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This research examines two referenda in the Deep South, both of which can be categorized as antiblack. Specifically, we analyze a 2001 Mississippi flag referendum (in which the electorate rejected a new flag and retained the old state flag containing a Confederate insignia) and a 2004 referendum in Alabama (in which citizens voted to retain unenforceable constitutional language requiring separate educational facilities for black and white students, and a poll tax on voting). Using state election returns and census data, we employ weighted least squares regression to analyze voting patterns. The results reveal that across both states, white voters displayed significantly greater 'antiblack' voting behavior in those areas with larger black populations and more urbanized environments. Our findings pose a direct challenge to both those who insist that the 'racial threat' perceived by whites is diminishing and those who hold that urbanization will ultimately be corrosive of racist attitudes and behavior. Keywords: Parties, Elections, Voting, Race, Ethnicity. Esta investigacion examina dos referendos en el sur de Estados Unidos, cada uno de ellos puede ser categorizado como anti afroamericano. Especificamente, se analizo el referendo en 2001 a la bandera de Mississippi (en el que el electorado rechazo una nueva bandera y decidieron conservar la bandera anterior que contenia una insignia del ejercito confederado) y un referendo en 2004 en Alabama (en el que los ciudadanos votaron para conservar un lenguaje constitucional imposible de aplicar que requeria separar las instalaciones educativas para blancos y afroamericanos, y un impuesto al voto). Usando los resultados de las elecciones estatales e informacion estadistica, empleamos un modelo de regresion de cuadrados minimos comunes para analizar patrones electorales. Los resultados revelan que a traves de ambos estados los votantes blancos mostraron un comportamiento electoral 'anti afroamericano' significativamente mayor en areas con una gran poblacion afroamericana y entornos mas urbanizados. Nuestros hallazgos plantean un desafio directo a quienes insisten que la 'amenaza racial' percibida por la poblacion blanca esta disminuyendo, y aquellos que afirman que la urbanizacion eliminara actitudes y comportamiento racista., In recent years, the results of a number of referenda and initiatives have suggested the continued presence of significant levels of racism in the American public, especially in the South. [...]

In this article, we explore the degree to which African American state legislators have been able to translate election to office into substantive representation. We are particularly interested in the impact of race and gender on the likelihood of legislative bill submission and passage. While previous studies have focused on inter-group representation, our analysis examines intra-group representation by disaggregating race, gender, and party identification. By doing so, we are able to capture the intra-group variation between various groups such as black Democratic men and black Democratic women and white Democratic women and white Republican women. Using the case of Mississippi, the state with the highest number of black elected officials, we examine the legislator's propensity to introduce and pass progressive legislation. We employ logistic regression using cluster standard errors. The results reveal that a progressive bill is more likely to be introduced when a black woman serves as the primary sponsor, as compared to other members in the state legislature. However, contrary to our expectations, African American women are not significantly less likely to get their bills passed when compared to their colleagues. These findings point out the need to build more defined models of legislative policymaking that are attentive to the intersections of race and gender as political categories of significance. doi: 10.1300/J501v28n03_05 [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Deliver), Service: 1-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: Website: [c] 2006 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.] KEYWORDS, African American legislators, African American women legislators, women legislators, intersectionality, policymaking, representation, descriptive representation, substantive representation

In recent years, there has been a dearth of literature documenting a relationship between old-fashioned racism and the vote for a racially conservative candidate or White opposition to various racial policies. In fact, a number of scholars have argued that a new racism has supplanted the old-fashioned racism. Analysis of a survey of college students in the state of Mississippi reveals that old-fashioned racism provides the strongest explanation of White support for the Mississippi state flag. These findings are startling given the educational levels of the respondents. Keywords: racism; Confederate flag; Rebel flag; White racial attitudes

The article presents an examination into the 2006 U.S. Senate election for Mississippi, the campaign of Republican candidate Trent Lott, and the influence of race within the political discourse and sociology of the race. Introductory comments are given highlighting the existence of a "racial threat" theory of ethnic relations, and discusses varying levels of evidence for and against the paradigm. Analysis is offered regarding the progression of events during the campaign and the broader political culture of Mississippi during the run, identifying the various factors connecting the Republican Party and the White population's political support.

We examine whether descriptive representation, in terms of race, ethnicity and gender, influences substantive representation among black, Hispanic, and female legislators. Using the 2001 Texas state legislature's lower house, we investigate the demographics of the districts represented by minorities, finding that all but one of the representatives of color was elected from majority-minority districts. Districts represented by blacks and Latinos were found to be poorer than those represented by Anglo legislators. As a result, we expected legislators of color to introduce legislation that is more progressive than their Anglo counterparts. We also employ the framework of intersectionality to determine whether race/ethnicity, gender, and party interact to affect the introduction of progressive legislation. Using a newly developed substantive representation index, we find that minority legislators and female-Anglo Democrats sponsor bills that are more progressive based on their sheer numbers in the legislature, when compared to all other groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the likelihood of progressive-bill sponsorship in state legislatures. The data are collected from two states, Mississippi, due to its single- member-district structure, and North Carolina, a state that uses a mixed-system, consisting of single-member-districts and multimember-districts. The unit of analysis is the individual bill. Utilizing logistic regression with robust-cluster--standard- errors, we find that a progressive bill is more likely to be introduced when a female or a black male Democrat serves as the primary sponsor. Electoral structure also exhibits a significant relationship with legislative behavior. We conclude by discussing the implications for electoral redistricting and minority representation [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis marks the first time that the black threat thesis posited in 1949 by V. O. Key, Jr. has been examined by employing a black versus white head-to-head election. This study tests the black threat thesis in the 1995 Louisiana gubernatorial runoff election. The unit of analysis is the parish (same as county) and the primary data sources used in this analysis include election returns by parish, turnout data by race by parish and demographic and socio-economic variables for parishes taken from the United States Census. The findings are consistent with Key's black threat hypothesis. White support for the racially conservative white candidate is positively and significantly associated with the level of black density. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]