one of the largest bilateral donors in the field of global health assistance. There are beneficiaries in 70 countries around the world. In 2015, the USA released US$638 million for the improvement of global health status by promoting family planning services. Unfortunately, in 2017, Trump administration reinstated Mexico City Policy/Global Gag Rule (GGR). This policy prevents non-US nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) from receiving US health financial assistance if they have any relationship with abortion-related services. This restriction pushed millions of lives into great danger due to the lack of comprehensive family planning services, especially lack of abortion-related services. This article has attempted to let the readers know about the impacts of GGR around the world and how global leaders are trying to overcome the harmful effects of this rule. Finally, it proposes some solutions to the impacts of the extension of Mexico City Policy., Competing Interests: The authors declare no conflict of interest., (© 2020 Journal of Population Therapeutics and Clinical Pharmacology. All rights reserved.)

This article considers a case in which a prominent researcher repeatedly made protocol deviations year after year while the institutional review board and university leadership failed to adequately address his continuing noncompliance. This article argues that, in addition to reporting this researcher's pattern of noncompliance to the Office for Human Research Protections, as required by federal regulations, the university should implement a remedial action plan., (© 2020 American Medical Association. All Rights Reserved.)

The Global gag rule (GGR), originally known as the Mexico City Policy, is a United States policy that limits the reproductive rights of women in many resource-poor countries. In 2018, the US administration of President Donald Trump reinstated this policy, which was first issued by President Ronald Reagan in 1984, and later annulled by two US presidents in the intervening years. The policy prohibits any non-governmental organisation (NGO) outside the US from providing women or couples with family planning information that includes access to abortion, as a condition of receiving US funding. Although the policy is designed to reduce the rate of abortion in countries where NGOs have adopted it, studies have shown the opposite effect. The policy violates fundamental ethical principles, as well as United Nations human rights treaties and action programmes.

An increasingly blurred understanding of the conditions under which clinicians may withhold HIV seropositive status from partners of patients who are sexually active and who do not intend to disclose suggests a critical need to revisit the relationship between the principle of confidentiality, the moral and legal duties to warn at-risk third parties, and the organisational ethics surrounding licit cooperation with wrongdoing in the effort to uphold professional moral responsibility. This essay grounds its argument in two, straightforward premises: (i) the ethical principle of cooperation is an indispensable measure of the moral licitness of instances of complicity with wrongdoing; (ii) some instances of material organisational complicity vis-à-vis confidential withholdings of HIV seropositive status from partners of sexually active patients both meet and successfully employ the standards of the ethical principle of cooperation. Drawing from this syllogism, the essay argues that, in Type II cases, healthcare organisations may (initially and on certain conditions) materially cooperate in withholding the HIV seropositive status of patients from partners with whom patients are sexually active, and to whom patients do not intend to disclose HIV seropositive status, in the effort to honour professional obligations of privacy, confidentiality, and fidelity in a manner that is both legally licit and morally justifiable.

Recent complaints suggest threats to Texas' ban on corporate practice.

Website of Non-governmental organization (NGO) is a focal medium of sharing information in response to transparency demands and addressing trust deficits between stakeholders. Many researchers have proposed accountability approaches to measure information sharing trends through websites. This article discusses a new index to measure online disclosure trends along with the theoretical properties of the index and a practical application of data from NGOs working in Pakistan. The websites have been coded in 2016. Results show that NGOs with branch offices have better disclosure scores than single-office NGOs, and international NGOs score better than local NGOs. NGOs that are more often the subject of newspaper reports have better disclosure trends.

The Australian Royal Commission Into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse has identified multiple systemic failures to protect children in government and non-government organizations providing educational, religious, welfare, sporting, cultural, arts and recreational activities. Its recommendations for reform will aim to ensure organizations adopt more effective and ethical measures to prevent, identify and respond to child sexual abuse. However, apart from the question of what measures institutions should adopt, an under-explored question is how to implement and regulate those measures. Major challenges confronting reform include the diversity of organizations providing services to children; organizational resistance; and the need for effective oversight. Failure to adopt theoretically sound strategies to overcome implementation barriers will jeopardize reform and compromise reduction of institutional child sexual abuse. This article first explains the nature of the Royal Commission, and focuses on key findings from case studies and data analysis. It then analyzes public health theory and regulatory theory to present a novel analysis of theoretically justified approaches to the implementation of measures to prevent, identify and respond to CSA, while isolating challenges to implementation. The article reviews literature on challenges to reform and compliance, and on prevention of institutional CSA and situational crime prevention, to identify measures which have attracted emerging consensus as recommended practice. Finally, it applies its novel integration of regulatory theory and public health theory to the context of CSA in institutional contexts, to develop a theoretical basis for a model of implementation and regulation, and to indicate the nature and functions of a regulatory body for this context., (Copyright © 2017 The Author. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

The Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse is an example of a government response to survivors' demands to address the harm they suffered. It is also a major response by a national government to improve child safety in the future. Facing up to child abuse is difficult and in other countries similar inquiries have suffered delays and derailing. This commentary uses an evidence-to-action lens to explore why clear evidence of child sexual abuse may be ignored and side-lined. It argues that where evidence challenges the powerful, is surprising and shocking, or undercuts current institutional and policy arrangements, then that evidence is likely to be ignored, undermined or refuted - all factors which are present in the case of historical institutional child sexual abuse., (Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

There is an often-overlooked but critical factor at the center of institutional child sexual abuse that must be acknowledged and addressed: adults tend to place the interest of institutions and other adults above the protection of children. As the Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse has shown, this phenomenon is evident across institutional settings and any institutional reform aimed at improving child safety must therefore guard against this tendency if it is to be effective in protecting children. In the United States there are also other barriers to dealing with child sexual abuse in institutional contexts. State government responses to the challenges of child sexual abuse have varied. However, the federal governmsent has been silent on the problem of religious institutional sexual abuse. This commentary considers how the politics of religious liberty in the United States inhibits action by protecting institutions that cover up child sexual abuse., (Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

This article draws on a report prepared for the Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse (Palmer et al., 2016) to develop a more comprehensive analysis of the role that organizational culture plays in child sexual abuse in institutional contexts, where institutional contexts are taken to be formal organizations that include children among their members (referred to here as "youth-serving organizations"). We begin by integrating five strains of theory and research on organizational culture from organizational sociology and management theory into a unified framework for analysis. We then elaborate the main paths through which organizational culture can influence child sexual abuse in youth-serving organizations. We then use our unified analytic framework and our understanding of the main paths through which organizational culture can influence child sexual abuse in youth-serving organizations to analyze the role that organizational culture plays in the perpetration, detection, and response to child sexual abuse in youth-serving organizations. We selectively illustrate our analysis with case materials compiled by the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse and reports of child sexual abuse published in a variety of other sources. We conclude with a brief discussion of the policy implications of our analysis., (Copyright © 2017. Published by Elsevier Ltd.)

This commentary considers the impact to date of Australia's Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse on child- and youth-serving organizations, particularly its influence on organizations' efforts to create and maintain 'child safe, child friendly' cultures, policies and practices. Opportunities and challenges for organizational leaders are outlined. The commentary calls for more involvement by researchers in empirical research that is relevant to the causes and prevention of abuse in organizations, and for findings to be disseminated in ways that are useful to organizations., (Copyright © 2017. Published by Elsevier Ltd.)

The 2008 financial crisis was a systemic problem with deep-rooted structural causes that created opportunities to engage in financial malfeasance, a form of corporate wrongdoing. However, few quantitative studies exist on the effects of organizational and political-legal arrangements on financial malfeasance. In this paper, we examine the effects of organizational and political-legal arrangements that emerged in the 1990s in the FIRE sector (i.e., financial, insurance, and real estate) on financial malfeasance. Our historical contextualization demonstrates how changes in the political-legal arrangements facilitate the emergence of new corporate structures and opportunities for financial malfeasance. Our longitudinal quantitative analysis demonstrates that US FIRE sector corporations with a more complex organizational structure, larger size, lower dividend payment, and higher executive compensation are more prone to commit financial malfeasance., (© London School of Economics and Political Science 2016.)

The scope of this study was to analyze the legal norms that have underpinned the alignment of organizational structures in the area of sports directed to individuals with disabilities in Brazil. The theoretical and methodological benchmark of the New Cultural History was based on the analysis of legal documents, as well as oral sources, which consist of three interviews with athletes who have experienced the period before the creation of the Brazilian Paralympic Committee. These sources were subjected to the technique of document analysis. The study has shown that the process of the institutionalization of sport for people with disabilities in Brazil was marked by a slow pace of consolidation, which directly influenced the actions of sports entities and the athletes' performance in competitions. With the creation of the Brazilian Paralympic Committee in 2005, the actions were centralized and a new Brazilwide structure was established. Since the second half of the 1990s, Brazilian Paralympic sport has made significant advances and reaped results in the Paralympic Games. The expectation is that this version of history will foster further studies and also preserve the sporting memory of the country that is hosting the Paralympic Games in 2016.

Work has been underway to increase the availability of parenting options for people living with and affected by HIV. One option, adoption, has not yet been explored in the literature. The study aimed to gain a better understanding of the potential of adoption for individuals/couples living with HIV in Ontario, and to assess potential structural barriers or facilitators that may impact their experience navigating the adoption system by conducting an environmental scan of adoption service providers in Ontario. A list of adoption service providers was compiled using the Ontario government's website. Information relevant to the study's measures was collected using service providers' websites. Service providers without websites, or with websites that did not address all of the research measures, were contacted via telephone to complete a structured interview. Online data extraction was possible for 2 and telephone surveys were completed with 75 adoption service providers (total n = 77). Most service providers reported that HIV status is not an exclusion criterion for prospective parents (64%). However, more than one-fifth of the participants acknowledged they were not sure if people with HIV were eligible to adopt. Domestic service providers were the only providers who did not report knowledge of restrictions due to HIV status. Private domestic adoption presented social barriers as birth parent(s) of a child can access health records of a prospective parent and base their selection of an adoptive parent based on health status. Adoption practitioners and licensees involved in international adoptions reported the most structural barriers for prospective parent(s) living with HIV, attributed to the regulations established by the host country of the child(ren) eligible for adoption. Although international adoptions may present insurmountable barriers for individuals living with HIV, public and private domestic adoption appears to be a viable option.

All U.S. federal agencies administering environmental laws purport to practice adaptive management (AM), but little is known about how they actually implement this conservation tool. A gap between the theory and practice of AM is revealed in judicial decisions reviewing agency adaptive management plans. We analyzed all U.S. federal court opinions published through 1 January 2015 to identify the agency AM practices courts found most deficient. The shortcomings included lack of clear objectives and processes, monitoring thresholds, and defined actions triggered by thresholds. This trio of agency shortcuts around critical, iterative steps characterizes what we call AM-lite. Passive AM differs from active AM in its relative lack of management interventions through experimental strategies. In contrast, AM-lite is a distinctive form of passive AM that fails to provide for the iterative steps necessary to learn from management. Courts have developed a sophisticated understanding of AM and often offer instructive rather than merely critical opinions. The role of the judiciary is limited by agency discretion under U.S. administrative law. But courts have overturned some agency AM-lite practices and insisted on more rigorous analyses to ensure that the promised benefits of structured learning and fine-tuned management have a reasonable likelihood of occurring. Nonetheless, there remains a mismatch in U.S. administrative law between the flexibility demanded by adaptive management and the legal objectives of transparency, public participation, and finality., (© 2015 Society for Conservation Biology.)

Following the fall of communism, Slovakia found itself in a challenging position: to openly acknowledge the existence of intimate partner violence (IPV) and its disproportionate effect on women and children without an infrastructure to address victim safety, and provide resources and legal help. With collaboration with non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the government responded by developing shelters and introducing legislation that criminalized IPV and created social services for victims. To assess implementation efforts, we conducted in-depth interviews with governmental officials and NGO personnel who provide services for battered women. We focus on the operation and efficacy of shelters to discover what services are most needed for battered women, the criminal justice system's response to IPV, and what long-range goals will facilitate more permanent solutions to the social problem of violence against women in Slovakia., (© The Author(s) 2015.)

Background: In 2010, the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) adopted its Concussion Policy and Legislation, which applies to more than 450,000 collegiate athletes annually. To date, there has been no examination of school-level compliance with the NCAA Concussion Policy., Purpose: To examine whether stakeholders at NCAA schools report that their school has a concussion management plan and whether existing plans are consistent with the NCAA policy. Also examined were stakeholders' perceptions regarding concussion management at their institution and possible areas for improvement., Study Design: Cross-sectional study; Level of evidence, 3., Methods: Surveys were sent by e-mail to coaches, sports medicine clinicians, and compliance administrators at all 1066 NCAA member institutions. Surveys asked population-specific questions about institutional concussion management. Individuals (N=2880) from 907 unique schools participated in this survey., Results: Most respondents (n=2607; 92.7%) indicated their school had a concussion management plan. Most schools had all (82.1%) or some (15.2%) respondents indicate a concussion management plan was present. When asked to indicate all individuals who could have final responsibility for returning athletes to play after a concussion, 83.4% selected team doctor, 72.8% athletic trainer, 31.0% specialist physician, 6.8% coach, and 6.6% athlete. Most respondents (76.1%) indicated that their institution had a process for annual athlete concussion education; 91.2% required athletes to acknowledge their responsibility to report concussion symptoms. Nearly all respondents (98.8%) thought their school's concussion management plan protected athletes "well" or "very well." Top categories suggested for improvement included better coach education (39.7%), increasing sports medicine staffing (37.2%), and better athlete education (35.2%)., Conclusion: Although a large majority of respondents indicated that their school has a concussion management plan, improvement is needed. Compliance with specified components (eg, annual athlete education) lags behind the presence of the plan itself, and stakeholders had suggestions for areas in which improvements are needed. Increasing scientific evidence supporting the seriousness of concussion underscores the need for the NCAA to use its regulatory capabilities to ensure that athletes' brains are safe., (© 2014 The Author(s).)

Objective: Evaluate the capacity of the federal legal framework to govern financing of health institutions in the public sector through innovative schemes--otherwise known as functional integration--, enabling them to purchase and sell health services to and from other public providers as a strategy to improve their performance., Materials and Methods: Based on indicators of normative alignment with respect to functional integration across public health provider and governance institutions, content analysis was undertaken of national health programs and relevant laws and guidelines for financial coordination., Results: Significant progress was identified in the implementation of agreements for the coordination of public institutions. While the legal framework provides for a National Health System and a health sector, gaps and contradictions limit their scope. The General Register of Health is also moving forward, yet it lacks the necessary legal foundation to become a comprehensive tool for integration. The medical service exchange agreements are also moving forward based on tariffs and shared guidelines. However, there is a lack of incentives to promote the expansion of these agreements., Conclusions: It is recommended to update the legal framework for the coordination of the National Health System, ensuring a more harmonious and general focus to provide functional integration with the needed impulse.

Issue Addressed: Whether improved alcohol management delivers additional benefits to clubs in the form of financial viability, expanded membership, increased spectators and greater capacity for competition., Methods: Measures were derived from 657 Australian community sporting clubs enrolled in the Good Sports program. The program assists clubs to manage alcohol through an accreditation process that sets minimum standards for regulatory compliance, club practices and policies. Measures were taken from survey information collected prior to Level 1 accreditation and at the third and final level of club accreditation., Results: Income was found to increase and reliance on alcohol as a funding source was found to diminish over time. Membership increased and was accelerated among females, young people and non-players. No changes in the number of junior and senior teams or players were found., Conclusions: Improved alcohol management can produce a range of benefits beyond responsible drinking patterns that add to club sustainability.

This essay positions sport as a pedagogical social institution from which people learn about race, gender, power, and privilege. The National Basketball Association is examined closely with a critical race lens with regard to the commodification of Black masculinity. A critical race analysis reveals the sharp contradictions between the league’s progressive image as an “industry leader” of racial diversity (Lapchick, Bustamante, & Ruiz, 2007, p.1) and the actualization of league discourse, policy, and practice.

Despite the scale, reach, and global impact of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), its study has remained largely at the purview of various micro-level analyses (e.g., Gutmann 2007; Levi and Vitória 2002). However, differences in prevalence rates at the national level suggest that other forces might be at work. Following the work of McIntosh and Thomas (2004), the only cross-national study of HIV/AIDS published to our knowledge, we conduct a cross-national analysis that examines world polity ideas that higher levels of health and women’s non-governmental organizations (NGOs) should be associated with lower levels of HIV prevalence. Initially, we find no support for these hypotheses. However, we respecify our models to test a political opportunity structure hypothesis that democracy enhances the ability of health and women’s NGOs to deal with HIV. We test this line of reasoning by including an interaction term between democracy and the health and women’s NGO variables. In doing so, we find that health and women’s NGOs are associated with lower levels of HIV prevalence in democratic rather than repressive nations.

During the mid-1960s a few Catholic journals and individuals advised that a more active role should be taken in defeating abortion reform. In 1967 the National Conference of Catholic Bishops selected James Thomas McHugh, administrator of the United States Catholic Conference’s Family Life Bureau, to guide its National Right to Life Committee (NRLC). Several pro-life organizations, including Minnesota Citizens Concerned for Life, emerged and affiliated with the NRLC national office. To appeal to a more broad-based, nonsectarian movement, key Minnesota leaders proposed an organizational model that would separate the NRLC from its founder. In early 1973 McHugh and his executive assistant, Michael Taylor, proposed a different plan, facilitating the NRLC’s move to independence.

This article examines letters sent by members of the general public to the Abortion Law Reform Association (ALRA) in the decade immediately before the 1967 Abortion Act. It shows how a voluntary organisation, in their aim of supporting a specific cause of unclear legality, called forth correspondence from those in need. In detailing the personal predicaments of those facing an unwanted pregnancy, this body of correspondence was readily deployed by ALRA in their efforts to mobilise support for abortion law reform, thus exercising a political function. A close examination of the content of the letters and the epistolary strategies adopted by their writers reveals that as much as they were a lobbying tool for changes in abortion law, these letters were discursively shaped by debates surrounding that very reform.

A new international initiative for plant conservation was first called for as a resolution of the International Botanical Congress in 1999. The natural home for such an initiative was considered to be the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), and the Conference of the Parties (COP) to the CBD agreed to consider a Global Strategy for Plant Conservation (GSPC) at its 5th meeting in 2000. It was proposed that the GSPC could provide an innovative model approach for target setting within the CBD and, prior to COP5, a series of inter-sessional papers on proposed targets and their justification were developed by plant conservation experts. Key factors that ensured the adoption of the GSPC by the CBD in 2002 included: (1) ensuring that prior to and during COP5, key Parties in each region were supportive of the Strategy; (2) setting targets at the global level and not attempting to impose these nationally; and (3) the offer by Botanic Gardens Conservation International (BGCI) to support a GSPC position in the CBD Secretariat for 3 years, which provided a clear indication of the support for the GSPC from non-governmental organizations (NGO).

The American response to Lysenkoism took place at a crucial moment in the evolving relationship between science and the public. Like many professional scientific organizations in the early Cold War, the Genetics Society of America (GSA) resisted involvement in political issues. In contrast to similar societies in the physical sciences, however, the geneticists' silence cannot be explained solely by the fear of financial or political repercussions. Rather, the GSA's reluctance to engage in political discussion reflected an ongoing debate within the scientific community on the proper role for professional societies in political controversy. Those geneticists who did become embroiled in the controversy did so as individuals rather than as emissaries of the profession. Geneticists H.J. Muller, L.C. Dunn, and Theodosius Dobzhansky attempted to reach the public through a variety of outlets, including books, magazines, newspapers, and the radio, but their interventions were shaped by their individual personal and political commitments. The GSA, in contrast, attempted to combat the spread of Lysenkoism with the help of a public relations firm and a Golden Jubilee celebration of the rediscovery of Mendel's laws. The messy story of the American response to the Lysenko crisis demonstrates the limits of scientists' political involvement during the early Cold War.

The January 2010 earthquake in Haiti was a catastrophe not only for the loss of life it caused, but also because it destroyed the very thin layer of state administrative capacity that was in place in the country. This article argues that the fragility of the Haitian state institutions was exacerbated by international strategies that promoted NGOs as substitutes for the state. These strategies have generated a vicious circle that, while solving immediate logistical problems, ended up weakening Haiti's institutions. However, the article does not call for an overarching condemnation of NGOs. Instead, it explores two cases of community-based NGOs, Partners In Health and Fonkoze, that have contributed to creating durable social capital, generated employment and provided functioning services to the communities where they operated. The article shows that organisations that are financially independent and internationally connected, embrace a needs-based approach to their activities and share a long-term commitment to the communities within which they operate can contribute to bringing about substantial improvement for people living in situations of extreme poverty. It concludes that in the aftermath of a crisis of the dimension of the January earthquake it is crucial to channel support towards organisations that show this type of commitment.

Objectives. Given the recent rise of poverty in U.S. suburbs, this study asks: What poor neighborhoods are most disadvantageous, those in the city or those in the suburbs? Building on recent urban sociological work demonstrating the importance of neighborhood organizations for the poor, we are concerned with one aspect of disadvantage—the lack of availability of organizational resources oriented toward the poor. By breaking down organizations into those that promote mobility versus those that help individuals meet their daily subsistence needs, we seek to explore potential variations in the type of disadvantage that may exist.Methods. We test whether poor urban or suburban neighborhoods are more likely to be organizationally deprived by breaking down organizations into three types: hardship organizations, educational organizations, and employment organizations. We use data from the 2000 U.S. County Business Patterns and the 2000 U.S. Census and test neighborhood deprivation using logistic regression models.Results. We find that suburban poor neighborhoods are more likely to be organizationally deprived than are urban poor neighborhoods, especially with respect to organizations that promote upward mobility. Interesting racial and ethnic composition factors shape this more general finding.Conclusion. Our findings suggest that if a poor individual is to live in a poor neighborhood, with respect to access to organizational resources, he or she would be better off living in the central city. Suburban residence engenders isolation from organizations that will help meet one's daily needs and even more so from those offering opportunities for mobility.

A key motive for establishing the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) was restoring public confidence in the wake of multiplying food scares and the BSE crisis. Scholars, however, have paid little attention to the actual political and institutional logics that shaped this new organization. This article explores the dynamics underpinning the making of EFSA. We examine the way in which learning and power shaped its organizational architecture. It is demonstrated that the lessons drawn from the past and other models converged on the need to delegate authority to an external agency, but diverged on its mandate, concretely whether or not EFSA should assume risk management responsibilities. In this situation of competitive learning, power and procedural politics conditioned the mandate granted to EFSA. The European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Council shared a common interest in preventing the delegation of regulatory powers to an independent EU agency in food safety policy.

Many civil society organisations (CSOs) have been at the forefront of identifying new ideas and implementing innovative models regarding health and health systems around the world. Their activities become highly charged, however, when they engage in advocacy efforts designed to influence change in policies and systems linked with more controversial or complicated public health issues. Policies, laws and regulations regarding illicit drugs and tobacco fall directly into that category. There is no doubt that the use of both kinds of substances can have the same health consequences-including ill health and death-yet they are approached in widely different ways. Smoking is legal to some extent in every country in the world, and is generally considered a matter of personal choice. Many people believe that efforts to limit tobacco use are coercive and impede on individual rights. Those who use illicit drugs such as heroin, meanwhile, are with few exceptions considered social deviants, misfits and lawbreakers. Many CSOs support comprehensive, government-funded prevention strategies coupled with non-punitive, non-judgmental programmes designed to help users change behaviour. Such strategies are designed to reflect and respond to the medically addictive nature of both tobacco and many illegal drugs. Proponents argue that not only are the public health benefits of expansive, well-conceived interventions potentially vast, but so too are the social and economic benefits accruing from lower rates of debilitating disease and premature death. To that end, many international, national and local CSOs are identifying the direct and indirect health consequences of tobacco and illegal drug use; proposing and advocating for strategies to limit their impact; and sharing information and resources with like-minded organisations elsewhere. This leadership role has helped influence and shape policy, especially in recent years. This paper examines civil society's involvement in efforts to change drug and tobacco policy in selected countries in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union (CEE/FSU). It concludes that in Poland and Kazakhstan, in terms of tobacco control, and increasingly in Ukraine and parts of Central Asia in terms of harm reduction, multi-sectoral approaches are the most effective way to engage citizens and to implement comprehensive strategies to change behaviour by supportive measures, not punitive ones.

This article reflects on the issue of pregnancy and sport that was brought to the fore in Gardner v National Netball League (2001) 182 ALR 408; [2001] FMCA 50 and Gardner v All Australia Netball Association Ltd (2003) 174 FLR 452. It suggests that these cases did not provide a definitive discussion of the tortious liability implications that initially led Netball Australia to introduce a ban on pregnant players. In an attempt to fill some of these gaps, other case law that deals with liability of sporting organisations and prenatal injury is discussed. The article primarily focuses on whether the unborn child when born alive will have an action against her or his mother as a result of injury occasioned while the mother was playing sport when pregnant. This examination is undertaken in light of recent Australian tort reform as well as changes in policy direction. The article summarises the legal position of the parties involved in sport--sporting organisations, medical practitioners, other participants and the pregnant mother--and argues that, with reference to the guidelines and case law, in only a very small number of cases would liability be found against the sporting organisation or pregnant mother as a result of injuries incurred prenatally.

Human rights and public health advocates working to compel states to guarantee access to legal abortion services face obstacles. We describe the challenges faced by "Rosa", a nine-year old Nicaraguan girl, whose pregnancy following rape sparked international controversy. The health and human rights arguments utilized either to support or undermine her family's petition for access to legal abortion are explored. Rosa's case highlights how laws that narrowly restrict abortion and make access contingent upon health care providers' approval undermine human rights principles. The article analyzes the strengths, limitations, and complementarity of health and human rights approaches for achieving access to safe, legal services in restrictive contexts. The importance of strategic alliances and implications for future cases are considered.

In this paper we investigate the legal arrangements involved in UK surrogate motherhood from a transaction-cost perspective. We outline the specific forms the transaction costs take and critically comment on the way in which the UK institutional and organisational arrangements at present adversely influence transaction costs. We then focus specifically on the potential role of surrogacy agencies and look at UK and US evidence on commercial and voluntary agencies. Policy implications follow.