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This article presents a brief historical review of anthropology in Korea. In the formative stage, two major movements are considered: anthropology that was introduced under Japanese rule (1910–1945) in the form of colonial ethnology, and modern anthropology that was imported directly from the West after the Liberation (1945). Then, recent trends are examined, with particular reference to anthropological knowledge in the context of the Korean local community, of East Asia as a region, and of the global anthropology market. The article particularly emphasizes that anthropologists on the periphery such as in Korea are faced with a dilemma between the need to globalize their academic results and also to produce locally relevant knowledge, indicating the existence of disparity between the global and the local. The article calls for a serious re-consideration of the power issue involved in the ways by which anthropological questions are conceptualized and formulated.

This paper examines the dynamics involved in the use of local culture in contemporary Korea, with specific reference to the case of Hahoe village in southeast Korea. I identify three different ideological stages in the production of Hahoe culture. In the 1970s, the village was recreated as a hometown of Confucian tradition and began to earn nationwide recognition. In the 1980s, the Hahoe Mask Dance Drama was reconstructed as a symbol of anti-establishment movements in Korea, attracting many dissidents and students to the village. Since the early 1990s, Hahoe has begun to be rapidly transformed into a national tourist resort, a process that has witnessed an overall commodification of the local culture, with no distinct ideological orientation. The paper notes in particular how the villagers, the real carriers of Hahoe cultural heritage, have been responding to the external appropriation and manipulation of Hahoe culture in their attempt to reclaim their cultural ownership.

Introduction: The Culture of Travel (tabi no bunka) and Japanese Tourism Sylvie Guichard-Anguis Part 1: Travelling History in the Present 1. The Past and the Other in the Present: Kokunai Kokusaika Kanko- Domestic International Tourism Nelson Graburn 2. The Heroic Edo-ic: Travelling the History Highway in Today's Tokugawa Japan Millie Creighton 3. Japanese Inns (Ryokan) as Producers of Japanese Identity Sylvie Guichard-Anguis Part 2: Travel in Tradition, Time and Fantasy 4. Meanings of Tradition in Contemporary Japanese Domestic Tourism Markus Oedewald 5. Fantasy Travel in Time and Space: A New Japanese Phenomenon? Joy Hendry Part 3: Travelling the Familiar Overseas 6. Japanese Tourists in Korea: Colonial and Postcolonial Encounters Okpyo Moon 7. The Japanese Encounter with the South: Japanese Tourists in Palau Shinji Yamashita 8. The Search For The Real Thing - Japanese Tourism to Britain Bronwen Surman 9. All Roads Lead to Home: Japanese Culinary Tourism in Italy Merry I. White

Rural deterioration is a global phenomenon faced by almost all industrializing and urbanizing societies in the world. In Japan, it is indicated by the fact that the rural population that occupied well over 70 per cent of the total population in the 1920s has decreased to just over 20 per cent in the early 1990s. Similarly, the proportion of those engaged in the primary industries (agriculture, fishery and forestry) has decreased from 19.9 per cent of the total population in 1955 to 2.1 per cent in 1993. The problem of the rural population drain and the consequent economic decline was so seriously felt that the Japanese government issued a special law concerning underpopulated areas in 1970. This introduced various measures to improve rural conditions, such as a redistribution of industrial centres, the introduction of special tax concessions and other financial subsidies. Through these measures, it was hoped to create more job opportunities, to raise the overall welfare level and thereby to reverse, or at least to slow down, population flow from rural to urban areas. Despite these efforts, however, the population flow from rural to urban areas has continued and the number of villages and towns (machi/mura) officially designated as ‘underpopulated areas’ (kasochiiki ) and therefore believed to need special protection, reached 1151 in 1980, nearly 40 per cent of the number of all such units in Japan (Kawamata 1985: 21). Moreover, the fact that most emigrants from rural areas were young and economically active aggravated the problem of population ageing. For instance, while the national average of the proportion of those aged 65 or over was about 12 per cent in 1990, in rural areas, it is often over one third of the whole population.