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The United States has long represented one of Canada's primary international allies. This partnership has remained strong despite turbulent times in the relationship, such as the one brought forth by the Trump presidency. Our article seeks to understand the sources of such continuity through the lens of continentalism. While historical accounts of continentalism have portrayed it as a passive force stemming from Canada's material self-interest, scholars have recently identified the emergence of an evolved form of continentalism that represents a dominant idea and a coherent analytical framework in Canadian foreign policy. Has this new form of continentalism indeed gained widespread acceptance among Canadians? We answer this question by considering continentalism in the ideational realm. Using novel public opinion data, our analysis investigates whether continentalist attitudes have become embedded in Canadians' national identity and foster closer alignment preferences vis-à-vis the United States. We find significant and robust evidence of such effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the distribution of content posted on Twitter in response to a specific event or crisis from 2014 to 2019. The aim of the study is to identify any shifts in the focus of the content and to explore the possible reasons for these changes. The findings suggest a shift from a disaster arena to a political arena over the six-year period. The initial years were dominated by content related to reporting on the situation, requesting help, and coordinating relief efforts, while the latter years saw an increase in content related to criticizing the government, appreciating government effort, and discussing social and political issues. The study provides insights into the changing nature of public responses to events and crises, and highlights the role of social media as a platform for political discussions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo analiza el concepto de Democracias Generativas. Para esto se explora cómo la Inteligencia Artificial Generativa (IAG) impacta los sistemas democráticos contemporáneos. La capacidad de la IAG para producir contenido falso, como deepfakes y noticias manipuladas, plantea riesgos significativos para la integridad de los procesos democráticos, que afectan la confianza pública, aumentado la polarización y reduciendo la autonomía ciudadana. A través de ejemplos concretos, como el caso de las imágenes falsas del arresto de Donald Trump, el texto examina cómo estas tecnologías están reconfigurando la formación de la opinión pública y la participación ciudadana. El artículo también resalta la necesidad de marcos regulatorios robustos que garanticen la transparencia, la equidad y la protección de los derechos fundamentales en un entorno cada vez más mediado por tecnologías algorítmicas. Finalmente, se plantea una reflexión sobre la urgencia de establecer un nuevo contrato social que incorpore estas innovaciones tecnológicas de manera ética, con tal de evitar la concentración de poder y con la finalidad de asegurar la efectiva participación ciudadana en las democracias del siglo XXI.

Objectives: Artificial intelligence (AI) holds the promise to revolutionize the field of medicine and enhance the well-being of countless patients. Its capabilities span various areas, including disease prevention, accurate diagnosis, and the development of innovative treatments. Moreover, AI has the potential to streamline health-care delivery and lower expenses. The community should be aware of the potential applications of AI in health care, so that they can advocate for its development and adoption. Hence, the objective of this study is to assess the community's perspectives regarding the utilization of AI in health care. Methods: A cross-sectional, questionnaire-based study was conducted in Saudi Arabia during the period of June to October 2023. The questionnaire was distributed to people on various social media platforms using a convenience sampling method. The collected data were analyzed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences. Results: The study included 771 individuals, with 42.5% having a positive outlook on the use of AI in health care, 31.8% having a neutral view, and 7.5% having a negative view. The only factor associated with a positive opinion was regional differences (P = 0.006). Moreover, participants who used medical apps or programs (P = 0.026), wearables (P = 0.027), felt more confident in using technology (P < 0.001), enjoyed using technology (P < 0.001), found it easier to familiarize themselves with new devices or programs (P < 0.001), and had more knowledge about AI (P < 0.001) had more positive opinions regarding the use of AI in health care. Conclusions: The study found that most Saudis, especially those who were familiar with the use of technology, support the use of AI in health care, with a positive or neutral view. Yet, targeted campaigns in certain regions are needed to educate the entire community about AI's potential benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberal democracies are expected to provide residents with both negative rights, such as limitations against the abuse of police powers, and some range of positive (social) rights, such as access to social benefits. These rights are commonly deemed to apply equally, without respect to individuals' ascriptive backgrounds. Existing research, often in the US context and focused on social programs, shows both support for abstract rights and group-specific prejudices. We interrogate whether similar patterns exist in Canada and innovate by directly examining negative and positive rights in the same study. Using a series of novel survey experiments, we demonstrate the degree to which categorical inequalities based on race and legal status affect public support for rights provision in Canada. Both rights are more recognized for citizens relative to out-of-status migrants, and legal status at times interacts with racialized minority status. Rights appear far from universal in the minds of Canadians. Résumé: On s'attend des démocraties libérales qu'elles accordent aux résidents et résidentes à la fois des droits négatifs, tels que des limitations contre l'abus des pouvoirs de la police, ainsi qu'une gamme de droits (sociaux) positifs, tels que l'accès aux prestations sociales. Ces droits sont généralement considérés comme s'appliquant de manière égalitaire, sans égard aux antécédents des individus. Les recherches existantes, souvent menées dans le contexte états-unien et axées sur les programmes sociaux, soutiennent à la fois les droits abstraits et les préjugés spécifiques à un groupe. Nous nous demandons si des tendances similaires existent au Canada et innovons en examinant directement les droits négatifs et positifs au sein de la même étude. À l'aide d'une série d'expériences d'enquête originales, nous démontrons dans quelle mesure les inégalités catégoriques fondées sur la race et le statut juridique affectent le soutien du public à l'égard de la protection des droits au Canada. Les deux droits sont plus reconnus pour les personnes citoyennes que pour celles migrantes sans statut, et le statut juridique interagit parfois avec le statut de minorité racialisée. Les droits semblent loin d'être universels dans l'esprit des Canadiennes et Canadiens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the Quebec model of social policy reflect a public opinion more favorable to public services and to income redistribution? To answer this question, the authors use three series of surveys on two core issues of the comparative study of citizens' preferences for the welfare state: support for income redistribution (1986 to 2021) and preferences for the size of public services (2019 to 2023). In all survey series, they observe significantly higher support for redistribution and public services among Quebec respondents than among respondents in other provinces, although respondents in the Atlantic provinces also maintain strong support. Conservative voters and richer citizens are significantly less supportive of public services and redistribution outside Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to investigate the association between the media and the public network agendas concerning Syrian refugees in Türkiye, as an exemplar of a polarized media system within the context of a competitive authoritarian regime to gain insight into the cognitive effects of media in such a context internationally. Large-scale media and nationally representative mind-mapping survey data analysis show that the media's network agenda is only significantly transferred to the pro-government individuals, while no significant effect was found on pro-opposition individuals from any media outlet regardless of their political stances. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on why and how public attitudes towards immigration in Canada have grown more positive between 1998 and 2021, this paper examines whether the changes in attitudes stem from changes in population characteristics or changes in the effect of these characteristics. Our analysis sheds light on the implications of the 2008–2010 financial crisis on the support for immigration. Our logit regression analysis shows that positive attitudes towards immigration are positively related to higher levels of education attainment regardless of the survey years but negatively associated with the support for conservative political parties, especially during and after the financial crisis. By employing decomposition analysis, we investigate the shift in public opinions across individual characteristics before, during, and after the 2008 financial crisis. We find that, for all periods, most of the attitude shift results from the change in the effect of population characteristics rather than the change in the characteristics themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how superpower rivalry affects public perceptions of international organization (IO) legitimacy in the hegemon. We argue that the representation of a superpower rival state at an IO in the form of its key decision maker's nationality can dampen the IO's perceived legitimacy within the rival power. We test this argument using a survey experiment in the United States under President Trump, where we manipulate the nationality of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) judge who casts a tie-breaking vote against the United States. Our results show that when the judge is Chinese, there is a strong and robust dampening of Americans' perceptions of the ICJ's legitimacy, with no comparable effect arising when the judge is from other countries, including Russia. Replication of the experiment in the United States under President Biden offers external validity for our findings, which may have important implications for the future of the liberal international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

À la question comment se consacre la reconnaissance des compétences du personnel académique à l’université, la présente étude soutient que cet exercice se déploie parallèlement, s’effectue par deux groupes d’évaluateurs : le jury investi et celui fantôme. L’enquête menée dans ce contexte, confirme que chaque camp a sa part dans l’appréciation des dissertations doctorales. La présente étude a principalement tourné son regard sur le groupe non investi, sans voix, en vue de bien pénétrer ses méandres, ses mystères. Aussi, ses procédés et moments d’évaluation, son climat et étendue de délibération ainsi que la confrontation qu’il établit par rapport à la décision du jury légal, sont déclinés dans cette étude.

The stability of divided societies is an important and recurring concern in political science research. It has been suggested that distinctive socialization processes in the different regions of divided societies will lead to diverging trends in public opinion. Therefore, we investigate trends in public opinion on key political issues and attitudes in three divided societies: Canada (Quebec), the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Spain (Catalonia). Using over two decades of survey data, we show that these distinct communities indeed have a particular ideological profile but also that there is no indication these differences become larger over time. In other words, we do not observe any evidence for an increasing lack of public opinion coherence in these divided societies. We conclude with some observations on why divergence could not be observed at the level of public opinion but might still be present at the level of party elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: This study reflects on the low adoption rate of COVID Alert, the Canadian contact-tracing application, during the COVID-19 pandemic. Analysis: Using data from two representative surveys conducted in Canada in 2020, this article examines how the application's attributes and citizens' attitudes on the sanitary crisis and on technology may have influenced the low adoption rate of COVID Alert. Conclusions and implications: The results suggest that the application design was socially acceptable, that it was seen as useful, and that it was not perceived as risky or hard to use. Contrasting this evidence with the unpopularity of COVID Alert leads to the suggestion that the barrier to greater uptake ay have partly come from the inability of its developers to effectively promote the application. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article analyzes how printed materials and newspapers in the city of Puebla supported the independence of Mexico between March and September 1821. It highlights the broad support of public opinion for the Plan of Iguala, which guaranteed respect for religion and allowed the exercise of rights without affecting the clergy and the army. The importance of debates and discussions in the written press during this period is emphasized, as well as the participation of Bishop Pérez Martínez and Colonel Iturbide in shaping public opinion. The Plan of Iguala, signed in Puebla in February 1821, received strong support from the educated elites and established the independence of Mexico and a moderate and constitutional monarchy. The article also mentions the Treaties of Córdoba, which recognized Mexico as an independent empire in August 1821. [Extracted from the article]

The adoption of body-worn cameras (BWCs) by law enforcement agencies is commonly viewed as a means of enhancing police transparency, holding officers accountable, and building trust with the communities they serve. The effectiveness of BWCs in promoting police transparency, however, is still debatable, with many jurisdictions still lacking clear BWC footage disclosure policies. Following a mixed-method design, this article investigates the perspectives of officers and citizens on police transparency and, more specifically, the divergences and convergences in their expectations regarding BWC footage release. The data were collected from 78 police officers (through interviews and focus groups) and 1,609 citizens from the province of Quebec (through phone surveys). The two groups share the belief that the public release of BWC footage is significant in promoting police transparency. Yet they hold differing views on its use to reach accurate assessments of police interventions. While citizens expressed worries about the integrity of BWC footage, officers appeared more concerned about the potential misunderstanding of events following the release of BWC footage. The variations in expectations between officers and the public highlight the multifaceted nature of police transparency, which should serve to inform future BWC footage disclosure policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the #MeToo movement, several countries have taken steps to address sexual harassment in politics (for example, the United States, United Kingdom and Canada). While researchers have evaluated the electability of candidates accused of sexual harassment, less is known about what the public thinks should happen when elected officials engage in this behaviour. Utilizing an innovative module from the 2019 Canadian Election Study, we assess the steps voters believe legislatures should take when an MP sexually harasses someone. Our results demonstrate that a vast majority of the public believes that MPs should face consequences when they commit sexual harassment, including potential removal from office. We also find that women are more likely than men to believe MPs should be punished when they are accused of sexual harassment. These findings have relevance for legislatures globally, revealing the importance of transparent, independent processes to address harassment and violence in the political sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political corruption is one of the most severe and complex problems facing new and old democracies. Fundamentally, it involves the abuse of public power for any kind of private benefit, including advantages to governing parties over their opposition. It thus defeats the principle of political equality inherent in democracy, as its protagonists can obtain or maintain power and political benefits disproportionate to what they would achieve through legitimate and forms of political competition. At the same time, it distorts the republican dimension of democracy because it makes public policies result, not from debate and public dispute between different projects, but from behind-the-scenes agreements that favor spurious interests. Despite the efficiency of classical methodological instruments such as opinion polls with structured questionnaires and qualitative research with focus groups, it is still possible to identify biases in the quality of the information collected on corruption. This article aims to address this issue by introducing two survey experiments, one conducted in 2014 and one in 2018. The 2014 survey indicated that there is a substantive difference between the direct question and the experimental question. The level of tolerance for corruption is much higher than the other methodological instruments point out. Comparison with the 2018 experiment allowed the validation and extrapolation of the results found by Moisés and Nunes de Oliveira (2018). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a new, unified approach for comparative research on citizens' satisfaction with democracy (SWD). It starts with a well-specified individual-level model of the considerations citizens draw upon when answering the SWD survey question. Then we specify the relationship from contextual factors (especially institutions) through these individual-level mediating considerations and on to the SWD attitude. Multilevel structural equation estimation is applied to a merged dataset of European Social Survey (ESS) and country-level contextual data. The results add solidity to theoretical and empirical findings that citizens' judgments of democracy are driven mostly by policy outputs and lived experience and not much by institutional variation or its political consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Annals of Criminology is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates whether there is evidence of a "rise and fall" of emerging powers over the past 20 years in the eyes of public opinion. We compared several national and regional surveys on the foreign policies of South Africa, Brazil, and Turkey in search of signs of endorsement or disapproval of the more assertive foreign policies exercised by these countries. The results suggest a pronounced rise and decline for Ankara and some decline for Brasília; however, the results are inconclusive for Pretoria. The present work seeks to contribute to the debate on status and regional leadership by adding a public opinion and comparative regionalism perspective, in addition to offering a convenient summary of diplomatic surveys for countries of the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

L’article vise à articuler sémiotiquement un certain nombre de problèmes liés à la couverture médiatique du procès pénal. Ainsi, dans la première partie, il se concentre sur la nature narrative du procès pénal en tant que discours, et sur la différence entre l’énoncé et l’énonciation ; dans les deuxième et troisième parties, il met en évidence une possible syntaxe des rôles actoriels, médiatiques et juridiques par rapport aux problèmes de sanction et d’opinion publique ; dans la quatrième partie, il discute le régime de « vraisemblance sociale » proposé par Eric Landowski (1988) dans son modèle de quatre régimes de véridiction par rapport aux preuves judiciaires.

Do voters use information about and preferences over who will form government in their vote choices? Voters might have preferences over both which party wins the most seats and what type of government that party can form, which they can use to inform their vote choice. To answer this question, we examine the influence of preferences over government types and compare them to trends in party support in the 2019 Canadian federal election. Using rolling, daily cross-sectional survey evidence from the Canadian Election Study, we find that preferences over government type are strongly related to vote choice and that this relationship depends on the perceived viability of the preferred party. We also find that this relationship differs outside and within Quebec: outside Quebec, only the Liberal Party suffers among voters preferring minority governments, while within Quebec, the Liberal Party, New Democratic Party and Conservative Party all struggle to hold on to voters who prefer minority governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Colombia, electoral polls have been losing credibility, so rigorous monitoring and analysis of social networks during an electoral campaign could be a way of predicting election results. Which indicators of public opinion on social networks determine a candidate's triumph? The research that comprises this article traced on Twitter some key theoretical components of public opinion that could accurately anticipate the winner during the electoral process in Bogotá. Using ATLAS.Ti, our research efforts coded posts on candidates' pages to generate data for our analysis. It was possible to identify seven (7) public opinion indicators that in an aggregated way coincide with electoral results. Likes on Facebook or Twitter were most effective in anticipating the candidate elect. The originality of this research is based on its methodology for analyzing content posted on Twitter and the innovation of including feelings and moods as important aspects of attitudes, the deepest component of public opinion. Our research results validate public opinion theory and its inner components. Survey agencies must adjust their methods to preserve credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cincinnati Romance Review is the property of University of Cincinnati, Department of Romance Languages & Literatures and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to show the use of fear and misinformation in electoral campaigns, by the press and the political groups associated with it; in particular, in the presidential election of 1930, which started a year early and resulted in the victory of candidate Enrique Olaya Herrera, who was supported by the Liberal Party. This campaign was special in many aspects: 1) one month before the election, the participation of a new candidate was confirmed; 2) the desperation and the failed attempts to unite the two factions existing within the conservative party; 3) the candidates' visits to the main cities; 4) the use of new means of transport, public squares full of people and the press publishing pieces about the campaign at telegraph speed. For the above, this article emphasizes the use of fake news by politicians and journalists, who, taking advantage of the distances and rumours, created fake content to harm the image of their rivals and thus, win the election. Content published in El Deber newspaper will be identified and classified into three categories: false connection, imposter content and invented content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the political preferences of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) voters shows that they are more progressive than heterosexuals. However, few studies consider differences between heterosexual, gay/lesbian, and bisexual men and women. Furthermore, little is known about how these preferences have changed as society has become more accepting of diverse sexualities. We offer an analysis of Canadian LGB voters' political preferences a decade and a half after same-sex marriage was legalized. Consistent with prior research, we find that gay men, and, to a lesser extent, bisexual men, are more left-wing than heterosexual men. A more novel finding is that bisexual women are the most left-wing group. Lesbian women are only slightly to the left of heterosexual women. While left-wing bisexual women are growing in number, the overall gap between LGB and heterosexual voters has remained stable across generations, because marriage narrows some of the preference gaps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the steady increase in environmental provisions being included in trade agreements to address potential environmental risks associated with increased trade, growing public concern about environmental issues has given rise to major public protests against various trade agreements. However, facing the widespread backlash against the liberal international economic order, pro-trade leaders have yet to respond adequately to the public's concern over the potential implications of trade on the environment. A review of European Union (EU) officials' public communication on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership shows that trade advocates narrowly focus on the economic benefits of trade in their trade-related communication while paying little attention to the environmental impacts of the trade deal. This ignores an important aspect of the public discontent with economic globalization. This article argues that the pro-trade camp's failure to engage the public in an inclusive and transparent debate about the environmental effects of trade presents a missed opportunity that has triggered widespread resistance to trade liberalization. By studying the communication channel, this essay highlights the important role of information and dialogue as a potential response to the current public backlash against economic globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why does the military remain one of the most trusted institutions despite, in some cases, their history of violence, corporate abuses and bloody interventions to overthrow the state and punish parts of society? This article analyses the interaction between individual factors and support for the armed forces in Argentina, Brazil and Chile to understand current forms of opinion and trust-shifts in post-authoritarian societies. It explores whether in these three democracies, support for the military is explained by the extent to which citizens support other political institutions, democracy, partisan ideologies, and novel military missions, such as the armed forces combating crime. The empirical results suggest that trust in congress and the police are statistically significant factors explaining variance in the outcome in the three case studies. The findings then vary by country. Support for democracy is positively correlated with trust in the military in Brazil but negatively associated with confidence in the military in Chile, where support for military intervention when there are increasing levels of crime is also statistically significant with confidence in the armed forces. In both Brazil and Chile, individuals supporting the armed forces are more likely to support the military participating in countering crime. These findings have important implications for the study of military sociology and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pervasive surveillance in modern society has raised mounting debates, which are largely concentrated on the ethical dimension and lack sociological examination. Drawing on innovative national survey data, this study analyzes public opinion about social credit systems, an emerging infrastructure that expands the depth and breadth of surveillance in China. I find a general high support for expanding surveillance and punishment yet key variations among different social groups. Counterintuitively, people with higher political capital do not wholly embrace the expanding surveillance and punishment. For example, Chinese Communist Party members are less likely to support state-centered social credit systems compared with the general public. Higher political trust in the regime and socioeconomic status is consistently correlated with higher support, while different media consumption showed limited correlations. This study proposes an alternative theorization of surveillance and enriches our understanding of the heterogeneity and dynamic of the state and public in the authoritarian regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article présente les résultats d’analyse d’un sondage effectué auprès de 2060 répondants en juin 2020 quant à leurs opinions à l’égard des personnes assistées sociales au Québec. Il fait état des impacts de la crise sanitaire sur ces opinions et il offre une analyse de la couverture médiatique de l’assistance sociale effectuée entre le 23 mars et le 25 juin 2020. Cette période correspond au premier confinement vécu au Québec en raison de la COVID-19. Les conclusions mettent en lumière une congruence entre des opinions durablement négatives à l’égard des personnes assistées sociales, un faible niveau d’acceptabilité sociale des aides particulières qui pourraient leur être versées en période de crise sanitaire, une marginalisation médiatique des thèmes et des enjeux associés à l’assistance sociale en contexte de crise sanitaire, et l’absence de mesures mises en place par le gouvernement du Québec afin d’atténuer ses impacts pour les personnes assistées sociales.

This article investigates how three media outlets (the digital written editions of CNN, Fox News, and the BBC), perceived as politically partisan, framed the news on Edward Snowden, who disclosed sensitive cybersecurity issues. As the media is an influential actor in domestic and international politics, how the news coverage on Internet security flaws framed the facts under narrative dispute matters. Sentiment analyses were conducted on hundreds of articles published on the free-access written news websites between 2013-2018. The results show positive or negative sentiments expressed in most headlines, while more neutral texts are found in the news cores. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Espiga is the property of Revista Espiga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Canada has often been seen as immune from the powerful backlash against globalization and immigration that has driven political shifts elsewhere. This article challenges this belief, at least in part, by tracing the evolution of public attitudes toward immigration and analyzing the factors that have shaped the trajectory for over three decades. Drawing on nearly forty years of Environics Focus Canada surveys, combined with annual data on macro-economics and immigration flows, findings here suggest that Canadians' tolerance toward immigration responds to immigration flows and is heavily influenced by macro-economic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Close relations with Europe, especially but not only with the United Kingdom, have long been a consensual tenet of Canadian foreign policy, which has supported European integration since the 1970s. The UK's withdrawal from the European Union threatens to upset this consensus. While Liberal Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has consistently cast Brexit in a negative light, Conservative leaders Andrew Scheer and Erin O'Toole have commented positively on the UK's leaving the EU. Did their polarized views resonate in the population? To answer this question, this article analyzes the results of an original survey of voting-age Canadians. Findings show a strong degree of correspondence between positions expressed in party discourse and preferences in the Canadian population. This raises the possibility that the difference between two models of transatlantic relations, which we call Eurosphere and Anglosphere, could emerge as a new fault line in Canadian foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supply management is a long-standing agricultural policy in Canada that applies to dairy, poultry and eggs. To date, there exists no academic research on the correlates or dynamics of public support for supply management. We use data collected from the Digital Democracy Project's study of the 2019 Canadian election, including results from a between-subjects framing experiment, to show that support for supply management is most opposed by economic conservatives. However, we find support to be highly malleable by framing: it increases when respondents are primed to think of the policy as a way of protecting farmers and decreases when they are primed to think of its costs to consumers. Contrary to expectations, framing effects are not stronger when messages are ideologically congenial or among those with high levels of policy knowledge. If anything, effects are stronger among those with lower levels of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of social media posts by laypersons regarding a finding of Not Criminally Responsible on Account of Mental Disorder (NCRMD) for Matthew de Grood after a high-profile trial in 2016 in Canada. From trial to verdict, a total of 4,991 tweets relating to the case were harvested from Twitter. Qualitative content analysis of 365 tweets by laypersons revealed three themes – largely equating the insanity defense to a legal loophole: (1) The case exemplified a misappropriation of the legal defense (e.g., due to privilege, due to the seriousness of the offence); (2) The perception existed that the NCRMD defence is a miscarriage of justice; (3) Many comments reflected a search for answers and justice. These embodied the ABCs of NCRMD: advocating, blaming, and clarifying. A need for public education about the forensic psychiatric system is evident; misconceptions about the insanity defence appeared pervasive. Further research could focus on the efficacy of knowledge translation over new media channels, such as Twitter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to calls for more public relations historical research in sectors outside business and before the 20th century, this research examines the communication efforts of American peace societies from the early to mid-1800s. It finds that peace societies demonstrated strategic intent, honored human agency, and employed full-time public relations practitioners. In addition, this research documents a nondenominational reform movement applying the strategic communication systems developed by American evangelical Christianity. Moreover, it pushes back the boundaries of the earliest known use of a religious public relations strategy by a social reform movement by 65 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on media storms has yet to systematically assess their impacts on public opinion. This article aims to fill this gap by using survey data to analyze the evolution of public opinion with respect to the so-called "refugee crisis," a media storm that occurred during the 2015 Canadian federal campaign. The evidence shows that the storm influenced citizen attitudes in regard to key frames of the issue and that the effect persisted until the end of the campaign. They also demonstrate how the most prominent frame became a determinant of voting intention, and ultimately, vote choice. Overall, these findings suggest that citizens are receptive to media storms and therefore offer a concrete example of how media market logic can have a preponderant influence in the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We perform a survey experiment on the issue of immigration. People are presented with a situation where public opinion is at odds with the election promise. In our control group, no information is given about public opinion. In the treatment groups, respondents are told that 55 per cent or 80 per cent of the people are against the project. When respondents are informed about the election promise but are not told about public opinion, 64 per cent say that the party should fulfill its promise. That percentage drops to 51 per cent when people are informed that a slight majority (55 per cent) are opposed to the project and to 42 per cent when they are told that a strong majority (80 per cent) are opposed. Citizens thus believe that politicians should pay attention not only to the majority view but also to the size of that majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contact tracing applications have been deployed at a fast pace around the world to stop the spread of COVID-19 and may be key to containing future pandemics. This study aims to explain public opinion toward cell phone contact tracing using a survey experiment. We build upon a theory in evolutionary psychology—disease avoidance—to predict how media coverage of the pandemic affects public support for containment measures. We report three key findings. First, exposure to a news item that shows people ignoring social distancing rules causes an increase in support for cell phone contact tracing. Second, pre-treatment covariates such as anxiety and a belief that other people are not following the rules rank among the strongest predictors of support for COVID-19 apps. And third, while a majority of respondents approve of the reliance on cell phone contact tracing, concerns for rights and freedoms remain a salient preoccupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a theoretical discussion on the determinants of perception of corruption and on the importance people give to fighting corruption as a priority for government action, we postulate 4 hypotheses and we test them for the case of Chile, a democracy with low levels perception of corruption, but with several corruption scandals in recent years. We use 43 (N=63768) national polls conducted by the Center for Public Studies (CEP) between 2000 and 2019 to estimate binary logistic models. The likelihood of mentioning corruption instead of other issues as a priority for government action is lower among people who approve of the president's performance, higher in those who use more media to get their political information, lower in the first year and higher in the last year of every administration, and lower among those who think crime, employment and other social issues should be a priority for government action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we seek to explain the determinants of individual-level attitudes of Brazilians towards free-trade. We use national survey data collected by the project "O Brasil, as Américas e o mundo" and show that Brazilians support open trade. We argue that individual attitudes are guided by economic interests, ideational factors, and political values. The low exposure of the Brazilian economy to international competition seems to contribute to favorable opinions about access to imported goods. Ideological preferences, in turn, filter these perceptions regardless of the individual's economic conditions. Overall, our results are similar to the findings of a broad literature on trade-policy preference in developed countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines the history of the administration in charge of the regulation and control of public opinion during the French Empire. The context of this regulation is delineated by examining how Napoleon intended, as early as the Consulate, to merge the Ancien Regime traditions with the new values of the Revolution. This project acknowledges innovative developments in public opinion management, in the shaping of political legitimacy after 1789. I will examine three unpublished manuscripts produced by this administration in order to illustrate the administrative and political implications of the imperial control of public opinion. In addition, I will analyze the historical issues at stake determined by different figures who played a role in this administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Surrogate pregnancy (SP) has acquired a prominent public profile through the bioethical, legal and media debates this cross-border reproductive practice has raised worldwide. The different social agents involved in the phenomenon frequently appeal to public opinion looking for legitimation and endorsement of their ethical and political positions on the matter. However, opinion polls occupy a marginal place in research about SP. The article presents the findings of the scoping review of 31 scientific articles (1985–2017) analysing public opinion regarding SP in 13 countries. The aim is to single out the main subtopics covered by the studies in order to identify research gaps as well as describe and analyse SP as a socio-cultural construct and 'social problem' which is currently situated in a complex multidimensional arena made of conflicting narratives and attitudes that divide international public opinion along each one of the identified subtopics. Additionally, the article presents the results of the survey Opinion and Attitudes of the Spanish Population towards Adoption, Fostering and Gestational Surrogacy (2018), the first conducted in Spain with a representative national sample. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]