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In 2023, Florida enacted a controversial law prohibiting foreigners from purchasing real estate, ostensibly for national-security reasons. However, this legislation disproportionately targets individuals from Asian countries and risks creating a chilling effect on all Asians. Similar laws passed by other states echo this trend, unfortunately mirroring historical patterns of discrimination. The efforts, however, are not the first efforts targeting Asians.California and other states enacted alien land laws during the first half of the twentieth century. Rooted in deep-seated anti-Asian sentiments and hostilities, particularly directed at Japanese Americans, these laws combined a toxic blend of racism and xenophobia, further marginalizing Asians socially, politically, and economically. While instigated by the anti-Japanese movement, California’s law broadly applied to all aliens ineligible for citizenship -- a category exclusively encompassing Asians.A direct consequence of California’s law was an extremely low homeownership rate among Asians, far below that of other major racial and ethnic groups from 1910 to 1940. Ownership increased as some Asians found ways to circumvent the unfair law and as the number of U.S.-born Asians grew; nonetheless the rated remained significantly lower than that of non-Hispanic whites (NHW). Even after controlling for income, nativity and other factors, Asians were still several times less likely to own homes compared to NHW in 1940.While overt anti-Asian sentiment may be less intense today, Asian Americans continue to face discriminatory treatment, as evidenced by the surge in anti-Asian hate crimes during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. This animus often stems from the perception of Asians as perpetual foreigners, exacerbated by rising global tensions with Asian nations. While the current wave of alien land laws may not explicitly target Asians, they have the potential to harm Asian Americans by restricting property ownership rights and fueling anti-Asian rhetoric.

BackgroundThailand is one of the most rapidly aging countries in Asia. Traditional family-based care, which has been the basis of most care for older people, is becoming unsustainable as families become smaller. In addition, women tend to be adversely affected as they still form the bulk of caregivers for older people, and many are likely to exit the labor market in order to provide care. Many family caregivers also have no or minimal training, and they may be called upon to provide quite complex care, increasing the proportion of older people receiving suboptimal care if they rely only on informal care that is provided by families and friends. Facing the increasing burden of noncommunicable diseases and age-related morbidity, Thai communities are increasingly in need of community-integrated care models for older persons that can link existing health systems and reduce the burden upon caring families. This need is common to many countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). ObjectiveIn this study, we aimed to assess the effectiveness of a community-integrated intermediary care (CIIC) model to enhance family-based care for older people. MethodsThis paper describes a cluster randomized controlled trial comprised of 6 intervention clusters and 6 control clusters that aim to recruit 2000 participants in each arm. This research protocol has been approved by the World Health Organization Ethics Review Committee. The intervention clusters will receive an integrated model of care structured around (1) a community respite service, (2) the strengthening of family care capacity, and (3) an exercise program that aims to prevent entry into long-term care for older people. Control group clusters receive usual care (ie, the current system of long-term care common to all provinces in Thailand), consisting principally of a volunteer-assisted home care service. The trial will be conducted over a period of 2 years. The primary outcome is family caregiver burden measured at a 6-month follow-up, as measured by the Caregiver Burden Inventory. Secondary outcomes consist of biopsychosocial indicators including functional ability, as measured using an activity of daily living scale; depression, as measured by the Geriatric Depression Scale; and quality of life of older people, as measured by the EuroQol 5-dimensions 5-levels scale. Intention-to-treat analysis will be followed. ResultsThe CIIC facility has been established. Community care prevention programs have been launched at the intervention clusters. Family caregivers are receiving training and assistance. However, the COVID-19 pandemic delayed the intervention. ConclusionsSince ASEAN and many Asian countries share similar traditional family-based, long-term care systems, the proposed CIIC model and the protocol for its implementation and evaluation may benefit other countries wishing to adopt similar community-integrated care models for older people at risk of needing long-term care. Trial RegistrationThai Clinical Trials Registry TCTR20190412004; http://www.thaiclinicaltrials.org/# International Registered Report Identifier (IRRID)DERR1-10.2196/20196

This project uses mixed methods to examine the systemic causes and consequences of the construction of Stockton, California’s Crosstown Freeway and of urban redevelopment for Asian Americans communities. Stockton underwent spatial restructuring in the decades after the Second World War, and state and local government contributed and responded to these changes by implementing connected freeway and urban renewal programs. Historical and contemporaneous xenophobia and racism placed Chinatown, Japantown, and Little Manila in their path, with these enclaves deemed blighted and subject to “slum clearance.” The choice of freeway route was racially biased. The neighborhood surrounding an unchosen route was predominantly white, whereas that of the chosen route was predominantly home to people of color. Freeway construction during the 1960s and 1970s directly displaced hundreds of people and housing units downtown— mainly people of color, particularly Asians. The communities most harmed were the Asian American enclaves, where the housing stock declined by about three quarters between 1960 and 1970. The losses were not only physical, as the freeway and redevelopment eviscerated once vibrant ethnic commercial hubs. Because of long-standing economic and political marginalization, Asian Americans were relatively powerless to prevent the destruction; nonetheless, they fought to build affordable housing for their people, protect and in some cases relocate cultural institutions, and support surviving ethnic businesses. In the long run, Stockton failed to revitalize its downtown, while destroying its cultural diversity. The findings can help reform and improve professional practice within the transportation arena to ensure racial fairness and equity.

This research project examines the role of the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) “redlining” maps in shaping today’s spatial structure along race and economic class lines, compared with the development of places not categorized by HOLC. It is well documented that redlining, the practice of designating marginalized neighborhoods as being risky for mortgage lending, is associated with today’s geography of inequality, but many locations were not ranked by HOLC. Because many parts of contemporary Los Angeles were unranked, this region provides a useful case study of the differences and similarities between the HOLC-graded and - ungraded spaces. The research draws on multiple data sources to compare outcomes along several dimensions. The analysis finds support for the redlining-legacy hypothesis. The comparison of graded and ungraded areas finds noticeable differences in land use and in homeownership, but similarities in racial/ethnic and socioeconomic segregation. The finding that geographic disparities and hierarchical stratification exist in both the graded and ungraded areas indicates that there are fundamental societal factors and dynamics beside redlining that geographically stratify the urban landscape.

California's freeways have come under increasing scrutiny for their disproportionately adverse impacts on lowincome populations and populations of color. This study uses empirical research to not only understand but also quantify and describe in detail the historical impacts of freeways on communities of color in four California cities and areas: Pasadena, Pacoima, Sacramento, and San José. In these neighborhoods, freeways displaced many residents, significantly harmed those that remained, and left communities divided and depleted. The four cases differ in notable ways, but they share a disproportionate impact of freeway construction on communities of color. In Pasadena and Pacoima, decision-makers chose routes that displaced a greater share of households of color than proposed alternatives.Demolition and displacement were the most visible and immediate effects of the freeways, but toxic pollution, noise, economic decline, and stigmatization remained long after. In suburban areas, white, affluent interests often succeeded in pushing freeways to more powerless neighborhoods. Massive roadway construction complemented other destructive governmental actions such as urban renewal and redlining. Freeways and suburbanization were key components in the creation of a spatial mismatch between jobs and housing for people of color, with few transportation options to overcome it. Understanding the history of racism in freeway development can inform restorative justice in these areas.

This study examines the spatial distribution of tenant-based Housing Choice Voucher (Section 8) units to understand whether geographic patterns and trends are consistent with climate change and equity goals. The analysis compares the location of HCV units in 2012 and net changes from 2012 to 2019 with a number of transportation, environmental, and racial and economic equity metrics. While the change in units from 2012 to 2019 shows promising trends for reducing vehicle miles traveled and increasing walkability and transit accessibility, there is a cost: higher exposure to pollution and a higher rate of vehicle collisions. HCV units are further concentrated in disproportionately low income neighborhoods and neighborhoods of color, with worsened access to economic opportunity. The findings reveal an inherent structural dilemma in whether the HCV program is able to simultaneously achieve climate and equity goals.

This study examines the spatial distribution of Low-income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) units to understand whether geographic patterns and trends are consistent with climate change and equity goals. The analysis compares the location of LIHTC units in 2012 and net changes from 2012 to 2019 with a number of transportation, environmental, and racial and economic equity metrics. Unit locations are, at best, somewhat more sustainable than the state overall, with slightly lower-skewing vehicle miles traveled and better walkability, though low transit accessibility. What environmental gains there were, though, come at the cost of higher exposure to pollution. LIHTC units are also concentrated in disproportionately low-income neighborhoods and neighborhoods of color, with worse access to economic opportunity. The findings reveal an inherent structural dilemma in whether the LIHTC program is able to simultaneously achieve climate and equity goals.

The COVID-19 pandemic has deepened California’s chronic economic and housing inequalities for low-income and people-of-color households. This brief uses data from the US Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey (HPS) and California’s Emergency Rental Assistance Program (ERAP) to analyze the experience of renters and their participation in critical emergency rental assistance programs. The authors find significant disparities linked to income class and race/ethnicity among California renters who are experiencing financial distress and who have participated in rental relief programs. Low-income renters and renters of color were more likely to struggle to keep up with rent payments than their white counterparts. Further, although more than 534,000 California renters had applied for the rent relief program, Asians Americans and Latinos were less likely to receive assistance even after accounting for income, age, and metropolitan area of residence.

This report documents UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge’s development of a statewide database and data/mapping portal that displays census-tract level information related to transportation disparities. The selected indicators are based on the existing literature and previous research on the causes, characteristics, and consequences of transportation inequality. The project covers vehicle ownership, public transit, active transportation, and transportation networks. The information is designed for decision makers, public agencies, and community groups that are working to address systematic disparities in transportation access, including their root causes and outcomes.  Access the Transportation Disparities data/mapping tool here.

In this brief, CNK researchers analyze the trends, ownership patterns, and geographic distribution of single-family home (SFH) rentals in San Joaquin County and Stockton. The rise of SFH rentals since the foreclosure crisis (approximately from late 2007 to 2014) has been a major concern to many community groups in low-income neighborhoods because of the loss of the opportunity to homeownership and the inability for families to build wealth through home equity.Our analysis finds that there are both national and local large-scale corporate investors operating in San Joaquin County, but that a large majority of single-family rentals are owned by smaller entities, including mom-and-pop owners. Many single-family rentals are located in Stockton and in particular, South Stockton, which on average tend to be poorer and majority communities of color. Given the potential dangers, it is critical to diligently monitor foreclosures and the purchasers of distressed properties.

The COVID-19 pandemic has had enormous economic and social impacts. The pandemic also created social problems, particularly the rise of anti-Asian hate. Restaurants and shops in Chinatown were among the first to feel the effects, with owners witnessing a decline as early as February 2020. The origins of the pandemic and anti-Asian racism were very much centered around false beliefs that Chinese American businesses, particularly those in Chinatowns, were a source for the spread of the disease. Given continuing anti-Asian incidents, it is critically important that we have effective strategies and policies to ensure that Asian American businesses are safe places.This brief is organized into three parts: (1) Prevalence, Causes and Nature of Anti-Asian Racism; (2) Commonalities Among Impacted Asian American Businesses; and (3) Intersection with Personal and Family Anti-Asian Impacts. The brief also includes a preliminary analysis of findings from the ABA Pandemic Survey conducted by the Asian Business Association of Los Angeles, and the findings were published in collaboration with UCLA CNK and the UCLA Asian American Studies Center. A report with policy recommendations is forthcoming.

New research from UCLA Luskin collaborators finds that gas bill debt—unpaid bills for heating and cooking gas—is unevenly distributed among many Californians. The report, coauthored by the Center for Neighborhood Knowledge in partnership with the Latino Policy and Politics Initiative (LPPI) and the Luskin Center for Innovation, highlights the extent and consequences of this debt.The study reveals clear patterns of inequity: neighborhoods with high gas bill debt rates also have higher poverty rates, lower incomes, more renters than homeowners, and higher proportions of Black and Latinx residents than the average neighborhood served by SoCalGas.“When higher-income households stop using gas, lower-income households may be saddled with higher and higher gas costs,” said Dr. González. “It is essential to make electrification equitable, which means households don’t get left behind or stuck with increasingly unmanageable energy costs.”This study is the third and final in a series examining utility debt inequity during the COVID-19 pandemic. Previous policy briefs focused on unpaid utility bills among Los Angeles Department of Water and Power and Pacific Gas and Electric Company customers.

This report examines if and to what extent state-level transportation departments in four states incorporate race and equity considerations into transportation planning technical analyses and modeling practices, particularly for long-range transportation plans, and how such equity-infused practices can be improved. The research team examined relevant literature, reviewed statewide long-range transportation plans for California and three other states, consulted with other experts, and conducted interviews with scholars and knowledgeable agency staff and practitioners. The findings indicate widespread acknowledgement that racial disparities in transportation exist, and state agencies have expressed a strong commitment to redressing the inequalities. However, while there has been progress in creating analytical equity tools to assess transportation projects and programs, they lack standardization. There have also been few noticeable revisions to existing regional transportation planning models to incorporate equity, and the profession lags behind what is technically possible based on the work of academic researchers. Technical staff need better training in regard to equity issues and agencies should encourage greater collaboration between equity and analytical units to develop and improve frameworks to assess equity performance in plans, programs, and projects.

It is critically important that we have effective strategies and policies to ensure that Asian American businesses are able to thrive in the recovery era. To better understand how the pandemic affected Asian American businesses and their needs during the economic recovery, the Asian Business Association of Los Angeles surveyed businesses across the Southern California region. The survey collected information on business characteristics, owner characteristics, pandemic impacts, applying for and receiving assistance, and needs for recovery. This brief is a preliminary analysis of survey findings as of August 2021. A report with policy recommendations is forthcoming.

This Factsheet summarizes the findings from a comparison of population counts for Los Angeles County from the 2020 data for political redistricting (P.L. 94-171 Redistricting Data or PL94) and the 2015-19 American Community Survey (ACS). The Census Bureau conducts an enumeration of the population every decade and compiles the information to assist local officials to redraw political boundaries in response to population changes to ensure that electoral districts are equal in population size. While the goal for every decennial census is a complete and accurate count, it has never been perfect, both missing some individuals and double counting others.2 One serious problem with miscounting is a differential undercount, where the enumeration systematically undercounts some populations and overcounts other populations. That is, the inaccuracies are not proportionately the same across groups. This problem has profound implications within the redistricting process, essentially disenfranchising those missed by the census and undermining the “one person, one vote” principle. There are also economic consequences because governmental allocation formulas are based on population. Differential undercount is deeply embedded in and shaped by existing structures of inequality. It is, therefore, not surprising that historically low-income persons and people of color are disproportionately missed by the enumeration, thus disproportionately undercounted.

The COVID-19 pandemic has renewed concerns about social and structural factors related to health disparities, including those related to HIV. As a partial response to an urgent need to understand whether elevated risk of COVID-19 disease and mortality among persons living with HIV (PLWH) results from related risk behaviors, a higher burden of comorbidities, and/or social determinants of health, the Lens was created by the UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge in partnership with the Southern California HIV/AIDS Policy Research Center. The Lens: HIV Prevalence and COVID-19 Vulnerabilities data-mapping tool (Lens) can help decision-makers, community-based organizations and other stakeholders to access critical neighborhood-level information about the intersection of socio-economic and health vulnerabilities and HIV. The Lens portal also contains information on COVID-19 case rates for counties where such information is available. We hope this information helps guide overstretched public health and health systems in recasting, prioritizing, and improving HIV prevention and treatment services in the time of COVID. The authors thank the California Department of Public Health, Office of AIDS for their input. The authors also thank UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge staff and Chhandara Pech for their support. Lastly, we thank Joana Munoz for designing and laying out this report. Funding for this project was provided by the California HIV/AIDS Research Program.

This project examines commonalities and differences among disadvantaged neighborhoods in mobility and access to opportunities. Our approach is based on the concept of spatial-transportation mismatch (STM), which asserts that spatial distance and poor transportation resources and accessibility to employment, quality elementary schools, and health care. The study compares two regions in California, one highly urbanized (Los Angeles County) and one more agriculture-based (San Joaquin County). This allows us to compare disadvantaged neighborhoods with nondisadvantaged neighborhoods within each region, and to compare disadvantaged neighborhoods in one county versus another. The project uses policy-based definitions of disadvantaged neighborhoods and bivariate tabulations. The project's empirical findings are partially consistent with the existing literature: residents of disadvantaged neighborhoods suffer from some STM in multiple arenas, especially those in rural areas. The analysis also finds considerable heterogeneity in the magnitude of inaccessibility in the two regions. Residents in disadvantaged San Joaquin tend to fare worse. The diversity of outcomes at the neighborhood level points to the need to be flexible so programs and investments can address the diversity in transportation challenges and investment opportunities of disadvantaged communities.

In this brief, we study household utility debt burden as another measure of the economic pressure facing low-income neighborhoods, with an emphasis on the impacts on racial equity. We define utility debt burden in this brief as the share of households in arrears (i.e., with past-due utility bills) within a zip code. Our findings highlight the reproduction of racial and economic inequality during the pandemic. We use data from Pacific Gas and Electric Company (PG&E), an investor-owned utility that provides electricity and gas service to much of the population in Northern and Central California, about 40% of the state’s residents, to examine the prevalence and degree of residential past-due accounts and debt. Utility debt levels serve as a useful proxy to track households that are facing difficulties paying their rent or mortgage, because these two types of debt are likely to be highly correlated during economic crises.Overall, our focus on neighborhoods enables elected officials to understand how utility debt relief distribution impacts their constituents; encourages advocacy for an equitable distribution of utility debt relief that is on its way from the federal stimulus and state budget surplus aid; and informs thoughtful long-term solutions as we move into a phase of recovery.

This project examines commonalities and differences among disadvantaged neighborhoods in mobility and access to opportunities. Our approach is based on the concept of spatial-transportation mismatch (STM), which asserts that spatial distance and poor transportation are potential barriers to opportunities beyond one’s immediate location. The project analyzes variations in transportation resources and accessibility to employment, quality elementary schools, and health care. The study compares two regions in California, one highly urbanized (Los Angeles County) and one more agriculture based (San Joaquin County). This allows us to compare disadvantaged neighborhoods with non-disadvantaged neighborhoods within each region, and to compare disadvantaged neighborhoods in one county versus another. The project uses policy-based definitions of disadvantaged neighborhoods and bivariate tabulations. The project’s empirical findings are partially consistent with the existing literature: residents of disadvantaged neighborhoods suffer from some STM in multiple arenas, especially those in rural areas. The analysis also finds considerable heterogeneity in the magnitude of inaccessibility in the two regions. Residents in disadvantaged San Joaquin tend to fare worse. The diversity of outcomes at the neighborhood level points to the need to be flexible so programs and investments can address the diversity in transportation challenges and investment opportunities of disadvantaged communities.

The COVID-19 pandemic has had enormous economic impacts, including creating financial difficulties for many homeowners. While foreclosures have been lower during the public health crisis, primarily due to the current moratorium in place, many homeowners are still receiving pre-foreclosure notices with a disproportionate share going to disadvantaged communities. Many analysts and housing advocates fear that there will be a new wave of home losses once temporary protections.This brief outlines the development of an Owner Vulnerability Index (OVI) to assist public agencies and community organizations in implementing homeowner protection policies and any COVID-19 mortgage relief programs and to help identify those neighborhoods with the most at-risk homeowners. The OVI is a useful analytical and policy tool for identifying and prioritizing neighborhoods at higher risk of foreclosure to preserve homeownership and promote neighborhood stabilization.The project developed an interactive web map of the OVI for California. The web map is accessible at: https://arcg.is/1zTfnu This report was made possible by the generous support from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative and UCLA Ziman Center for Real Estate’s Rosalinde and Arthur Gilbert Program in Real Estate, Finance and Urban Economics.

Done in collaboration with the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Initiative, this report compares the overall Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) death and vaccination rates of Latinos and non-Hispanic whites (NH Whites) and describes the geographic pattern of these rates across neighborhoods in New York City (NYC). As the first major epicenter of the COVID-19 pandemic, NYC is an important case study. During the initial three months of the pandemic, there were 203,000 confirmed cases with a crude fatality rate of 9.2 percent overall and 32.1 percent among those hospitalized. NYC is home to 2.6 percent of the nation’s population, but 5.7 percent of the nation’s COVID-related deaths occurred there.The available data on the pandemic reveal that Latinos were disproportionately impacted by COVID-19 infections, hospitalization, and deaths. Given this disparity, prioritizing this population for vaccination is critically important. The effort should focus on immunizing individuals in predominantly Latino neighborhoods to lower contagion risk, given that elevated risks are associated with both individual and neighborhood characteristics. To assess whether vaccines are adequately reaching this population, we analyze available data to compare outcomes for Latinos and NH Whites (see Appendix on the pdf of the report for a more detailed discussion on specific data and methods).

This brief quantifies COVID-19 death and vaccination disparities between Latinos and whites in NYC and provides a spatial-racial analysis of disparities.

A new report authored by the UCLA Luskin Center for Innovation and Center for Neighborhood Knowledge measures the extent of utility debt accumulation among customers served by the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power.    Disparities in unpaid bills predate COVID-19 but have deepened since the pandemic’s outbreak. Using data from a November 2020 California State Water Resources Control Board survey, the researchers found one-quarter to one-third of all Los Angeles households faced financial difficulties paying for their utilities.    “We didn’t expect the magnitude to be this big,” said Silvia R. González, co-author of the study and a senior researcher at the Luskin Center for Innovation. “For many families, this means choosing between keeping their lights on or skipping meals or medical treatment.”   The debt burden is unevenly distributed across Los Angeles — 64% of the population in severely affected neighborhoods are Latino. Black communities also face disproportionate debt, and racial disparities persist even after accounting for socioeconomic characteristics. Further, the study found that lower-income neighborhoods, residents with limited English proficiency and renters face unequal debt burdens.  Early on in the pandemic, Governor Newsom suspended water and energy utility shut-offs, which has provided continued utility access for households in California. But accumulating debt has not been forgiven, and this crisis will need to be resolved once the suspension is lifted.    Researchers said they hope to guide policymakers and utility operators in formulating targeted debt-relief programs, and calls for financial support from COVID-19-related aid to ensure that vulnerable Angelenos will still have access to water and energy after the pandemic.     “We need an equitable relief plan,” said González. “These communities are already historically underserved areas and they’ve been left behind more broadly during the pandemic. These debts will be impossible for many families to repay.”

This article reports the outcome of a project to develop and assess a predictive model of vulnerability indicators for COVID-19 infection in Los Angeles County. Multiple data sources were used to construct four indicators for zip code tabulation areas: (1) pre-existing health condition, (2) barriers to accessing health care, (3) built environment risk, and (4) the CDC's social vulnerability. The assessment of the indicators finds that the most vulnerable neighborhoods are characterized by significant clustering of racial minorities. An overwhelming 73% of Blacks reside in the neighborhoods with the two highest levels of pre-existing health conditions. For the barriers to accessing health care indicator, 40% of Latinx reside in the highest vulnerability places. The built environment indicator finds that selected Asian ethnic groups (63%), Latinx (55%), and Blacks (53%) reside in the neighborhoods designated as high or the highest vulnerability. The social vulnerability indicator finds 42% of Blacks and Latinx and 38% of selected Asian ethnic group residing in neighborhoods of high vulnerability. The vulnerability indicators can be adopted nationally to respond to COVID-19. The metrics can be utilized in data-driven decision making of re-openings or resource distribution such as testing, vaccine distribution and other pandemic-related resources to ensure equity for the most vulnerable.

National CAPACD, in partnership with the UCLA Asian American Studies Center and UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge, jointly announce the release of Crisis to Impact: Reflecting on a Decade of Housing Counseling Services in Asian American and Pacific Islander Communities. The research examines the state of housing for low-income AAPIs since the Great Recession and offers valuable insights on housing counseling services that can mitigate the anticipated wave of displacement of low-income communities of color from their homes as a result of the current economic crisis.Findings from the report show that pre-pandemic, one in four AAPIs paid more than half of their income towards housing costs compared to whites (16 percent), placing many on the edge of financial vulnerability. Asian and NHOPI borrowers within the study area (seven metropolitan statistical areas that comprise one-third of the nation’s total AAPI population) were also more likely than whites to take out mortgages that cost four to five times more than their household incomes. These startling statistics illustrate the extent to which AAPI households are severely cost burdened as a result of living in some of the nation’s most expensive housing markets. The current economic crisis will only exacerbate the financial challenges faced by these severely cost burdened households, 54% of whom are limited English proficient and who have limited access to culturally and linguistically relevant services.

This research brief by CNK in partnership with the National Housing Services of Los Angeles County summarizes the current state of Black homeownership in Los Angeles County and highlights some of the challenges currently brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic. Homeownership is a critical issue because it remains a primary source of asset accumulation, and past studies have shown an enormous gap between African Americans and whites.The report’s preliminary analysis of pre-foreclosure notices during the pandemic indicates that the communities hardest hit by the last foreclosure crisis are in large part the very same communities now at risk of another foreclosure crisis generated by the pandemic. The findings show that Black neighborhoods are among those most at risk, as indicated by the disproportionate number of pre-foreclosure notices in their neighborhoods.The report calls for policies and strategies to grow and protect Black homeownership. This will require addressing the harm done over the last year from the disproportionate impacts on marginalized communities in particular during the time of COVID. Furthermore, any post-pandemic recovery plan must not only keep families in the home by helping those behind in their mortgage but must also address historical and structural barriers that the Black community has faced when struggling to build wealth.

The necessary lockdowns to reduce the spread of COVID-19, along with the ensuing reduction in consumer demand, have created huge economic challenges for small businesses, especially those owned by Latino or Black business owners. To prevent a massive wave of layoffs and small business closures, the U.S. Congress passed the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act, which included over $600 billion for the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP).In this brief, done in collaboration with UCLA Latino Policy & Politics Initiative, we study the distribution of PPP loans across California’s 53 congressional districts, with an emphasis on the impacts of the distribution of funds on racial equity. We provide findings for three analyses. First, we study the baseline economy in each congressional district to understand any pre-existing inequities in terms of jobs and payroll provided by small businesses. Second, we analyze the ethnoracial composition and socioeconomic status of the congressional districts, grouped by level of PPP support. This allows us to compare the pre-pandemic differences in the economic dynamism of congressional districts with different racial or ethnic compositions. Third, we evaluate PPP’s effectiveness in terms of retaining jobs and maintaining payroll to determine the extent to which the program supported congressional districts with different racial or ethnic compositions.

This report analyzes inequities in the distribution of loans from the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) across neighborhoods with different racial or ethnic makeups in California.

Place-based vulnerability indices are valuable analytical tools that policy makers could use to prioritize the most-at-risk neighborhoods for interventions, including the distribution of COVID-19 vaccines. The indicators, nonetheless, may not be appropriate for many at-risk populations, particularly smaller groups that tend to be less geographically concentrated.To better understand the limitations of four vulnerability indicators, out new brief assesses their relative ability to include American Indians, Pacific Islanders and select Asian American ethnic subgroups (Cambodians, Filipinos and Koreans). These groups have factors that potentially place them at greater risk from the pandemic because of their jobs, low socioeconomic status and poor living conditions.  Despite these heightened risks, many members of these groups do not reside in neighborhoods designated as being highly vulnerable places by the indicators. The indicators perform relatively better for American Indians and Cambodians.

This report by UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge, UCLA Center for Health Policy Research, and Ong & Associates assesses four vulnerability indicators that are being used by public agencies as policy tools to select the most vulnerable neighborhoods for interventions. These indicators can play a role in prioritizing the provision of pandemic resources and services; consequently, they have implications for how many people of color and minority neighborhoods are served.This study compares three pre-pandemic indicators and a more recently developed indicator based on pre-existing health conditions. The analysis focuses on the numbers of people of color residing in designated high-vulnerability neighborhoods, and the relative number of minority neighborhoods that fall into the high-vulnerability areas. Race/ethnicity is important because people of color encounter multiple dimensions of inequality that are only partially reflected in the indicators.The findings show noticeable differences in the groups and places designated as being vulnerable, thus the choice of which indicator to use has highly consequential implications in terms of who is served and who is not along racial lines.

This report analyzes inequities in the distribution of loans from the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) across neighborhoods with different racial or ethnic makeups in California.

In a collaborative report with the UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Initiative (LPPI), CNK and LPPI researchers find that businesses in California’s communities of color are being left behind because they are receiving far less from the $600 billion in loans through the Paycheck Protection Program. The Paycheck Protection Program was established as part of the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES Act) to help certain businesses continue paying their workers.The new report explicates how the lack of federal support will likely widen economic inequality in communities of color, which already had fewer small businesses and jobs than majority-white neighborhoods. The analysis uses data from the Small Business Administration, the Census Bureau’s ZIP Code Business Patterns Dataset and the American Community Survey.The researchers write that future federal pandemic relief efforts should earmark a percentage of funds to directly benefit businesses in disadvantaged communities, which the report finds generally have higher concentrations of residents of color.

With many schools closed and students working remotely amid the COVID-19 pandemic, this report by CNK indicates improved access to computers and the internet during the Fall school term, but confirms a continuing and persistent digital divide, especially for Black, Hispanic and low -income students.Using data from the U.S. Census Household Pulse Survey, the research shows the rate of limited digital access for households fell from a high of 42 percent amid the panic and chaos of the closure of schools last Spring to about 31 percent this fall.  However, the data also shows that since mid-October the rate of inaccessibility has increased slowly but unmistakably. The researchers are concerned that the divide may worsen amid a surge in COVID-19 infections and resulting restrictions.

To help slow the spread of COVID-19 and save lives, UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge and UCLA BRITE Center for Science, Research, and Policy developed vulnerability indicators aimed at identifying which neighborhoods in California are at most risk of becoming impacted by COVID-19 infections. The map includes four important indicators known to significantly increase a person’s medical vulnerability to COVID-19 infection: 1) pre-existing health conditions, 2) barriers to accessing services, 3) built-environment risk and 4) social vulnerability.

THIS CNK report examines the inequalities in access to remote work during the COVID-19 pandemic.The analysis uses data from the U.S. Census Household Pulse Survey (HPS) Phase 2 from August 19th to October 26th, when questions were added covering access to remote work, to assess the effects of remote work on employment status and the distribution of access to remote work across racial, income, and other systematic disparities.Remote work is one aspect of the digital divide, which predates the current public-health crisis, but the findings show that the pandemic is amplifying the disparities along race and class lines. Telecommuting, which was once a relatively rare phenomenon, has become a major factor in moderating the economic impacts of novel coronavirus, such that these race and class discrepancies now have life-threatening consequences.

To help slow the spread of COVID-19 and save lives, UCLA public health and urban planning experts have developed a predictive model that pinpoints which populations in which neighborhoods of Los Angeles County are most at risk of becoming infected.The researchers hope the new model, which can be applied to other counties and jurisdictions as well, will assist decision makers, public health officials and scientists in effectively and equitably implementing vaccine distribution, testing, closures and reopenings, and other virus-mitigation measures.The model maps Los Angeles County neighborhood by neighborhood, based on four important indicators known to significantly increase a person’s medical vulnerability to COVID-19 infection — preexisting medical conditions, barriers to accessing health care, built-environment characteristics and socioeconomic challenges.The research data demonstrate that neighborhoods characterized by significant clustering of racial and ethnic minorities, low-income households and unmet medical needs are most vulnerable to COVID-19 infection, specifically areas in and around South Los Angeles and the eastern portion of the San Fernando Valley. Communities along the coast and in the northwestern part of the county, which are disproportionately white and higher-income, were found to be the least vulnerable.

This CNK report focuses on how the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated preexisting food insecurity issues and inequalities. Although other research studies have documented an initial increase in food security during the pandemic, the researchers here (Tom Larson, Paul M. Ong, Don Mar, and James H. Peoples Jr.) found a continuing rise in food insecurity.The study analyzed data from the US Census Household Pulse Survey (HPS) covering 13 weeks from April 23rd to July 21st to assess patterns of inequality and systemic disparities brought on by the pandemic. The results affirm how the impacts are disproportionate among children, African American, and Latinx populations, while also affecting White middle-class families, and offering policy solutions and strategies to address this growing food insecurity crisis.